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/^N whichever side we elect to stand in regard to the 
^^ controversies of the seventeenth century, we must feel, 
I think, that the men who took part in them were sincere. 
Theological definitions and dogmatic refinements which have 
now for most only an academic interest, were to them matters 
of life and death. Questions of Church Government, long ago 
settled, or at any rate indefinitely postponed, loomed so large 
in the eyes of the men of that time, that they Became a chief 
element in the storm which was soon to overwhelm for a 
while both throne and Church; and the stem reality of the 
struggle does something to excuse the violent tone of much 
of the controversial writing of the day. The subject of these 
memoirs lived to see the storm begin in Scotland though not 
its final outburst in England : he was a witness of the evils 
in their acutest form which caused Ireland to be the scene 
of an outbreak that did much to precipitate the upheaval 
in England. Through all his life he had been busily engaged 
in trying to find a means of reconciling contending views in 
Theology. His standpoint was that of the Student and 
Scholar, always hoping against hope that some solution might 
be found which would satisfy all reasonable men. But there 
comes a period in controversy when reason and compromise 
cease _to be of avail. Thus it happened that before he had 
been many months in his grave all the laborious arguments 

viii PREFACE. 

and suggestions of Bedell were out of date. Inter arma silet 
ratio. Still they have an historical interest : nor can it ever 
be too late to admire learning and devotion to truth, particu- 
larly when, as in Bedell's case, they are joined with courage 
and charity. He exercised a singular fascination over those 
with whom he came in contact. 'This is the man' — says Sir 
H. Wotton — 'whom Padre Paulo took, I may say, into his 
very soul, with whom he did communicate" the inwardest 
thoughts of his heart, from whom he professed to have re- 
ceived more knowledge in all Divinity, both scholastical and 
positive, than from any that he had ever practised in his days.' 
And though till within a few months of his death he was not 
brought into any circumstances of striking difficulty to test 
his character, yet he was for many years in positions which 
gave him the opportunity of shewing his sterling qualities, 
and of sufficient importance to make it worth our while to 
learn what maimer of man he was. 

October 1902 



Introduction xi — sx 

Life and Death of William Bedell, by his Son . 1 — 75 

Speculum Episoopobum, Life and Death of Bedell, 

BY A. Clogie 78—213 

Letters op Bedell 214 — 370 

On the Efficiency of Grace, by W. Bedell . . 371 — 396 

Notes 397—399 

Index . . ' . .... . 400—410 

n 5 


Of the two Lives of Bedell here presented to the reader the 
first is from the pen of the Bishop's son, William Bedell. It 
has already been published by Professor Mayor (1871), and has 
also been admirably edited by Thomas Wharton Jones, F.R.S., 
for the Camden Society (1872). The second is by the Rev. 
Alexander Clogie, married to Leah Mawe, a step-daughter of 
the Bishop, whose chaplain he became in 1629, and with whom 
he remained until Bedell's death at Loughoughter (7 Feb. 1642). 
He was afterwards Rector of Wigmore, in Herefordshire, and 
supplied Bishop Burnet with the materials for his life of 
Bedells The biography itself, however, was not published till 
1862 by W. Walter Wilkins, under the title of "Memoirs of the 
Life and Episcopate of W. Bedell." Two written copies of this 
exist, in the Bodleian Library, and the Harleian MSS in the 
British Museum. The text here given is that of the Tanner 
MSS, and Professor Mayor, who prepared it for the press, has 
subjoined the variations found in the text of the Harleian MS. 

To th«se biographies are now subjoined a number of the 
Bishop's letters, preserved in various places, and copies of 
which Professor Mayor had caused to be taken, as well as a 
treatise " On the Efficiency of Grace " addressed to Dr John 
Richardson, Dean of Derry. Professor Mayor had intended to 
see this book through the press and to add notes and explana- 
tions. Prevented by numerous more important engagements 
from fulfilling his intention he handed over the materials 
collected to the Master and Fellows of Bedell's old College, 
Emmanuel, who honoured me with the request that I would 
carry out Professor Mayor's intention. This task, undertaken 
perhaps too rashly, is at length completed : and the reader 

' For an account of Clogie see Jones, pp. 211 — 220, who prints a letter to 
Arohbisliop Bancroft, sending him a copy of the Life and other papers of Bedell 
dated 9 June, 1679. 


has in this volume not only the text of the two biographies of 
Bedell, but such a collection of his correspondence as may- 
serve to illustrate his character, as well as to throw light on 
some interesting points of history and on some of the religious 
controversies which agitated the minds of theologians of the 
seventeenth century. 

William Bedell (1571—1642) came of yeoman stock and 
was born at Black Notley, in Essex. His father and grand- 
father were both strongly religious and more or less Puritan. 
He naturally therefore was sent to the new foundation of 
Emmanuel, which Sir Walter Mildmay had intended to be 
the nursing place for Protestant divines. He was entered in 
the very iirst year of the foundation of that College (1581), 
and though a mere boy seems quickly to have gained repu- 
tation for piety, industry, and learning. He went through 
the regular University Course ; was elected a Scholar of his 
College in March 1585, proceeded B.A. and M.A. (1588, 1592) 
and was elected a Fellow in the next year (1593). In College 
he was ' Catechetical Lecturer,' and, as appears from the College 
accounts, acted for a time as Bursar. The Fellows of Em- 
manuel could not continue at that time beyond the standing 
of D.D., and in 1602 Bedell accepted the living of St Mary's, 
Bury St Edmunds. 

So far Bedell had only followed the usual course, and though 
he had a high reputation in Cambridge for his accomplishments, 
not only in Divinity, but also in Oriental languages, Hebrew, 
Syriac, and Arabic, he was little known elsewhere. But he 
was destined to occupy three positions which brought him into 
close connexion with events of more than local interest, and 
which at times put his character to a severe test. I think the 
general verdict will be that he came out of the ordeal with 
honour. In the ecclesiastical affairs which he had to manage 
he was scarcely ever free from controversy and often engaged in 
downright litigation. But in every instance it is clear that he 
was on the side of equity and honesty, and was fighting against 
corruption and oppression. This will appear most strongly 
in his episcopal government in Ireland, but it was the same 
in his resistance to the extortionate officers of the Bishop of 
Norwich, to the encroachments upon Church property at 


Horningsheath, and to the maladministration of the property 
of Trinity College, Dublin. 

Throughout these scenes of business and struggle there is 
another side of his character always in view. He was deeply 
interested in those theological problems which specially oc- 
cupied the thoughts of the Elizabethan and Jacobean divines. 
Freewill and the Efficiency of Grace, the part that each man 
played iu his own ' conversion,^ the eternal- paradox in fact of 
Moral and Spiritual responsibility, continually employed his 
thoughts and his pen. That he did not solve the insoluble 
will doubtless be allowed; but the spirit in which he ap- 
proached these problems and the charity with which he treated 
opponents — all too rare in all religious controversy, but notably 
so in the I7th century — will not fail to strike the reader. The 
difference of his spirit in this respect is manifested in a volume 
of letters, etc. to Wadsworth, the English clergyman, who going 
to Spain as chaplain to the English ambassador was converted 
to the Roman Faith. A comparison between the tone of his 
letters and those of Joseph Hall will serve to bring out this 
amiable side of his character. 

Nevertheless he was a sturdy champion of the Anglican 
position, and eagerly seized any chance which seemed to present 
itself of detaching individuals or communities from allegiance 
to Rome. This is illustrated by the first stirring event in his 
life. In 1607 he was invited to fill up a vacancy among the 
Chaplains of Sir Henry Wotton, then ambassador at Venice. 
The offer was particularly attractive to a man of his views, for 
at that time there seemed every chance that the Republic of 
Venice would break away from communion with Rome. The 
relations between the Republic and the Holy See had long 
been strained by quarrels as to ecclesiastical claims, and by 
controversies arising fi-om territorial, fiscal, or other subjects 
of dispute. In 1605 Paul V. (Camillo Borghese) became Pope, 
whose ideas as to the illimitable nature of Papal prerogatives 
were as great as those of Hildebrand himself; and it was not 
long before the policy of the Republic provoked his active 
hostility. Edicts forbidding the erection of new churches in 
Venice without license from the Government, and prohibiting 
fresh endowments of ecclesiastical establishments, had recently 


been promulgated. They were, like our own mortmain Acts, 
the necessary means of preventing the occupation of such a 
limited site as that of Venice by buildings dedicated to a 
particular purpose, especially such as claimed exemption from 
ordinary fiscal burdens. The Edicts however were naturally 
offensive to the Roman court, and presently a new offence was 
caused by the arrest and imprisonment of two clerics, notoriously 
guilty of atrociousv crimes. The Pope demanded their release 
and submission to his own jurisdiction. And when the Vene- 
tian Senate refused — under the leadership of a new and able 
Doge, Leonardo Donate, — the Pope promulgated a Bull of 
Interdict (17 April, 1606). 

The Senate met this violent proceeding with calmness but 
energy. They recalled their ambassador from Rome ; ordered 
their clergy to surrender with seals unbroken all despatches 
sent them from the Vatican ; proclaimed it to be the duty 
of good citizens to give up all copies of the Bull ; and issued 
a protest declaring the Interdict to be null and void, and for- 
bidding ecclesiastics to obey it. The Doge also told the Papal 
Nuncio that the Republic might perhaps follow the example 
of some other states and withdraw from all connexion with 
the Holy See. The Venetian Government was encouraged in 
its resistance by the ambassadors of other countries, such as 
France and Tuscany, and most of the clergy in Venice elected 
to stand by their own state. The Jesuits attempted a com- 
promise, by .offering to perform all services except the Mass, 
and their example was followed by the Capucins. These two 
orders were consequently expelled from Venice, and their pro- 
perty was confiscated. The controversy went on for many 
months, with threats on the part of the Pope to denounce 
the Doge to the Inquisition, with stout retorts on the part 
of the Venetian Government, with the usual storm of pamphlets 
from controversialists on either side, the leading divine against 
the Republic being Bellarmine ; for it Fra Paolo Sarpi, the cele- 
brated historian of the Council of Trent. The Pope, encouraged 
by promises from Spain, even contemplated an armed invasion 
of Venetian territory. But eventually France interposed, and 
an ambassador extraordinary (Cardinal de Joyeuse) arrived with 
full powers to heal the breach. On the 21st of April, 1607, 


a curious compromise was arranged. The two ecclesiastical 
prisoners were given up to de Joyeuse, who transferred them to 
the Papal nuncio, who in his turn committed them to the Vene- 
tian Ten. The amour propre of both sides being thus saved, 
the Interdict was declared to be removed and the Cardinal cele- 
brated Mass. The Venetian Government had practically gained 
everything and were inclined to avoid further controversy. 
The hopes therefore entertained by the Protestants in England 
of seeing a great defection from Rome were at an end before 
Bedell arrived in Venice. But the movement towards Pro- 
testantism had affected individuals, and Bedell was able to 
make or confirm certain converts, as Despotine, who accom- 
panied him back to England, and some others. He also became 
intimate with Sarpi, whose history of the Interdict (as well 
as part of his history of the Council of Trent and another 
pamphlet) he translated into Latin, and he was in Venice 
when the attempt upon Sarpi's life took place. His letters here 
printed will shew the interest which he took in what he hoped 
was a reform movement in Venice, and the zeal with which he 
pushed on the Italian translation of the English Prayer Book. 

Bedell returned to England in 1610, and for the next sixteen 
years continued the life of a country clergyman of the more 
learned and accomplished kind, adding to his parochial duties 
various literary work, translations from Paolo, controversy with 
Waddesworth, doctrinal discussions and . correspondence with 
his friend Ward, Master of Sidney. These years also saw his 
raamage with the widow Mrs Leah Mawe, the birth of his 
children and his own change from St Mary's, Bury St Edmunds 
— which he found too large for his rather feeble voice — to the 
country parish of Horningsheath (1616), as well as his service 
in Convocation in 1623. Of his connexion with Horningsheath 
the following -details were given some years ago by Lord Arthur 
Hervey, at that time rector. 

" The correct name of the parish is great Horningsworth. But Little 
Hormw«worth has been consolidated with it since 1528. The two parishes 
are now commonly called as one, ' Horringer.' There has only been one 
Church and one Glebe House for two or three hundred years past, I believe. 
Horringer is now consolidated with Ickworth. The Church and perhaps 
the Parsonage are the same as in Bedell's time, but the Church is much 


" The Registers of Baptisms, Burials, and Marriages during the time of 
Bedell's residence at Horringer are all written in his handwriting, in 
a beautiful, clear and firm character. The Register is kept with the utmost 
neatness and regularity and he seems to have been never absent. The 
second entry of burials in his handwriting is that of his distinguished 
predecessor Thomas Rogers, buried the two and twentieth day of February 
1615 (1616 N. 8.). 

" All the preceding registers in the book from the beginning are in 
Rogers' handwriting, beginning with 1558, and the title in the same hand, 
written at the head, writes the name of the parish Horningslier, alias 
Horningsheath Magna. 

"Though my family were not at that time patrons of Horringer, it 
so happens that the then owner of Ickworth, Sir William Hervey, Knt., had 
for his first wife Susan, daughter of Sir Robert and sister of Sir Thomas 
Jermyn, Bedell's patron. But there are no letters or other memorials 
of the intercourse that must probably have existed between Ickworth 
and Horringer. The principal parishioners of Horringer at the time were 
the Lucas's of Horsecroft (a hamlet in Great Horringer) and the Blayges of 
Little HoiTinger Hall, a family that intermarried with the Jermyns, and 
one of whom was well known somewhat later as Mrs Godolphin, whose life 
was written by Evelyn, and edited by the present Bishop of Oxford. 
Possibly Bedell's preaching at Horringer may have sown the seeds of piety 
in the Blayge family, I see many entries in the Register of the Blagge 
family in Bedell's handwriting. 

" Of Bedell's family I notice among the burials ' 1624 Grace the 
daughter of William Bedell the five and twentieth of April' ; — and among 
the baptisms '1618 (1619) Ambrose' Bedell the sonne of William Bedell 
the one and twentieth of March'." 

A great change came upon his life in 1627, when on the 
recommendation of Archbishop Ussher he was nominated 
by the Crown to succeed Sir William Temple as Provost of 
Trinity College, Dublin. The Senior Fellows had elected one 
man, and the Juniors another, and therefore although the 
nomination of the Crown was accepted, and his formal election 
took place on the 16th August (1627), he came to a college in 
which there had been considerable contest and division of 
opinion. He found moreover that the discipline was much 
relaxed, the revenues ill maintained and ill applied, and the 
Fellows far from careful in performing their duties. He was 
only Provost for two years, but in that time he appears to 
have instituted many reforms. He drew up with his own hand 
a copy of the Statutes (until then imperfectly kept on loose 

1 " Qusere so named from Ambrose Blagye, Esqr." 


papers and often ignored), still preserved in the Library, he 
reformed the services in chapel and the system of lectures, 
and above all he insisted on instruction in Irish, especially for 
those who proposed to be clergymen, and set on foot or en- 
couraged the scheme for the translation of the Bible and 
Prayer Book into Irish*. But his tenure of the Provostship 
was quickly brought to an end by his nomination to the united 
Bishoprics of Kilmore and Ardagh, to which he was consecrated 
on the 13th September, 1629. About three years later he 
resigned Ardagh, and thenceforth remained Bishop of Kilmore. 
The difficulties which awaited him in his pastoral office are 
fully illustrated in his letters here given to the reader. He 
found himself Bishop only of an insignificant minority, for the 
bulk of the inhabitants of his diocese were Roman Catholics 
who rejected all spiritual authority on his part. Some overtures* 
which he made towards a friendly understanding with the 
Catholic authorities seem to have been repulsed, -and his 
scheme of converting the Irish by means of ministers who 
spoke Irish did not have any appreciable success. But even 
worse than this was the state of the Church in which he was 
called to govern. Pluralism, non-residence, and the most 
shameless nepotism were rampant, and even the Bishops fre- 
quently impoverished their successors by granting long leases 
of ecclesiastical properties to wives, sons, or other near relatives. 
In fact, ecclesiastical property was looked upon as spoil for the 

^, The difficulties which Bedell found confronting him at Trinity College are 
illustrated in Mr Dixon's History of Trinity College, p. 33 : " The management 
of the College estates was utterly unregulated — ' all this is nothing to the trouble 
about suits of land which none of the House knows what they are' — ^proper 
collegiate discipline had long been disregarded, the Fellows engaged in private 
quarrels to the neglect of their duties, the observances of religion had been 
disregarded for years, the very statutes existed only as a bundle of loose papers, 
' part English, part Latin, all out of order.' The new Provost's first care was for 
the spiritual welfare of his charge. His diary records — 

" All the Fellows and Masters absent from prayers (being Sunday) the Dean 
bidden to look to his duty. 

"Mr Travers for omitting- his common place the second time appointed, 
punished 13s. 

" Mr Tho. for omitting prayer reading, 5s. 

" The Communion, discontinued for some years, was again regularly ad- 
ministered in,the College Chapel, and an arrangement for catechising the' 
Scholars after dinner on Sunday was established." 


conquering race, to which certain duties were attached that 
might or might not be performed, but could at any rate be 
safely neglected. Bedell's own words (p. 332) are a sufficiently 
strong commentary on the history of the Protestant Church in 
Ireland and the best justification of its fall. It is true of 
course that there was a period in English Church history 
when a state of things prevailed almost as bad, but in Ireland 
it was aggravated by the fact that it was an establishment 
entirely alien to the people, to which they never gave any 
allegiance, and the property of which they regarded as right- 
fully belonging to the Church to which they were for good or 
evil devotedly attached and loyal. Bedell says in a letter to 
Ward (1633) in regard to his resignation of Ardagh: 

" And to tell you the whole truth, I was loth myne owne 
example should serve for a pretext to the detestable practice 
of many of our own nation, who have gotten 4, 5, 6 or 8 
benefices apiece and commonly vicarages; and which is yet 
worse maintaine no Curates, unlesse it be sometimes one for 
2 or 3 livings, by meanes wherof the popish Clergy is double 
to us in number, and having the advantage of the toung, of 
the love of the people, of our extortions upon them, of the very 
inborne hatred of subdued people to their conquerors, they 
hold them still in blindness and superstition, ourselves being 
the cheefest impediments of the worke that we pretend to set 

The "extortions upon them" to which Bedell here refers 
are those of the Ecclesiastical Courts. His attempt to mitigate 
these drove him into violent hostility with his Chancellor, 
Mr Alan Cooke, of which much is to be found in his letters. 
His application to Laud for support brought him letters from 
the Archbishop expressing considerable sympathy, but practi- 
cally telling him that there was no remedy, and counselling at 
any rate caution and gentle methods. One of the counts 
against Laud in his subsequent impeachment was that, though 
warned by Bedell of the state of things in Ireland, he had done 
nothing to prevent the growth of Popery. It is difficult to 
see what he could have done. Bedell's own exertions met with 
very qualified success, and he fell under Strafford's frown for 
having signed a petition as to the increase of the army 


which the Lord Deputy was demanding. Nevertheless Bedell 
struggled on against these various abuses, and if he found 
coldness or even disapproval from Ussher and other colleagues, 
he at least impressed his Catholic neighbours with the con- 
viction of his righteousness and honesty. When the Irish 
rebellion broke out, amidst the violences from which many 
suffered around him he was for a long time left unmolested, 
and was able to offer an asylum in his palace to many English- 
men wjio were flying for their lives. When many of his brother 
Bishops sought safety in a rapid retirement to England, he 
remained at his post. And though after a time he was obliged 
to leave his house, and was with his family and establishment 
confined in Loughoughter Castle, he was soon released, and it 
was at the house of one of his own clergy, Dennis Sheridan, 
at Drumlor, that he fell a victim to the fever which no doubt 
was engendered by the crowds of terrified Protestants who had 
taken refuge under the same roof (7 Feb. 164^). His own 
episcopal house had been taken possession of by the Catholic 
Bishop, and his library dispersed, but he managed by Sheridan's 
help to rescue the MS Hebrew Bible which he had brought 
from Venice, and which is now safely deposited in the Library 
of Emmanuel College. 

His life had been one of almost ceaseless activity and indeed 
of controversy ; but he had made no enemies notwithstanding. 
Protestant and Catholic agreed in holding him in respect ; and 
those who came into conflict with him on questions of divinity, 
though in an age to which such disputes were too vital to be 
lightly regarded, seemed to have learnt something of his own 
charity, indulgence, and courtesy. There is no doubt that he 
was an industrious man, in spite of his own declaration to the 
contrary, but he studied too much and engaged too eagerly in 
the controversies which his official duties brought upon him, to 
produce much as the fruit of his labours. The following list 
includes all or nearly all that he published or that was published 
from his MS after his death. 

(1) The Shepherd's Tale of the Powder Plot, dedicated to 
the King, with introductory verses by Joseph Hall (first printed, 
London, 1713). 

(2) A translation into Latin from the Italian of the two 


last books of Father Paolo's History of the Council of Trent 
(1620). The first six books were translated by Adam Newton. 

(3) A translation into Latin from the Italian of Father 
Paolo's History of the Venetian Interdict. Cambr. 1626. 

(4) Copies of certain letters which have passed between Spain 
and England in the matter of Religion. London, 1624. 

(5) An examination of certain motives to Recusancy. Cambr. 

(6) Quaestio quodlibetica, an liceat stipendia sub principe 
religione discrepante mereri. Cambr. 1630. 4to. A Latin 
translation from the Italian of Father Paolo. 

(7) An account of Father Paolo, afterwards used with 
others as a preface to a translation of his ' Rights of Sovereigns 
and Subjects.' Lond. 1725. 

(8) On the Efficiency of Grace, printed for the first time in 
the Appendix of this work, written some time in-1630. 

Bedell's chief correspondent was Doctor Samuel Ward, 
Master of Sidney Sussex College (1609—1643). He had been 
a Scholar of Christ's, and from 1595 a Fellow of Emmanuel, 
where he became intimately acquainted with Bedell, who had 
been elected a Fellow two years previously. In 1599 he was 
elected a Fellow of the new Foundation of Sidney. In 1619 
he was a delegate to the Synod of Dort, in 1622 he was elected 
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity. He also held Church 
preferments, as Chaplain to King James, Prebendary of Wells 
and Archdeacon of Taunton, and afterwards Prebendary of 
York. He was closely connected with the leading Puritan 
divines, such as Perkins, but was also warmly attached to the 
Church of England. A list of his works will be found in 
Mr Mullinger's article in the Dictionary of National Biography. 
The one which led to a number of letters from Bedell (Letters 
XXVII. — XXIX.) was Gratia Discriminans, concio ad clerum 
habita Gantabrigiae, 12 June, 1625, London, 1626. 4to. 




I. Though the -writing of lives is subject to be abused Tanner 
both by writer and readers, yet experience testifieth the ¥^- ^^8- 
usefulness and benefit of such writings: And tho' the 
genius of the person whose life I write, and the rule he 
5 seem'd to walk by all his life, was Bene qui latuit, &c., yet 
two reasons especially seem to plead for this that here 
ensues. First, that some reparation may be made for the 
hard entertainment the world gave to this bishop while he 
lived : And secondly, that his example may have the advan- 

lo tage of commiseration (usually granted to sufferers and 
the dead) to commend it the more to the imitation of 

2. This eminent servant of God, William Bedell late 
bishop of Kilmore in Ireland, was born in the county of 

15 Essex in England, in a village called Black-No tley, in the 
year 15 71 upon Michaelmass day, of a stock or family of 
ancient continuance in that countrey, allthough of no great 
eminency for worldly greatness ; his father and grand- 
father not exceeding the stile of yoman ; his birth day 

20 presaging him an antagonist against the devil and his 
angells. His father and grandfather were both noted in 
their time for love to true religion ; his gTandfather (upon 
that account being forced for some years to fly the lands) 
was a man of extraordinary severity; insomuch that having 



last books of Father Paolo's History of the Council of Trent 
(1620). The first six books were translated by Adam Newton. 

(3) A translation into Latin from the Italian of Father 
Paolo's History of the Venetian Interdict. Cambr. 1626. 

(4) Copies of certain letters which have passed between Spain 
and England in the matter of Religion. London, 1624. 

(5) An examination of certain motives to Recusancy. Cambr. 

(6) Quaestio quodlibetica, an liceat stipendia sub principe 
religione discrepante mereri. Cambr. 1630. 4to. A Latin 
translation from the Italian of Father Paolo. 

(7) An account of Father Paolo, afterwards used with 
others as a preface to a translation of his ' Rights of Sovereigns 
and Subjects.' Lond. 1725. 

(8) On the Efficiency of Grace, printed for the first time in 
the Appendix of this work, written some time in- 1630. 

Bedell's chief correspondent was Doctor Samuel Ward, 
Master of Sidney Sussex College (1609—1643). He had been 
a Scholar of Christ's, and from 1595 a Fellow of Emmanuel, 
where he became intimately acquainted with Bedell, who had 
been elected a Fellow two years previously. In 1599 he was 
elected a Fellow of the new Foundation of Sidney. In 1619 
he was a delegate to the Synod of Dort, in 1622 he was elected 
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity. He also held Church 
preferments, as Chaplain to King James, Prebendary of Wells 
and Archdeacon of Taunton, and afterwards Prebendary of 
York. He was closely connected with the leading Puritan 
divines, such as Perkins, but was also warmly attached to the 
Church of England. A list of his works will be found in 
Mr Mullinger's article in the Dictionary of National Biography. 
The one which led to a number of letters from Bedell (Letters 
XXVII. — XXIX.) was Gratia JDiscriminans, concio ad clerum 
habita Cantabrigiae, 12 June, 1625, London, 1626. 4to. 



1. Though the -writing of lives is subject to be abused Tanner 
both by -writer and readers, yet experience testifieth the ^ ^ ' ^^ 
usefulness and benefit of such -writings : And tho' the 
genius of the person -whose life I -write, and the rule he 

5 seem'd to -walk by all his life, -was Bene qui latuit, &c., yet 
t-wo reasons especially seem to plead for this that here 
ensues. First, that some reparation may be made for the 
hard entertainment the world gave to this bishop -while he 
lived : And secondly, that his example may have the advan- 
10 tage of commiseration (usually granted to sufferers and 
the dead) to commend it the more to the imitation of 

2. This eminent servant of God, William Bedell late 
bishop of Kilmore in Ireland, -was bom in the county of 

IS Essex in England, in a village called Black-Notley, in the 
year 1571 upon Michaelmass day, of a stock or family of 
ancient continuance in that countrey, allthough of no great 
eminency for worldly greatness ; his father and grand- 
father not exceeding the stile of yoman ; his birth day 

20 presaging him an antagonist against the devil and his 
angells. His father and grandfather were both noted in 
their time for love to true religion ; his gTandfather (upon 
that account being forced for some years to fly the lands) 
was a man of extraordinary severity; insomuch that having 



put forth his son to a master, and he upon some dislike 
returning home again after a day or two, he took up his 
said son behind him and carried him with his face to the 
horse-tail through some market-towns back again to his 
master. This severity, or rather love of his to his son, God 5 
was pleased so to bless and sanctify, that 'twas a means to 
settle his mind and ground him more in his obedience to 
his father and superiors, and to doe him good as long as he 
lived; for he became a gracious and very godly man. 

3. He married a helper or yoke-fellow meet for him, 10 
Ehzabeth Elliston ; these two Uved together to a great age 
in Black-Notley, very well esteem'd and beloved; they were 
both very charitable and mercifull ; their house was seldom 
without one or two poor children, which they kept upon 
alms. The bishop's mother was very famous and expert 15 

f, 15 T». in chirurgery, which she continually practiced | upon multi- 
tudes that ilock'd to her, and still gratis without respect 
of persons poor or rich. It hap'ned sometimes that some 
would return with the heal'd Samaritan with some token of 
thankfuUness, but this was seldom. But God did not fail 20 
to reward them with that (which in scripture is most pro- 
perly caU'd His reward), children and the fruit of the womb, 
3 sons and 4 daughters. 

4. Of the sons, William was the second. His godly 
parents, in token of their thankfuUness to God, and careful! 25 
to procure both the spiritual and temporal good of their 
children, with all convenient speed dispatched away to school 
their two elder sons, John and William; having the con- 
veniency of a good school and schoolmaster not above a mile 
off, at a market town call'd Braintry. The schoolmaster, 30 
Mr Denman, was very able and excellent in his faculty, but 
accordingly austere : insomuch that the eldest son John, 
tho' of good parts, yet not bearing the severity of his master, 
grew so out of love with learning that his parents were forc'd 
to take him home. But William on the contrary being of 35 
excellent natural parts, and especially of a strong memory, 
had also such a love to learning that no harshness of his 
master could beat him off; but rather it so heigh t'ned his 
diligence that his proficiency did seem to contend with and 


even to conquer his master's rigour, yet with a bloody 
victory: for on a time he received such a blow from his cho- 
lerick master, that he was beaten off a pair of stairs and 
had one side of his head so bruis'd that the bloud ffush'd 
S out of his ear, and his hearing on that side was so impair'd 
that he became in process of time wholly deaf as to that ear. 

5. But his great profiting in short time makes amends 
for all : for in the eleventh year of his age he was sent to 
Cambridge, and after strict trial admitted into Emmanuell- 

10 colledge, and not long after his admission chosen scholar of 
that house. The first four years (as himself was wont to 
say) he lost, only keeping pace with the rest of his years ; 
which seldom proves better, if so well, with those who are sent 
so young to the university. But after, he fell to his study 

15 in so good earnest, that he got the start of the rest, and 
the regents of the colledge thought fit to choose him fel- 
low before or as soon as ever he was of age sufficient by their 
statutes to be capable of a fellowship. 

6. A great student he was and a great proficient, as in f. 16 r°. 
20 all kind of learning, so especially in divinity. He did not 

only tast the liberal arts or give them a short visit by the 
way, but thoroughly studied them. His knowledge in the 
Latin and Greek was very eminent, as well for oratory as 
poetry. In the Latin oratory he was both elegant and fluent, 

25 whether we respect his tongue or pen, in both which he was 
very much a Ciceronian. As for poetry (wherin he was 
very much deUghted) he was an imitator of Horace rather 
than Ovid; more sharp and solid than smooth. The Greek 
fathers and historians he read in Greek; going first to the 

30 fountain and not beholding to translations. He attain'd also 
no mean skill in the Syriack, Arabick and Hebrew tongues; 
tho' in these (as also in the Chaldee tongue) he better'd 
himself much after in his travells. He had this rare faculty, 
that whatsoever art or language he would set himself to 

35 acquire, he would reduce it into a body or method of his own 
contrivance, and of languages usually he would draw up a 
grammar. So far did he descend in this kind, that on the 
desire of some Italian friends he compos' d an English gram- 
mar ; thereby letting them see our language to be reducible 



into the bounds of art, and not obscure aud barbarous as 
commonly they accounted it then beyond the seas, but ele- 
gant and copious and easy enough. 

7. But to return from this digression : during his abode 

at Cambridge (which was not fully the time allowed by the 5 
statutes of the house) he had gain'd the repute of an emi- 
nent scholar and a very grave and pious man. Much 
esteemed he was by Dr Chaderton, then master of the colledge, 
and by the famous Mr William Perkins, tho' both fathers in 
comparison of him. The latter took a very great affection to 10 
him, and judg'd him worthy of his more intimate acquaint- 
ance: and in answer hereof Mr Bedell likewise bare a filial 
respect to him, communicating his studies and submitting 
them to his approbation and direction. 

8. And now we must conceive him full-pace entred into 15 
the study of divinity; whereof his first essay was in the 
discharge of the office of catechist in the colledge. In the 
study of divinity (as being the scope of all his other studies) 
'tis hard to say whether he was a more hard student or a 
greater proficient. His excellent skill in scholastical and 20 
positive divinity was highly commended by that miracle of 

f. 16 V". all learning, | Padre Paulo the Venetian, as we have it attested 
by the honorable and memorable Sir Henry Wotton in a 
letter to King Charles the First of blessed memory, express- 
ing to his majestie his judgement of the said Mr Bedell and 25 
his abilities. The letter is as foUoweth. 

May it please your Majestie, 

Having been informed that certain persons have hy the 
good wishes of the archbishop of Armagh been directed hither, 30 
with a most humble petition to your majestie, that you will be 
pleased to make Mr William Bedell {now resident upon a 
small benefice in Suffolk) governor of your college at Dublin, 
for the good of that society ; and myself being requird to 
render unto your majestie some testimony of the said Mr 35 
William Bedell, who was long my chaplain at Venice in the 
time of my first employment there ; I am hound in all con- 
science and truth (so far as your majestie will be pleased 
to accept my poor judgement) to affirm of him, that I think 


hardly a jitter man for that charge could have been propound- 
ed unto your majestie in your whole kingdom, for singular 
erudition and piety, conformity to the rites of the church and 
zeal to advance the cause of God ; wherein his travells abroad 
S were not obscure in the time of the excommunication of the 
Venetians. For it may please your majestie to know that this 
is the man whom Padre Paulo took {I may say) into his very 
soul; with whom he did communicate the inwardest thoughts 
of his heart; from whom he professed to have received more 

lo knowledge in all divinity, both scholastical and positive, than 
from any he had ever practiced in his daies ; of which all the 
passages were well known to the late king your father of 
blessed memory. And so with your majestie's good favor I 
will end this needless office : for the genei^al fame of his learn- 

15 ing, his life and christian temper, and those religious labours 
himself hath dedicated to your majestie, doe better describe 
him than I am able. 

Your majestie's most humble andfaiihfull servant, 


20 9- Mr Bedell being thus furnished, 'twas easy to perceive 
to what course of life God had destinated and his own in- 
clinations led him ; which was the ministry. His entrance 
into holy orders was before he had left the university: 
concerning which he would | complain of the greedy gaping f. 17 r°. 

25 for money by the officers and servants of the bishop, without 
heeding so much the sufficiency or insufficiency of the man 
as of the money. Yet his orders he esteerued nevertheless 
religiously, tho' cumbred with some faults in the men that 
conferr'd them. His first call to the ministerial work was to 

30 St Edmunds-Bury in Suffolk ; where the great esteem he had 
gain'd for his grave, humble and diligent discharge of that 
employment is yet surviving in the mouths and memories 
of many, tho' his abode there was not long. His auditory 
there waS very much consisting of men of the best quality 

35 and best abilities of judgement and learning, who yet ever 
received ample satisfaction in his sermons ; being such both 
for matter and method as gave no occasion of slighting, but 


allwaies affording even to the most-knowing some farther 

10. It will not be amiss here to give a description of his 
manner and method of preaching, wherin then he was in a 
manner alone: his prayer before sermon was not set nor s 
fixed allwaies to the same form of words, but various in 
expressions, as the time and present occasions most required, 
but ever in the plainest and easiest phrase of the English 
tongue, according to the capacity of the weakest understand- 
ing: so as the most unlearn'd hearer might say Amen. Yet lo 
he never affected tedious prolixity or needless verbosity; he 
allwaies avoided light expressions and all words unbeseeming 
the spirituality and weightiness of the duty of prayer to 
God. No man less stinted in his gift of utterance, and yet 
no man more carefuU in the government of his tongue. 15 

11. His voice was but low; his action little: but the 
gravity of his aspect very great, and the reverence of his 
behaviour such as was more affecting to the hearers than the 
greater eloquence and more pompous pronunciation of others. 
In the handling of his text no man in his time was more 20 
exact, whether in opening the coherence or the words them- 
selves. His greatest excellency was in making plain the 
hardest texts of scripture, wherin scarce any man was 
comparable to him. His way was first thoroughly to scann 
the force of the words in the original languages, Hebrew, 25 
Syriack, Greek, &c. Next he would compare other places 
with his text, and such words or phrases of other texts as 
were like those of his text in hand ; and to be sure if any 
such were, through his familiar and perfect acquaintance 

f. 17 v". with I the scripture he would never miss them. By this 30 
means 'twas wonderful how great light he brought not only 
to the text in hand, but all other texts of scripture which 
he had occasion to quote. And in no one respect is the loss 
of his writings more deplorable than in this. 

12. Though his library were large and choice (sc. that of 35 
Mr Perkins, with his own additions), yet he seldom or never 
used to cite any author or interpreter in his sermons; but 
his expositions ever appeared to be the results of comparing 
other texts, and of the force of the original, and of the mind 


of the Holy Ghost. The sence behig found out often was 
found to differ from the common interpretations ; according 
to that of an ancient author, Aliud est ad internos recessus veri- 
tatis in sacra scriptura pertingere ; aliud secundum vulgarem 
5_ opinionem dejinire vel explicare. And divers of good know- 
ledge and judgement in the scriptures (even divines) would 
wonder first at the vmusuallness of his expositions ; secondly, 
that themselves had not seen it before, as he had rendred it. 
Where others would pass over words and sentences sicca pede, 
10 there would he discover rich springs of heavenly doctrine 
most naturally flowing from the text. 

13. Neither yet (for all this) was he ever the author 
or broacher of any novel opinion dissonant from the doctrine 
of the church of England; wherof no man was either a more 

15 able maintainer or a more obedient observer. No, nor in 
the matter of discipline was he any innovator; though pri- 
vately, and to those of chiefest eminency in the church, no 
man ever more bewail'd or opposed the abuses therin. But 
the peace of the church was that he ever held precious ; and 

20 therefore he was tender of uttering any thing that might 
give occasion to turbulent spirits. 

14. What he chiefly sought in diving into the depths of 
scripture was to find out all possible conviction of the evil- 
ness of sin, as also to store himself and his auditors with 

25 all possible motives to virtue and holiness of life; judging 
those motives and arguments the best (not which man's art 
inventeth and fixeth to a text, but) which the Holy Ghost 
hath laid down in the scripture itself : which to discover 
and then to improve upon the consciences and minds of his 

.30 hearers, he judged the duty and main business of preaching. 

15. His doctrinal observations were commonly two or f. 18 r°. 
three in a sermon, which he needed not much to stand upon 
either for proof or illustration, having done that work before 

in the exposition of his text. Finally, his uses ever were 
35 very naturally flowing from his text, and (as he managed 
them) very moving; their force lying more in the clearness 
and evidence of their ground from scripture (especially the 
text) and in the matter of them, than in the loudness or con- 
tention of his voice or vehemency of his gesture. 

f. 1 8 v°. 


1 6. He was able to preach (and very often did) upon 
very little warning : and his manner most what was to pre- 
pare himself only by meditation, yet allwaies writing down 
his sermons after he had preached them. In short, for a 
preacher he was the substance of this poor shadow here set 5 

17. Mr Bedell thus furnished and call'd to the publick 
exercise of the ministry in the town of St Edmunds-Bury 
(where he succeeded Mr George Estey, one of incomparable 
learning, godliness, &c. who died there in the flowr of his 10 
age), had not been long there ere he had gain'd a great 
reverence, as well from all that savoured of the power of 
godliness as from the gallants, knights and gentlemen, who 
reverenced him for his impartial, grave and holy preaching 
and conversation, and heard him gladly. As for his esteem 15 
among the ministers it will appear in due place herafter. 

1 8. Having continued a year and more at Bury, he was 
chosen and appointed to attend Sir Henry Wotton, then sent 
ambassador to the state of Venice in the time of the inter- 
dict, as chaplain to the ambassador: which employment he 20 
willingly embrac'd, desiring to concoct his knowledge and 
learning attain'd at home by the observations of travel and 
the experience of forraign countreys. This employment 
being publick, his engagement at Bury couM not detain him ; 
especially promising at his return to fix there. After a 25 
difficult journey (especially in his passage over the Alps) 
he arrived safe at last in the city of Venice. It happened 

to be in a time of very weighty transactions between the 
then pope Paulus Quintus and that state; which was a 
singular opportunity for him to be throughly acquainted 30 
with the mysteries of papal iniquity: for by occasion of 
the controversy then on foot between the pope and the state 
of Venice, many corruptions and much of the pope's naked- 
ness became more publick than might well | suit with the 
credit of the common cause of popery. And as king James 35 
(of famous memory) was very inquisitive into these affaires, 
so his ambassador there found means to give his majestie a 
full and punctual account from time to time : and protestant 
princes (he especially the most considerable) were not so 


coily entertain'd in their embassies there as the manner of 
that state had been in former times. 

19. And as the time was extraordinary, so there was 
also then flourishing in Venice an extraordinary person, that 

5 oracle of the Christian world Father Paulo, a friar of the 
order of the Servi; a man of miraculous learning, prudence 
and integrity, as fully may appear both by his works, and 
specially by the history of his life and death, now published 
in the English tongue : though that history is composed 

10 with more partiality to the Roman religion than verity as 
to the persuasion and judgement of the man. This man, be- 
sides his acquir'd and natural parts, God had enlightned 
with the knowledge of his truth so farr as to see the detest- 
able enormities of the papacy and court of Rome and to 

15 loath the same: so as it cannot be doubted but God raised 
him up and fitted him for such a season and such a junc- 
ture of affaires. This was the man employed by the wisest 
state of Venice to draw up their letters and rescripts that 
pass'd between the pope and them: wherin, as also in his 

20 whole deportment in that business, he hath more solidly 
though less bitterly detected and confuted the fundamental 
corruptions of the papacy than ever any protestant writer 
before his time. This eminent instrument, tho' hard to 
be seen or spoken with by men of best quality, some that 

25 came in a manner for little else to that city than out of 
admiration of his fame, yet with the English ambassador and 
his chaplain he had entred into a strict familiarity, which 
to Mr Bedell was a singular advantage: for by converse with 
him he both armed himself against the papists with their own 

30 weapons, and became more polite in all his other learning. 

20. It might indeed have been a dangerous thing to 
him (then a young man) to be in such a place; as some 
others then and since, by travelling and converse among the 
Italians, have shew'd by their sad example; but by God's 

35 mercy he was better grounded in piety and good learning 

than to be easily subverted. | He would often say that het 19 r°. 
could, never meet with anything among them of that side 
that did not rather confirm him than shake his persuasion 
of the truth of the protestant reformed religion. 


21. During his abode in Italy he found opportunity of 
converse with some of the learneder sort of the Jews, wherin 
he intended these two purposes, the bettering himself in his 
skill in the Hebrew, and the drawing some of them to the 
embracing of Christ. In the former the success answered, 5 
but not so in the later ; that people being extraordinary stiff- 
neck'd, as the scripture foretold us. Some account we have 

of the reasons they alledge for themselves in Mr Bedell's 
letters to Mr Wadsworth, now reprinted together with this 
present history of his life. 10 

22. Before we leave Italy we must not omitt his ac- 
quaintance there contracted with Dr Jasper Despotine, a 
gentleman of noble extraction, who, tho' a younger bro- 
ther, yet was in a fair way of raising himself by his eminent 
learning and the great fame he had gain'd by his singular 15 
skill and judgement in medicine. One thing which was a 
great hindrance to his rising in his own countrey was his 
judgement in religion, varying from that of his ancestors 
and from the falsely called catholick. His great learning 
and much reading was to him an occasion of seeing more 20 
into the true state of the controversy between us and the 
Romanists than is permitted to ordinary papists. The change 

of his judgement was not suddain, nor without very strong 
endeavours to maintain and defend within himself the re- 
ligion wherin he had been educated. But still in process 25 
of time and by degrees God sent in more light into his 
mind, which he was not able to avoid. The unquietness of 
his mind was very great in this pendulous condition; and 
■ the greater, because 'twas a matter of life and death to dis- 
cover himself. A long time therefore it was before he 30 
could get clear and come to a resolution. 

23. One notable passage concerning him is not to be 
conceal'd. It happen'd in Venice that a lady of great qua- 
lity fell sick, and her sickness proving very dangerous, a 
consultation of physitians was call'd to consider of her 35 
estate; who upon enquiry and view of the patient having 
resolved what was to be done, appointed two of their num- 
ber (of whom Dr Despotine was one) to be constantly with 
the patient. But in short space neither the care nor art of 


the physitians, nor the dignity of the person, availing against f- 19 v°. 
death's approaches, all hope of recovery was taken away, and 
then spiritual physitians began to flock about her, some 
Jesuites, and some of other orders. Dr Despotine still attend- 

5 ing, observed diligently the demeanour of these religious men 
towards the dying lady: she being now allmost senseless (for 
it was the last night of her life), the Jesuites and others her 
confessors abode continually at her bed's side. The Jesuites 
were very urgent, with her that she would bestow liberally 

ID to religious uses, and namely upon their own order; aUedg- 
ing, the great reward of such good works and the benefit of 
the prayers of their fraternity ; presenting unto her a crucifix, 
moving her to call on Our Lady, the patroness of women and 
more especially of ladies. On the other side of the bed was 

15 a Capuchin-friar, and he (not in so many words, but more 
to the purpose) put the lady in mind of the death and merits 
of Jesus Christ, and exhorted her to believe and trust in 
Him and committ her soul to His mercy. This different man- 
ner of proceeding us'd by these religious men mov'd the doctor 

20 much ; and the more in respect of the weakness of the pa- 
tient. Wherefore in all respectfuU manner he besought the 
fathers to suffer her to depart in as much quiet as might be, 
she being now uncapable of farther comfort. Notwithstanding 
they (the Jesuites) with their taper.s and crucifixes and their 

25 calling still to the dying lady, left her not till her life had 
left her first: and then (it being past mid-night) the com- 
pany withdrew into other rooms, the doctor into a gallery: to 
whom being there (whether accidentally, or on purpose, 'tis 
uncertein) the Capuchin-friar resorted ; and so considering it 

30 was not farr from day, they agreed to abide there and dis- 
course. The friar, tho' till then unknown to the doctor, did 
presently fall upon discourse of the lady and the manner of 
the Jesuites' addresses to her; blaming their so urging her at 
the point of death to call upon Our Lady, without once men- 

35 tioning Jesus Christ, and asking his judgement if he did 
not then think it an undiscreet and unseasonable thing. The 
doctor, tho' his heart was full, yet durst not vent himself to 
a man of that profession and a stranger ; fearing some designe 
to draw forth his opinion and so to accuse him. And 


therefore with all his skill and diligence he labored to put 
off that discourse. But the friar so much the more urgently 
press'd upon him, giving all assurance possible of his in- 
genuity and candour of moving that discourse. Wherupon the 
f. 20 r". doctor could no longer | hold, but freely spake his mind; and 5 
the friar and he jump'd so just in their thoughts about that 
point, that from thence in their discourse they proceeded to 
some farther abuses then prevaiUng; in the dislike vrherof 
their judgement did no less concurr than in the former. 
But still the doctor was very jealous. On the other side the 10 
friar opened himself so freely, that he thank'd him most 
heartily for his company and discourse, and earnestly desir'd 
his farther acquaintance, inviting him in most affectionate 
manner to his cell, that so they might have farther confer- 
ence: and so, the day being come, they parted upon terms 15 
of extraordinary love and familiarity. The doctor commu- 
nicated this passage to his friends, who by no means would 
advise him to goe any more to the friar, assuredly gathering 
that all this openness and profession of love was but a trap. 
Wherupon, tho' he was confirmed in his persuasion of the 20 
truth of the reformed religion, yet his apprehensions of the 
dangers impending over his person and life were no whit 
abated. So that still he was fain to be upon his guard, re- 
tiring himself into privacy as much as possible. 

24. In which condition God's providence brought him to 25 
the acquaintance of Mr Bedell: by whom being made ac- 
quainted fully with the state of religion in England, for the 
more free enjoyment of his conscience he came over into 
England with Mr Bedell at his return out of Italy. The 
labours and studies of this doctor and his profound judge- 30 
ment in divinity are little known to the world, and espe- 
cially his gi-eat zeal and courage in defence of the truth 
against popish and all other innovations. So tender he was 
in the doctrinal part of religion, that oftentimes he hath taken 
very great offence at some passages and words falling from 35 
some of our English preachers, neither ill-meant by them, 
nor ill-taken by some others, only because they seem'd to 
him, tho' but by some remote consequence, to abett the 
popish or Pelagian opinions. It had been happy if in time 


our selves had been as cautious, and if that apostolical canon 
I Tim. i. 3 had been more strictly given in charge and better 
observed among us. 

25. But we must now return from this digression to 
5 Mr Bedell. His stay in Italy was for some years ; where he 

gained much experience and knowledge, both in divinity and 
the Oriental tongues, but especially in the state of rehgion, 
as it then stood in most parts of Christendom; having a farr 
better advantage for this at that time, and there, than the 

10 bare reading of ecclesiastical history was able to afford. He 

was there also much improv'd in point of | prudence and mo- f. 20 v°. 
deration ; meeting there with men, tho' of another persuasion 
from himself in many points of religion, yet very conscien- 
tious and unblameable in life and conversation, and no less 

15 detesting the tyranny of the papacy and the gross points of 
popery, than the protestants themselves. 

26. Before his return he gain'd the Italian tongue; and 
so with his dear friend Dr Despotine he came safe again 
into England. Being landed, he repaired with all convenient 

20 speed to his former charge at St Edmunds-Bury, where he 
wanted no wellcome from his many dear Christian friends, 
who could not but look upon him as a return of their prayers, 
those prayers which at his departure he publickly crav'd in 
his farewell sermon to them on Heb. xiii. 18, 19, Pray for 

25 us, and the rather that I may be restored unto you the 

27. Having disposed of his friend Dr Despotine and 
himself for sometime as sojourners in the house of one Mr 
Nunne, he settled himself to his studies and ministerial 

30 employment, and the doctor fell to practice. But a very 
great difficulty was in the doctor's way, namely his want of 
the English tongue. But his friend Mr Bedell would not 
see him suffer for this, but voluntarily took upon him to be 
his interpreter at any time whensoever any patient should 

35 resort unto him. But as entire friendship made this labour 
easy to Mr Bedell, so to the doctor the trouble and difficulty 
was hereby the rather encreased, for he was exceedingly 
perplex'd and griev'd to be thus troublesome to his friend 
and thus to interrupt his studies. And considering his 


condition being a stranger wanting language, being unfit 
for humane society and burtensom, as he accounted, to his 
friend, he was at first even weary of himself ; so strong was 
the reciprocation of love between these two friends. Such 
examples of entire friendship were ever counted memorable 5 
and commendable even by the greatest persons, tho' seldom 
found amongst such, through the inconsistence of greatness 
and ambition with such friendship. But between this pair 
this their love continued firm to the last ; some other notable 
passages whereof we shall have occasion to touch in the 10 
sequel. In process of time difficulties grew more easy, and 
the doctor gaining upon the English tongue, the need of an 
interpreter began to cease. Upon which occasion these 
two, Mr Bedell first, and Dr Despotine some years after, 
f. 21 r°. betook themselves severally to a stricter kind of | friendship, 15 
namely conjugal ; as that which might afford each of them 
an helper more meet than they were able to be one to 

28. Mr Bedell first entred into the holy state of matri- 
mony with a very pious, grave and every-way-accomplished 20 
gentlewoman, Mrs Leah Maw widow, daughter of John 
Bowles esq^ of Ersham in Norfolk, and late wife to Robert 
Maw esql recorder of the town of St Edmunds-Bury. There 
were diverse things on either side that might seem to 
disswade from this match : on her side, that she must now 25 
come down from that gallantry in which she had been main- 
tein'd according to the place and profession of her former 
husband, and that now she must marry a minister, a noted 
contemner of the world's pomp ; on his part, that she had 
five small children and but a small estate. But these 30 
weightier considerations (as his piety and ability for heavenly 
knowledge, as also his conscientious integrity, and again her 
no less eminent endowments of nature, education and grace, 
for a woman) mov'd them to consent together in holy wed- 
lock, setting aside all secular considerations that might dis- 35 
swade. And well it were if such weightier considerations 
did more preponderate in marriages, and worldly respects 
less. By this match Mr Bedell became now charged with 
the care and education of five orphans. The elder, Nicholas 


Maw, by his own labours and the benefit of that then famous 
school of Bury, he brought up to learning ; who after being 
sent to Cambridge was taken into the special care of Dr 
Maw, then master of Peter-house, and by him as he was 
t; capable preferr'd in that society to be first scholar, and after 
fellow of that house ; where he liv'd diverse years in good 
esteem for learning, being both an acute and able scholar; 
but not fancying the study of divinity, to which his father- 
in-law much incited him, he fell to the study of physick; 
lo wherin he profited very much, and after a good time for 
furnishing his mind with the theory, he married, and fell to 
the practice in the city of London, and grew in a short space 
into great esteem. But God was pleas'd to call him away in 
the spring of his dales and first rise of his worldly advance- 
15 ment. Of the other, two departed in their childhood, the 
other two were dear to Mr Bedell as his own, and were by 
him provided for over and besides their own portions. It 
pleased the Lord also to bless him with | four children of his f. 21 v°. 
own, three sons and a daughter: in whose education, next 
20 to godliness, his earnest care was to make his sons scholars : 
and he would often tell them, if he kneiv ivhich of them 
would not be a scholar, he ivould not leave him a groat. 

29. Having pass'd thus some five or six years at Bury 
as preacher there, that very great congregation found a great 
25 defect in his voice, which was very weak, and so himself 
(with no small grief) did from his very first setling there 
apprehend. And therefore he was resolv'd, when God should 
offer an opportunity, to remove and give way to some of 
more audible voice. And God's providence was not wanting. 
30 For among those worthy knights and gentlemen that were 
lovers and honourers of Mr Bedell, Sir Thomas Jermin more 
especially did study and wait to doe him all good ofiices 
possible : and the rectory of Great Horningshearth, of his 
donation, falling void, Sir Thomas freely presented Mr Bedell 
35 to this charge. And the place being very near Bury, and 
the congregation there not very great, but such as his voice 
might reach, he accepted the presentation; not indeed to the 
full satisfaction of his Bury-friends, tho' the great dispropor- 
tion of his voice to their great assembly being considered. 


they could say no great matter against it. But however, to 
give them all possible satisfaction, Mr Bedell engaged himself 
to supply their Fryday lecture for a year or longer, as they 
should think fit; which he performed with advantage after 
his remove to Horningshearth. 5 

30. But his first entrance upon his charge was not 
without some rubbs; for being to repair to the bishop of 
Norwich, Dr Jegon, for institution, altho' no scruple was 
made against his person or title, yet the demands of the 
bishop's officers for his instruments were very high; inso- 10 
much that Mr Bedell, first to the officers, tho' all in vain, and 
then to the bishop also himself, protested against the ille- 
gality of demanding such fees ; and alleadged it to be no less 
than simony on his part as well as theirs if he should give 
them their demands. And in conclusion, the bishop being 15 
unmoveable from the principles of himself and his officers, 
alleadging that they demanded no more than what others 
were us'd to give in that case, Mr Bedell profess'd his reso- 
lution never to take a living on those terms, so unwarrantable 
either by the word of God or ancient canons of the church ; 20 

f. 22 r°. and so was fain to come | away without his living. This acci- 
dent did not a little trouble both the bishop. Sir Thomas 
Jermin, and Mr Bedell himself; the bishop, in regard of 
the eminency of the man, whom he had sent home re infecta; 
Sir Thomas, in regard of the frustration of his good intentions 25 
to the people of Horningshearth ; and Mr Bedell himself was 
much troubled that it was his hap to be forc'd to this so 
publick appearing against the corruptions of the bishop and 
his officers. And therefore he addressed a letter to the 
bishop, more fully shewing the reasons why in conscience he 30 
durst not yield to the paying of those illegal exactions : by 
which letter the bishop was so farr mov'd that he caus'd the 
instruments of his institution and induction soon after to be 
sent unto him, leaviag it to his choice to pay what he 
thought fit. 35 

31. And now we are to conceive Mr Bedell settled at 
Horningshearth, where we shall consider him in a threefold 
relation ; to his own family, to his parishioners, and to his 
neighbour-ministers. In his family-relation his example and 


authority was such that all, from his yoke-fellow to the 
meanest servant, held all due reverence to him. His chil- 
dren he had in very gi-eat subjection and nurture, wherin 
God had given him an helper conformable and answerable to 
5 himself, both of them, as in all things, so in this happily 
concurring. And the' oftentimes where children of two 
several companies are in one family, discords arise either 
between the children or parents or both, yet their impar- 
tiality and joint care for the good of the children was such 

lo that no considerable emulation or variance was ever found 
among the children, nor the least difference between the 

32. His manner was to rise very early (commonly at 
four, winter and summer), and so to retire presently to his 

15 study; where he would be so fix'd till prayer time, that if any 
thing (as business of the family, or some stranger or neigh- 
bour comming to speak with him) did happen to call him 
down, he would be even angry with the messenger (wife, 
child, or servant) of any such occasion of interruption. 

20 33. For prayer he observ'd three seasons, morning, 
noon, and evening, never tedious or prolix. At noon his 
manner was to read and expound some chapter of the Bible 
befor prayer. His expositions were methodical, concise and 

25 34. As his children grew up (their mother having taught f. 22 v». 
them to read English and give an account of the heads of 
the catechism), then he took them under his own teaching; 
and two of his sons he thus took pains with for some years. 
But his other many occasions, as hereafter will appear, and 

30 his studies especially, not allowing so great a distraction, he 
was fain to give that task over. 

35. Some little recreation he used sometime before 
dinner or supper; which for the most part was planting, 
transplanting, grafting and inoculating, and sometimes dig- 

35 ging in his garden. 

36. For his habit he was a great lover of plaineness, both 
for the matter and fashion; never changing his fashion in all 
his life. His rules were easiness for the stirring of his body, 
and serviceableness, avoiding all vanity and superfluity. And 



in his children he still laboured to have the same rules ob- 
served; wherein onely he differ'd something from the dispo- 
sition of his yokefello-w, she according to her education, sex, 
and the quality of her former husband, affecting elegancy and 
neatness of habit, which also she did sometimes endeavour 5 
to observe in her children. But his will and authority bore 
the sway. Some of his friends would blame him for this 
carelessness and neglect (as they counted it). But among 
other grave answers he usually gave, this was one: that iw 
our baptisvie we had all avow'd to forsake the pomps and 10 
vanities of this wicked world. 

37. When his friends came to visit him, his entertain- 
ment was friendly, neat and bountifull; but his grave de- 
portment and savory discourse surmounted all, which was of 
such influence that it gave a law to the company, and held 15 
them (as it were) under a kind of discipline; which that he 
might somewhat relax and yet not warp from his own prin- 
ciples, he would retire from them to his study with some 
grave item, leaving them to enjoy themselves. If they were 
ministers or scholars he would tarry longer, but so as he 20 
would be sure their discourse should be profitable. 

38. And here it cannot be omitted what an admirable 
gift and grace God had given him in the command and 
ordering of his speech. For as he was well stored with all 
kinds of knowledge, so he was of such sanctified wisdom, 25 

f- 23 r°- that stiU he would be | communicating to others, and that in 
such a pleasing and delightfull way, that not the least appear- 
ance of pride or vain glory could be found in his discourse ; 
no place left for vanity, if he were present; nothing could 
be heard but piety and morality, no man present but was 30 
either pleased or profited or charmed. If any other would 
speak any thing savory, he would stand still and hear; yea of 
the two he was more forward to learn than teach ; to heare 
rather than to speak ; giving place to any, tho' his inferiors 
by many degrees. Yea by an art he had, he would so observe 35 
the tempers of men, that in discourse with them he would 
draw forth whatever little good was in them; suppressing 
their vanity by his gravity, and hiding their ignorance by his 
wisdom and humility. In a word, scarce any man in his 


time ever exceeded him in the government of the tongue: 
as if God had designed him for a lively and practical edition 
of Mr Perkins's excellent treatise of the government of the 
tongue. And indeed that man of God was the man whom 
5 Mr Bedell did very much propound to himself for imitation. 

39. There is yet farther to be noted in his domestical 
course of conversation his behaviour towards the beggars, 
bedlams and travellers, that use to come to men's doors. 
These he would not~fail to examine, mixing both wholsom 

10 instructions and severe reproofs. Nor rested he there; but if 
they had any passes to travel by, he would be sure to scan 
them throughly, and finding them false or counterfeit, his 
way was to send for the constable, and after correction given 
according to law, he would make them a new pass, and send 

15 them to the place of their last settlement or birth. This 
made him so well known among that sort of people, that 
they shun'd the town for the most part, to the no small quiet 
and security of him and all his neighbours. 

40. One principal point more is yet behind ; and that 
20 is his manner of governing his family upon the Lord's day. 

Being risen himself (most commonly the first in the house) 
he presently retir'd to his study, where while he was busied 
in prayer and meditation, his wife was hastening to get the 
children ready a convenient time before the time of publick 

25 meeting ; that all might be in readiness against his coming 
down to prayer in the family. His company being come 
together, he would come down among them ; but as at all 
times, I so more especially then, with his countenance com- f. 23 v°. 
posed to all possible gravity, piety and solemnity ; so as the 

30 presence of that day, and his deportment together, wrought 
no small effects both upon children and servants as to 
preparation for the service of God ; so truly was he God's 
vice-gerent in his family. Before prayer some time he 
would give some admonition to his company, as he judged 

35 most suitable. Ajid then falling down on his knees he 
would perform prayer among them. Which being done, 
all repaired together to church. In the passage from his 
house to the church, which was not very far, strict notice was 
taken of the gestures and behaviour of his children, either 



by himself or to be sure by his consort, an helper to him to 
the height in these best things. But especially their words 
were observ'd. And when once they were come to the place, 
then all possible reverence and attention was expected both 
from children and servants, and . of such failings as were 5 
committed, this godly couple were diligent observers and 
severe correctors. 

41. Besides his sermons, forenoon and afternoon, he 
used to catechise the youth openly in the face of the con- 
gregation: whom he instructed not only to answer in the 10 
words of the catechism, but also to answer such other 
material questions as might make them understand the 
principles of religion. For his manner was for an half hour 
clearly to expound in order a certein portion of the cate- 
chism every Lord's-day, so as to go through it every year; 15 
wherein not only the younger sort were much benefited, but 
even the elder and most judicious of his auditors found a 
great measure of satisfaction; and they would profess that 
they accounted his catechising every whit as profitable as 
his preaching. 20 

42. And this leads me in the next place to his deport- 
ment to the people in his charge ; with whom he had a very 
great authority, not only by reason of his diligent preaching 
and holy example of hfe, but especially his constant use of 
private admonitions and reproofs, which tho' some stomack'd 25 
at, yet they durst not openly despise. The poorest of all he 
had a tender care over in this respect; whom he used 
bountifully to relieve every year. The others he enter- 
tained at his table once a year all through the whole parish ; 

f. 24 r». with whom he would be very cheary, and yet in so pious | and 30 
profitable a manner, that their minds and souls were no 
less feasted than their bodies ; sin and vanity being allwaies 
thrust out of doors for wranglers. 

43. Having obteined so great a place in their affections, 
his due maintenance came in with the more ease to him and 35 
willingness as from them. He held it as a principle of 
conscience earnestly to preserve the rights of the church. 
The edifices which belonged to him as rector to uphold he 
was allwaies carefull to keep in good and suflScient repair. 


And his care extended not only herein to posterity; but he 
left also behind him an exact book to his successors, giving 
them a clear account what dues to expect from the parish- 
ioners, and some light for the clearing of controversies and 
5 difficulties about tithing that might afterward arise. His 
great exactness herein was the occasion of a long suit 
between him and William Lucas esq''., one of the chiefest 
of his parish. The matter was this : Mr Bedell was given to 
understand that certein pieces of ground in the possession of 

lo Mr Lucas had formerly belonged to the rectory of Great 
Horningshearth, and some then living were able to give 
pregnant testimony in the business, and no small probabili- 
ties were easily gathered by view of the ground it self. Yet 
for his own fuller satisfaction by the favour of the lord of 

15 the mannor he got liberty to search the rolls and records 
belonging to the mannor : wherein by his great pains and 
sagacity he found such light into the business, as convinc'd 
him in his conscience that those grounds by right belong'd 
to the church. Whereupon making his claim with all possible 

20 respect to Mr Lucas, expressing his own unwillingness to 
spend his time in law, or to have any contention with so 
unequal a match as he, being also his neighbour and 
parishioner, and yet alleadging the tie of conscience urging 
him to maintein the right of the church; he received nO 

25 other return from Mr Lucas than in effect a denial of any 
right of the church in those lands, and a plain signification 
of his resolution not to part with them otherwise than by 
course of law. The suit being commenced, besides the charge 
and expense of time, Mr Bedell met with grievous vexations, 

30 because of the strange delaies and other stratagems of the 
lawyers. Yet the terms between him and his adversary 
were fair, as such a long and chargeable suit | might permitt; f. 24 v. 
the lasting whereof was ten years and upwards. In short, 
the issue was, that after some arbitrations without success it 

35 was concluded by the final award of one man, and the land 
returned to the church, tho' not the same in specie, yet the 
same in quantity, and in a place more convenient for the 

44. This unhappy occasion, being also of so long con- 


tinuance, did necessitate Mr Bedell to some study of the law ; 
wherein (his own chargeable practice concuning, as also 
through his great abilities for whatsoever he did undertake) 
he became strangely knowing and dexterous, for a man of his 
calling. Insomuch as even during the agitation of his own 5 
cause he was so observed for his abilities, that he was 
frequently chosen commissioner or arbitrator in the most 
diflficult controversies that happen'd in the countrey round 
about; which leads us to consider in what terms he stood 
with his neighbours in the countrey, and especially the lo 
neighbour ministers. 

45. And here, not to insist upon the frequent appli- 
cations of several to him for advice and resolution in doubts 
and questions in divinity and other learning, nor how he 
was still acquainted and made party to most conferences that 15 
happened between any of his neighbours and the papists, nor 

to mention what worthy men of the ministry were his 
intimate friends and familiars ; it shall be sufficient only to 
insist upon one passage more than ordinarily considerable, 
and that was this. 20 

46. While he was rector of Great Horningshearth a 
parliament was called; at which, according to the antient 
custom, a convocation of the clergy also was to attend ; to 
the making up whereof, besides the bishop and other digni- 
taries, two other ministers were to be chosen in the diocese 25 
of Norwich to represent the clergy, one for Norfolk, and 
another for Suffolk. But, as it often falls out, there was 
much packing and plotting and making of friends by the 
more ambitious of the clergy, to be chosen for that honour, 

as they accounted it ; insomuch that Mr Bedell himself was 30 
dealt withall by letter and otherwise, touching the disposal 
of his voice at the election. But those indirect proceedings 
did make such an impression upon his spirit, that he wholly 
declined the meeting appointed for the election. The 
ministers being met upon the day, there was great stickling 35 
f. 25 r°. and much opposition of some against | others, till at last 
Mr Bedell himself, that was absent and never made any 
means for the employment, was the man they pitch'd upon. 
The news whereof no sooner came to his ears, but it presently 


affected him with a great deal of grief and dislike, as he 
spared not to his friends sadly to express to this effect : that 
he knew he should hut loose his time and sit there and tell 
the clock, without doing any good, as to what the present 
5 exigencies of the church did most require. And indeed the 
issue proved his fear too true, which before him bishop 
Andrews feared and prayed against in his Concio ad Glerum 
in a provincial synod, where he hath these words : Synodum 
celebrare non fuit Paulo turn,, utinam vero nee nobis nunc 

10 XP°^'^'^P''^V'^"''' j '^^s holding of a synod was not to St Paul 
then (I wish it were not now to us) a wasting of time; he 
means when St Paul held the synod at Miletus. But we 
have seen sufficient to demonstrate Mr Bedell's esteem with 
his brothers of the ministry. 

15 47. And now we must proceed to his removall out of 
England into Ireland, to be governor of the university and 
colledge of Dublin. From which time till the end of his dales 
the antient love and friendship between him and Dr Des- 
potine was mainteined ; so that their great distance both 

20 by land and sea from each other could not hinder a con- 
tinual entercourse of letters between them ; wherein nothing 
of moment in either kingdom, either of public concernment, 
or touching their own personal affaires, but still they com- 
municated one to another. And this is therefore here men- 

25 tioned to advertise the reader that the main of the ensuing 
narration, and in many places the very words, are nothing 
but what Mr Bedell's own letters to Dr Despotine have 
furnished : all other his writings, which might have much 
helped on this work, being imhappily lost together with his 

30 library, in that overflowing surge of the rebellion of Ireland. 

48. To returne then to his remove into Ireland. We may 

observe a special and extraordinary hand of God therein; 

which Mr Bedell himself in a letter 'to his friend the doctor 

thus expresseth : My greatest encouragement is, that I have 

3S not put myself into this place, hut, asi I h&pe I may truly say, 
T follow God. And indeed not only the thing itself, but 
the juncture of time when it was | effected and the instru- f. 25 v°. 
ments helping it on, have much of God observable in them. 
For that a private country-minister, so far distant, of so 


retired a life, should be sought for so publick and eminent 
an employment; that this should be immediately upon the 
determination of his long suit and recovery of those lands 
of the church, to vindicate him from all imputation of self- 
seeking, and to take him off from all dreggs of anger and S 
dissention that such a suit might have in the bottom ; 
finally, that two so eminent men for learning and holiness, 
as those two famous primates, George Abbot archbishop of 
Canterbury and James Usher archbishop of Armagh, should 
be the chief instruments of his call to that place : these lo 
circumstances cannot be denied to have a special hand of 
God going along with them, and cannot but testify both 
the favor of God towards him and his own great abilities. 
Upon the commendation therefore of these two archbishops 
he was chosen by the fellows of the colledge, and petitioned 15 
for to his majestic; who was graciously pleased, upon the 
testimony of Sir Henry Wotton, to assent to the fellows' 
petition, and Mr BedeU thereupon was made and sworn 
provost of the college of the Holy and Undivided Trinity 
near Dublin in Ireland. This beginning of that part of his 20 
life spent in Ireland was (as we see) favored with the most 
benign aspect, not only of the best and greatest of the earthly 
gods among us, but of the God of heaven and earth Himself, 
as a sweetning and preparative for the more stormy and 
troublesome part of his life that was to follow. 2? 

49. During his abode at the colledge he was often honored 
with the visits and invitations of the greatest persons about 
the city, as the archbishops of Armagh, Dublin, and Cashell, 
the lords Clanebois, Angier, and Dowckra : and in a special 
manner he had the favour of the lord deputy Falkland. 30 
His yearly stipend was £100, to which he had £20 per annum 
added for preaching a lecture every fortnight at Christ's- 
Church ; and this was the utmost of his revenew. 

50. As touching his managing of business in the col- 
ledge; His first care was concerning the statutes of the 35 

f. 26 r". house, in which he made | some alterations and some addi- 
tions to them, and reduced them into a more exact method 
But especially he looked more diligently to the exact ob- 
servance of them, than formerly had been used. In his altera- 


tion of the statutes it might manifestly appear that he sought 
the good of the society and not his own, and all still with 
special reference to the good of the church : nothing being 
aimed at either for the addition of mainteinance or outward 

S splendor to himself or the fellows, but that every fellow 
should study divinity, and after seven years' stay should 
goe out into some employment in the church ; that the 
natives of the countrey should be exercised in the reading 
and writing of their own language, that they might be the 

10 fitter to convert their countreymen the Irish ; that no acts, 
disputation or declamation, in any other science or art, save 
in divinity, should at any time be kept in the chappell ; that 
the students should allwaies weare their gowns, as well in 
the city as in the colledge ; that on the Lord's-day the fel- 

15 lows, scholars and all other the students, should goe together 
and all accompany the provost to church, all in their gowns. 
These are some of the heads of those additions which he 
made to the statutes. The whole body whereof he wrote 
out and left in the colledge. And they bear the name of 

20 Bedells Statutes to this day. 

51. One thing among the rest is not to be forgotten. 
It was provided in these statutes, that allwaies before dinner 
and supper in the hall the scholars of the house in their 
turns, every one his week, were to read a chapter in the 

25 Latin Bible, and then to give thanks; and after meat was 
brouo-ht in, and a little space of time allowed, the reader 
was to goe up to the fellows' table (where seldom but the 
provost himself was present), and there recite some verse of 
the chapter that was read, to give occasion of savory and 

30 profitable discourse ; which to be sure, when he was present, 
was improved accordingly. 

52. He was strict in exacting the performance of divinity 
acts, as commonplacings and disputations required by statute 

of the fellows, wherein himself would stiU take | the first turn ; f. 26 v°. 
35 and oftentimes he would dispute at other times with an 
argument or two upon the respondent, which sometimes 
produced some pretty strong tugging between him and the 
moderator (which allwaies was the divinity professor, Dr 
Hoile), to the great delight and profit of the hearers. 


53. Besides this and such like ordinary work of his 
place, he used on the Lord's-day, between dinner ended and 
church, to expound in the chappell some part of the cate- 
chism ; to which exercise diverse of the most devout persons 

of the city used to resort. And in this way of settlement 5 
his government in the colledge proceeded for some time, with- 
out any manifest disturbance. 

54. But 'twas not long ere some tempestuous winds 
arose, to the no small disquiet of his and the coUedge's 
peace. Two particulars the reader may take notice of One 10 
was a schism among the fellows arising from a national 
antipathy ; for the society consisting partly of Brittish and 
partly of Irish, hence it came to pass that there were con- 
tradictions and bandyings one side against another in all 
their meetings and consultations, whereby business of pub- 15 
lique concernment was hindred ; the house became divided 
against itself; the provost was rendered suspected by one 
side or other for his moderation and endeavours to keep 
down this contention ; and in short things grew to that 
height that the visitors were necessitated to 'interpose, least 20 
the matter should have grown to open scandal. This last 
refuge, the authority of the visitors, being join'd with the 
wisedom and moderation of the provost, was a means for 
some time to keep down this fire, but could not extin- 
guish it. 25 

55. Another disturbance arose from the professor Dr 
Joshua Hoile, a man of great learning, zeal and piety, but 
over-hot. The occasion was this : Mr Bedell in his cate- 
chisings and sermons and at other discourses used still 
rather to contract the differences between protestants and io 
papists than to widen them. One thing among the rest 
he had uttered his judgement in, vij' the church of Eome 

to be a true church : which in eflfect wise men know 
to be no more than that God hath a church, tho' in the 
dominions and under the tyranny of the pope ; and withall 35 
he was still wont to distinguish between the church of Rome 
and court of Rome. But this so much disrelished with the 
f. 27 r°. professor, | being at that time in his ordinary divinity lectures 
engaged in the confutation of Bellarmine, that beincr to com- 


moii-place on a time in his course, he took the text, Eevel. 
xviii. 4, Come out of her, my people : whence he took occa- 
sion too plainly to glance at the provost with somewhat 
more sharpness (being a hot and zealous man) than could be 
5 well-digested, without disparagement to his place. But the 
provost contented himself only with the satisfaction of a 
private conference in the professor's own chamber, imme- 
diately after the sermon ; where they debated the business 
largely together, like scholars, all in Latin, without any wit- 
lo ness unless a sizar, and parted good friends ; and no more 
was ever after heard of that matter, saving only that the 
professor afterwards to some of his acquaintance gave the 
provost the commendation of a pure Ciceronian as ever he 
had discoursed with. 
15 56. And thus having been employed and exercised awhile 

in the college, not much more than a year from his first set- 
tled residence in the place God's providence called him forth 
into the government of the church; wherein he spent the 
remainder of his life, and wherein we shall find him exceed- 
20 ingiy tossed with many and great troubles. His entrance 
and first advance to this employment was principally by the 
mediation and procurement of his noble friend and patron 
Sir Thomas Jermine, who moved the king's majestie in his 
behalf, and with some difficulty obteined for him the bishop- 
25 ricks of Killmore and Ardagh, before Mr Bedell was ac- 
quainted in the least with any such designe. The difficulty 
of effecting this was such, that Sir Thomas was forced to 
engage for him to his majestie, as farr as a man might be 
responseable for another. The cause of this difficulty perhaps 
30 may appear afterwards. It is not to be omitted how little 
ambitious he was of any such advancement. For before his 
acceptance of the bishopricks he seriously consulted with the 
lord archbishop of Armagh, and crav'd his advice about it; 
professing himself so indifferent, that if his grace should judge 
35 it more behovefuU for the church that he should still stay 
at the colledge, he would then some way decline the bishop- 
ricks. Also to his friend the doctor his expressions concern- 
ing this his preferment speak the same : Thus your friend, 
who never desird and dream'd of this or any other bishop-- 


rick, (more than to be pope of Rome), is to have two bishop- 
f. 27 v". ricks at a clap, being insufficient for one. \ But upon the 
advice and encoaragement of the lord primate he accepted 
the bishopricks. 

57. And now the next thing was his consecration, which 5 
he was to receive from the most reverend James Usher lord 
archbishop of Armagh, to which province his bishoprick did 
belong. But it happened to be at the time of the arch- 
bishop's triennial visitation, -which was usually managed by 
the chancellor and register of the archbishop. And had it 10 
only been used to keep up the dignity and preheminence of 
the archbishop above the other bishops of his province, or 
for the reformation of such bishops as were negligent or cor- 
rupt in their places, the matter had not been great. But by 
vertue of this triennial visitation every bishop was inhibited 15 
from exercising any j urisdiction, as well the good as the bad; 
all causes were remov'd from the bishops' to the archbishop's 
court; and these sees being now vacant, the archbishop's 
officers were the more active to improve their time, and not 
willing to be interrupted by the coming in of the new 20 
bishop. Whereupon his consecration was deferr'd a long 
time. But the new bishop made no hast ; resolving in mat- 
ters of this nature (as he wrote to his friend the doctor) to 
follow rather than to lead. 

58. At his consecration (and so after) he was to enter 25 
of necessity into a more costly garb, both for attire and at- 
tendance, than ever he had used; and this was no small 
trouble to his humble and heavenly mind. His own wisedom 
prompted him to some conformity to the rest of the episcopal 
rank; and his friends were soUicitous lest he should render 30 
himself contemptible, or lie under sinister censures, by coming 
too much behind other bishops in state and gallantry. And 
therefore he took a middle way; rising a little, but differing 
very much in outward splendor from the rest of his rank. 
He never wore silk, but his girdle, chimier and tippet; never 35 
wore bever, castor, or demi-castor, but allwaies felts. He 
used not to ride up and down the streets of Dublin about 
his occasions with his three or four men attending as was 
the common usage of the bishops there, but allwaies walked 


■witli only one man. And till the time of the earl of Straf- 
ford (for till then 'twas arbitrary) he very seldom used to ride 
with the state to church on Sundaies; and when he did, it 
was with as little state as possible. And tho' in this practice 
5 he did discontent some, and suffered the gibes of the more 
lordly prelates and their followers, yet he could not be al- 
tered. Going to visit a bishop in plain habit, with shoes 
made for ease and use (not with high Polonian | heels, &c.), f. 28 x° 
How now, my lord, said that bishop, Bo you weave brogues? 

10 (so the Irish call their shoes), jearing him for his plainness, 
and his known affection to the Irish nation. But he kept 
his usual composedness, and fell presently upon that church- 
business that occasioned his visit; and so spoil'd the jeast 
by taking no notice of it, and withall gave a sober check to 

IS the levity of it. 

59. But we shall now carry the reader along with our 
bishop of Killmore in his plain accoutrements to his diocess, 
and take some view of his carriage and entertainment there. 
And the first thing observable may be his sense of those 

20 presents (as horses, fat oxen, brawns) that came then fre- 
quently unto him, some from his officers, and some from his 
tennants and some ministers of his diocess. These were 
sent so thick, that they were a very great disquieting to his 
mind: for his way was, either to offer money for such as 

25 came from farr and that might be usefull to him for his 
present necessity, or if that were refused (as allwaies it was, 
even with indignation, as a kind of an affront), then utterly 
to deny acceptance of any svich present. It is hardly cre- 
dible what discontent arose against him, partly for this re- 

30 fusing of presents, and partly for the plainness of his habit 
and attendance. Some abstained not from scoffs and scorns; 
thus seeking to allay their own self-accusing and self-con- 
demning guilt, by laying loads on him, whom they found 
inflexible to their corrupt interests. 

35 60. But notwithstanding all such unkind welcoms, the 
bishop, armed with integrity, patience and holy zeal for 
God and the truth, proceeded with all diligence to inform 
himself of the state of his diocess ; bending his studies wholly, 
and to the utmost of his power, that way to reform. And 


God's providence concun-'d: for he was no sooner a little 
settled in his see, hut multitudes of complaints daily came 
in, especially against his chancellor and those others that 
under him managed the jurisdiction. It was the more griev- 
ous to the bishop to meet with such complaints, for that the 5 
cause was given by his own officers and the wrongs done in 
his own name. And therefore with all convenient speed 
he appoints a visitation, that so he might see fully and cer- 
tainly into the state of things. 

61. But at his visitation, upon some free actings and 10 
impartial proceedings of his for redress of some grievances 

of some complainants, his chancellor openly oppos'd him for 
f. 28 v°. going about to | alter the course of proceedings observed in 
his predecessor's time; for intrenching upon the place and 
office of the chancellor; as an innovator, as going about to 15 
eradicate all the professors of the civil law, and what not? 
And he found some of the clergy that were not ashamed to 
abett him in this opposition to the bishop's good intentions 
for reformation. 

62. It is strange how high the rage of Satan and men's 20 
malice flew against him, at his very first stirring, tho' but 
gently, for some reformation. One while they attempted to 
scare him with the name of a praemunire; but he too well 
understood the laws to incurr that danger. Another while 
they thought to discourage him with giving out that he was 25 
a papist, an arminian, a polititian, an Italian, a neuter. The 
eies of all men were upon him, the mouths of all open'd 
against him; he was as a wonder to many, and was forc'd 

to bear their reproaches and the smitings of their tongues; 
there was none to stand by him, or scarse to speak a word 30 
in his favour. His own nearest friends and relations were 
no small disheartning to him, as looking upon him and his 
actings according to the common vote ; and help'd rather to 
break his heart and courage in the cause of God, than any 
way to encourage him. There was not any worldly gain or 35 
advantage in the least to be expected, in case he should 
have been able to attain his ends; but to be sure he must 
be at great expences, both of his body, means and time, to the 
divorcing him from his studies (as he complain'd to his friend 


the doctor). But none of all these things, nor any worldly 
considerations, could -withold him from using his best en- 
deavour to discharge his conscience in that place God had 
called him to. 

5 63. And therefore he begins first with his pretended 

chancellor Mr Alane Cook, after Dr Cook. For the bishop 
having received sad complaints against him (the particulars 
out of respect to the dead shall now be spared), and holding 
himself obliged to see to the management of the jurisdiction 

10 in his own diocess, and having met with so hot opposition 
from him to his face in open court for but beginning to 
meddle with the rectifying what he judged amiss; therefore 
he desired of Mr Cook to see his commission or patent, by 
which he held the place of chancellor; signifying farther 

15 that being he was an officer under him and acting in his 
name, he must needs therefore call him to account for his 

64. Mr Cook's patent being shewn was found to be only f. 29 r". 
a grant of the chancellor's place to him from the precedent 

20 bishop, under his hand and episcopal seal, confirmed by the 
dean and chapter. There were also other just grounds of 
exception from the incongruence of the syntax, a principal 
verb being wanting that was to govern a long sentence of 
about an hundred words. Besides that, the bishop alleadged 

25 that it was against the canon law for the bishop to have a 
servant (as the chancellor is) imposed upon him hy his 
predecessor. These and some other defects in the instru- 
ment itself, but especially the exorbitancies of the person, 
begat a long and chargeable suit between the bishop and 

30 him. 

65. The first scene hereof was the archbishop's court; 
and there tho' the archbishop himself (that renowned Usher) 
was forward enough to give the bishop of Kilmore a fair 
hearing and an equal sentence, yet alass ! he was no more at 

35 his own disposal in it than the bishop of Kilmore could be 
in causes depending in his court, the archbishop being alike 
tied up by the fullness of his chancellor's power, as the 
bishop was by his. 

66. And besides, this was like to be a leading case, 


that if determin'd for the bishop might have hazzarded to 
have been an occasion of shortning both the power and the 
profit of all chancellors, registers, &c., and might have 
proved no small diminution of those honors and preferments 
which professors of the civil law propound to themselves s 
as the rewards of their study and practice. Thus Mr Cook 
laboured to represent this case, and thus without much adoe 
the business presently was resented by the civiHans; so that 
all as one contributed their uttermost for the mainteining 
Mr Cook and worsting of the bishop: insomuch that when lo 
according to the form of those courts he was to retain a 
proctor, none would undertake his cause; till one of the 
meanest they could find was assigned by the court, and that 
was in this case, as if a man's adversary should be his counsel 
or attorney; but how such a man's cause might be likely to 15 
thrive any one may judge. 

6y. But notwithstanding this cold comfort the good bishop 
thought himself bound in conscience to do his endeavour 
for the regulating his chancellor and reforming the pro- 
ceediiigs in his jurisdiction: and therefore trusting his 20 
proctor as little as he could, he applied himself to the man- 
f- 29 v°. agement of his own cause in his own person. He | missed not 
a court-day, tho' the place (being the city of Drogheda) was 
thirty miles distant from his house. He drew his answers 
himself, or whatever else was to be given in, in writing, being 25 
very throughly seen in the study of the civil law. He 
offered himself and earnestly desired to plead and speak in 
his own cause when occasion so required, but that would 
not be allow'd. The bishop alleadged and proved, that an- 
ciently 'twas accounted a shame for a bishop to have one 30 
speak for him: but the civilians did not hke such old 
fashions ; they were resolved that their manner of proceeding 
should not be altered; the bishop must speak by his advo- 
cate or proctor, or whatever else he spake signified nothing. 
And so still his hopes of prevailing grew daily more des- 35 

68. In these str eights he tried some friends in England; 
from whom he receiv'd only some small verbal encourage- 
ment. The advantage was much every way on the opposite 


side ; yet it was thought the surest way to remove the cause 
into the prerogative court. And there also much time was 
spent and charges ran on, and the same forms of proceeding 
were repeated again to no other purpose but only to make 
S the business the more publick, as being now brought to 
Dublin; and that all the good civihans might have the bet- 
ter opportunity to join all their forces against the bishop. 

69. Being thus worried among them and easily perceiving 
what issue he must expect, he expressed himself to his friend 
10 the doctor thus : / have all right on my side, hut know not 
whether I shall find any to do me right. Also he call'd the 
law his purgatory and his journeys to Dublin his returning 
into purgatory: he complain'd to the doctor of his many 
troublesom thoughts, and often bemoan'd his own case. 
15 The doctor also and all his other friends persuaded him to 
sit still and not to strive against the stream. But the tie of 
his conscience and of his duty to God in that place were 
more than all discouragements; and therefore, tho' sure to 
loose the day, as he wrote to the doctor, he comforted him- 
20 self with this, Post tenebras spero lucem, et dabit Beus his 
quoque finem: resolving however to be hearty and to see 
the uttermost of the business, that he might be able to say 
Liberavi animam meam. 

70. But before we proceed to relate the final issue of 

25 this suit, we shall take breath awhile and observe some 

other employments of the bishop's, even while this great 

cause was depending. For | as he laboured to rectify the f- 3° r". 

miscarriages of his pretended chancellor and the other 

officers in managing the jurisdiction, so himself was active 

30 the mean time to give a better example ; and therefore most 

commonly his manner was to keep courts himself in person. 

For which purpose as usually they had set times and places, 

so whatever weather came, he would be sure to be present at 

the remotest parts of both his diocesses. These journeys 

35 took him up somtimes nigh a fortnight's time together; 

they were very chargeable to him, and somtimes dangerous, 

by reason of the mountains and boggy waies and loughs 

and rivers not passable but by boat, besides the intempe- 



rate rains that fell allmost all summer long in those northern 


71. But God not only preserv'd him in these his waies, 
bxit encourag'd him: for at the very first beginning of these 
journeyings to keep courts, he was met a great way from 5 
home by the judges of assizes, being upon their circuit, as 
the bishop was upon his ; and though they were of no parti- 
cular acquaintance with him, yet with great respect and 
civilities they congratulated his advancement to the bishop- 
ricks, using this speech unto him, that luhen his lordship lo 
came to that diocess it was breathing out the last spirit. 
The people generally, EngUsh, Scottish, Irish, gentle, simple, 
protestants, papists, wellcom'd him wherever he came. He 
was invited by those of best quality, knights and gentlemen, 

a-s he travell'd; and sometimes of necessity (the county not 15 
affording other conveniency) he accepted such invitations. 
He would not refuse the courtesies of papists in these occa- 
sions, nor of papist-priests, but somtimes hath taken up his 
lodging even in such men's houses ; and very ambitious would 
they be of entertaining him as their guest. But where the 20 
conveniency of inns was to be had, there he rather would be 
at his own charges. 

72. It happened once that a meeting of the bishop 
and some ministers was appointed to be holden at a place 
called Manner Hamilton, and the bishop having bespoken an 25 
inn and provision for the entertainment of himself and some 
ministers, a noble knight Sir Frederick Hamilton, that was 
lord of the town and dwelt near it, sent to the bishop to in- 
vite him to his house. The bishop return'd him many 
thanks, but withall signified, that himself and the ministers 30 

f. 30 y. had bespoken their entertainment, and were | to consult of 
matters of weight properly concerning their spiritual func- 
tion; and therefore he desired to be excused for that time, 
promising that after their business ended they would not 
fail to wait upon him. Sir Frederick not being satisfied 35 
with this, being a man of an high spirit, sends again with 
more importunity, inviting not only the bishop and all his 
company, but all the ministers; assuring them that they 
should have freedom and privacy, the best his house could 


afford for their consultations, only requesting earnestly that 
they would come ; adding, that he took it as an indignity 
that his lordship and the ministry should he entertained in 
that countrey any where else than at his house ; sending also 
5 a threatning messenger to the host of the house for making 
provision for them without his advice. The bishop and 
ministers (for some reasons of weight, not here to be ex- 
pressed) judged it not very fitting to yield to the motion of 
the knight at that time, though seemingly fair and safe ; and 

10 therefore in all respectfull manner desir'd his pardon, with 
promise still (for the bishop's part) to give him a visit ere he 
left the countrey. Accordingly the next morning, their 
business being over, the bishop goes to the knight's house, 
with his register and a minister or two and some servants. 

15 And being come thither they found the doors all shutt, no 
person appearing. Having call'd and knock'd severall 
times, all was still silent. They knocked and waited still; 
so long, till first shame, and then anger possessed all, but 
only the bishop. His company earnestly advised him to 

20 stay no longer. At last some were spied peeping out at 
windows and laughing. But the bishop for all this so kept 
his patience, that when all his company were allmost in a 
rage and urgent upon him to be gone and no longer expose 
himself and them to scorn, yet still he resolved to stay a 

25 while longer, and smilingly told them 'twas hut an humor 
and would soone he past and over. And accordingly, after 
allmost half an hour's waiting, Sir Frederick caused the doors 
to be opened and himself met and embrac'd the bishop. 
Some little expostulation there was on both sides for this 

30 carriage of the business. But Sir Frederick being a gallant 
bred man, was so ingenuous as to be moved by the known 
worth, tried wisedom, patience and humility of the bishop, to 
lay down this animosity, and to make amends for all by a 
very noble entertainment of the bishop and his company; 

3S and the bishop was abundantly satisfied in reaping the fruits 
of his patience. 

73. We return again to his journeying and keeping f. 31 r°. 
courts, whereby as he satisfied his own conscience, so he gave 
very great satisfaction both to ministers and people, tho' to 



his no small charge. And because his law-suit with his 
chancellor and other law business would not allwaies in per- 
son permitt him thus to keep his courts, he therefore issued 
out four commissions to four ministers, whom he judg'd most 
upright and able, authorizing them to manage his jurisdic- 5 
tion in his absence. But at this his chancellor stormed 
exceedingly; and tho' he could not keep the bishop himself 
from sitting as judge when he pleased, yet by his power and 
threatnings he so farr prevail'd as that those ministers durst 
not appear in the business, or but very coldly, if at all. 10 
Sometimes it happened that the bishop and chancellor both 
met and sate in court together: and then the bishop was 
sure to meet with opposition and provocation sufficient to 
have either dismaied or transported him into passion, had 
not the wisedom that is from above both kept and guided 15 

74. One thing that troubled the chancellor was, that by 
the bishop's sitting as judge in the courts he was fain to 
fall much short in his gain, which he was wont to make by 
his place. For not only his underhand and indirect gains 20 
were much prevented, as wanting now the conveniency of 
concealment, but also those fees which with him were ordi- 
narily and punctually exacted by him, the bishop would still 
moderate and mitigate, with respect to the poverty of the 
person and the merits of the cause; preventing hereby in 25 
some measure the rigorous exactions of his chancellor, and 
(as he expressed it to his friend the doctor) both keeping his 
own hands clean, and looking to Mr Cook's fingers also as 
well as he could. 

75. But the greatest abuse in the exercise of the eccle- 30 
siastical jurisdiction and of all other the most gi-ievous to 
the good bishop, was the frequent prostitution of that solemn 
and dreadful sentence of excommunication; which with them 
(as it were) was become nothing else but an engine to open 
men's purses; with this the chancellor, yea and even the 35 
very apparitors, were used to force in their fees and exaccions, ■ 
especially from the Irish, the poorest of all not excepted. 
The chancellor, tho' but one man and a meer lay-man, when 
he saw his time, would decree men excommunicated, and 


presently the | ministers were commanded to denounce them f. 31 v°. 
as such in their churches, twenty in a parish at once. This 
command must pass in the bishop's name, and yet without 
his consent or so much as linowledge, and being thus de- 

5 nounced, tho' papists (as commonly they were) whose reli- 
gion excommunicates them from our worship and assemblies, 
the next business was by a writt de excommunicato capiendo 
to apprehend them and clap them up in the goale; where 
sometimes they were famished, or, to avoid taking, forc'd to 

10 fly to woods and mountains, to turn kerns and live by 

y6. The bishop with all his might laboured for redress 
of this, and hy moderating the charges of the court and other 
his exemplary tenderness and compassion towards the poor 

I S natives, in a great measure prevented it ; tho' wholly to 
reform it (as the laws then stood) it was impossible for one 
bishop to doe. But lest he should hereby seem to favor 
offenders, he used, when any were to be sentenc'd, by 
instructions and grave admonitions to set their sins before 

20 them, with the evil and danger of the same, and to allure 
them by all meekness and gentleness to repentance, im- 
posing such moderate fees on them as they might be able 
to pay in a competent time, without writs or excommuni- 

25 yy. These his proceedings rendered him still more 

odious to that sort of men whose mainteinance arose out of 
the courts, but won him an extraordinary love and respect 
with the Irish and all that at any time came under the lash 
of the court. And his often riding about on these occasions 

30 was much conducible to his health. For tho' while he lived 
in England he had been much afflicted with the stone and 
gravell descending down from the kidneys, yet in Ireland 
by this continual motion he was in a manner cur'd of this 

35 78. The reverend doctor Bernard, sometime dean of 
Kilmore, in his character given of this good bishop in print 
hath most truly represented him, both as to his keeping 
courts and visitations, as also to all other particulars touch'd 
by him in that brief account. 


79. Visitations he ever transacted in his own person, 
and preach'd himself for the most part, and that in a way 
which was home and searching against sin, pressing and 
urgent as to matter of practice and reformation; being set 

f. 32 r°. on by the extraordinary gravity | and heavenhness of his 5 
presence and conversation. He never would put up one 
farthing of the procurations, but spent that money upon the 
ministers for their entertainment and the poor. Also in the 
keeping his courts (as Dr Bernard hath truly noted) he used 
his brethren of the ministry with aU possible respect: he 10 
made them sit covered on each side of him on the bench, 
he asked their opinions on any cause that came before him, 
and would not pass sentence till they had first given it. 
Neither was the difficulty small to persuade some ministers 
to use the liberty he gave them herein. For what through 15 
the power of the pretended chancellor and threatning words 
given out by him, and through the ignorance of many 
ministers in the ecclesiastical history and ancient canons, 
and especially by a long habit of servitude under the bishop's 
officers and servants, ministers were in a manner jealous of 20 
the bishop for seeking their deliverance; as the Israelites 
were of Moses and Aaron for speaking to Pharaoh to let them 
go ; or as one thunder-stricken, who (as the poet speaks) 
Vivit, et est vitae nescius ipse suae. 

80. This good bishop rested not here, but attempted 25 
also the erecting of diocesan-synods, in imitation of the like 
practise of primitive bishops; which he judged himself suf- 
ficiently impowered to do as a bishop in his own diocese, both 
by the word of God and the ancient canons. And some 
meetings of the ministers and conferences were holden bv 30 
his appointment for this purpose, and some orders and 
canons were agreed upon for reformation of his diocese. 
And for this especially he was charged by his pretended 
chancellor and those of the same craft, as an innovator and 

as having incurr'd a praemunire and intrenching upon the 35 
king's prerogative. 

81. Such high imputations were frequently and loudly 
proclaimed against him by his and the churches adversaries, 
to deterr him and to stifle his godly endeavours for reform- 


ation. But notwithstanding all this he proceeded as farr as 
possibly he could, and was prepared and resolved to answer 
his actions in this behalf at his uttermost perills. But the 
ministers apprehending the dangers likely to ensue upon 
5 such an attempt grew altogether cold in the business; and 
the bishop could not proceed alone to any purpose in this his 
pious undertaking: whereof complaining to his friend the 
doctor he useth this speech: It is an universal disease in 
bodies ecclesiastical, Omnes, quae sua sunt, quaerunt. 

lo 82. Thus having seen the practice of this bishop in f. 32 v°. 
matter of the jurisdiction ecclesiastical, the reader probably 
will not think it burthensome to take his judgement also 
concerning the same, as then it stood, in his own words, as 
they are faithfully transcrib'd out of his letters to the doctor : 

IS The corruptions of the jurisdiction ecclesiastical are such as 
not only not law, hut not so much as equity is kept; or if law, 
the new decretal law, not the ancient canons of the church, not 
the canon of canons, the holy scripture. And in another of 
his letters to the doctor, writing concerning some proceedings 

20 by the lords justices, then in Ireland, against friars and 
popish priests and Jesuites, thus he writes : TJie thing most 
to be wished were some good reformation in church-matters. 
But (he adds) / believe rather nothing will be done, than any 
thing much better'd. 

25 83. Touching some innovations in matter of ceremony, 

introduc'd into England about anno 1636 (of which the doc- 
tor had written to him), he return'd this: I am not glad of 
it. Vino qui vetere utuntur, sapientes puto. And so for his 
own particular in his own diocese he required conformity 

30 only unto that which was then by law established, and no 

84. The cathedral church wanted endowment for the 
mainteinance of prebends, treasurer, chanter, vicars-choral, 
vergers and other officers and ornaments belonging to the 

35 state and magnificence of a cathedral. There was only a 
dean and archdeacon, but without any revenue, save only 
the profits of such church livings whereof they were incum- 
bents; and consequently the chapter in his diocese was only 
a convention of the several ministers, so many of them as 


could come together upon occasion, any beneficed man hav- 
ing his place and vote in the chapter. 

85. And hence we may fitly pass to acquaint the reader 
how his manner was and what rules he observed in the or- 
dination of ministers and collation of livings. For which 5 
purpose three things must be noted : one, that the most of 
the livings in that diocese (and in a manner all) were the 
bishop's, as rightful and undoubted patron; and the whole 
power of disposing them, when any fell, was in him. An- 
other thing was, that 'twas then the custom in Ireland for 10 
one minister to enjoy three, four, five, or more livings, as 
they were able by friends or other waies to obtein them; yea, 
not only many rectories, but many vicarages were there pos- 

f. 33 r°. "^sessed by one man, and, which yet | may seem more strange, 

many clarkships. One man, some servant or kinsman to the 15 
bishop, and no poor man neither, might be dark to three or 
four parishes. Such was the state of the church when bishop 
Bedell came first to the diocese. A third thing to be noted 
is, that most of the people in every parish were popish and 
Irish. In several parishes there was not one Brittish or 20 
protestant, save the minister's family, and sometimes not all 
his family so neither. 

86. Our bishop, to stay the fuller grouth of these dis- 
orders, took this course. First, he ceased not to admonish 
those ministers that had pluralities to be resident upon some 25 
one or other of their livings, and to provide sufficient curates 

ia the rest, and as he could, he improved his authority to 
urge them hereunto. But this came far short of effecting 
that reformation that was needfull : and therefore he used a 
more effectual remedy as God gave opportunity; and that 30 
was, as any living became void, never to bestow above one 
on one man, and to require an oath of every one to be per- 
petually and personally resident upon his living. By this 
means, tho' some were highly displeased (the hopes of their 
gains being thus taken away), yet the number of ministers 35 
was made somthing the more proportionable to the work. 

87. And whereas they generally accounted those Mvings, 
where all or most of the people were papists, to be sine cura, 
saving only to take care to sell tithes; our bishop in time 


brought them to another belief, and would tell them, Tho' 
the people would not hear them preach, yet 'twas very fit 
they should see their good conversation: and therefore by- 
no means would he allow non-residency or pluralities. 
5 88. And to make yet a farther provision for the effec- 

tual discharge of the ministers' work, he was very careful! 
that, if possible, ministers might be placed (where the people 
were most Irish), who had skill in the Irish tongue; in pro- 
secution of that statute in the college of Dublin, wherein it 

lo was provided, that scholars of the Irish nation for their en- 
couragement and better fitting themselves for the conversion 
of their own countrey-men should be exercised in the read- 
ing of the scriptures in the Irish language; for which exer- 
cise every such Irish scholar had a yearly stipend of £3 per 

IS annum beside his scholarship. The bishop very zealously 

prosecuted this pious designe in placing of ministers ; | and if f. 33 v°. 
such men were offered to him, or himself could find out such, 
as were able to converse with the natives and perform divine 
offices to them in their own language, he would rather pre- 

20 ferr them to such livings, than others of greater learning 
and abilities that wanted the language. And to them that 
would cavil or object against this his practice, as less pro- 
pitious to learning and English-men, he would produce that 
of the apostle, i Cor. xiv. 19, /w the church of God I had 

25 rather speak five words with my understanding, that by my 
voice I might teach others also, than ten thousand words in an 
unknown tongue. And he would plainly tell ministers, such 
forward men as used to ride and run for a benefice, that tho' 
they had Saint Paul's gifts, yet he could not see how they 

30 would be able to doe any good unless they had the language 
of the people. 

89. One main objection was made against these his pro- 
ceedings upon a politick or state-reason. For by laws in force 
in Ireland the Irish were requir'd to learn the English lan- 

35 guage and use English fashions; which law this practice of 
the bishop seemed directly to cross. But his answer was, 
that those people had souls which ought not to be neglected 
till they would learn English. And therefore, not being 
mov'd by any such objections, he persisted in his course 


■which he had begun, and applied himself for example-sake 
to the study of Irish: wherein, as to reading and writing, he 
had attain'd a good perfection. 

90. And as in preferring men to livings, so in conferring 
holy orders he was very carefull. He used allwaies, with 5 
the assistance of the archdeacon and two or three other 
ministers, to examine openly in the church such as were to 
be ordained. He had a very sweet and brotherly way of 
proceeding in his examinations, and would press that point 
(among the rest) whether the examinant did think himself 10 
call'd of God, and moved by the Holy Ghost, to take that 
calling upon him. At the ordination aUwaies he preach'd 
and administred the communion himself, one of the other 
ministers assisting in the distributing of the cup. The let- 
ters of orders, as also the instrument for institution and in- ij 
duction, he allwaies wrote and sealed with his own hand; 
not suffering one farthing to be paid by any minister, either 

f- 34 r°. I to himself or any servant of his, that he might shun all 
appearance of simony ; which himself rendred as the reason 
of his doing. And thus sending forth labourers as fit as he 20 
could into the Lord's vineyard, he did endeavour what lay in 
him that every parish in the diocese might have a minister 
able to doe somthing towards the conversion of souls. 

91. It must not here be concealed that the success was 
not so answerable to his good intentions. For being bent 25 
upon it to place none but such as had the language where 
most of the people were Irish ; he was fain to prefer many 
Irish-men, some of which were such as had been popish, and 
some priests and friars, who either by some injury or dis- 
grace from those of their religion, or through poverty and 30 
desire of preferment (being once acquainted with the bishop's 
way and principles), were moved to desire conference with 
him; and so by degrees becoming converts, and carrying 
themselves at first fairly, and places falling void, they were 
by the bishop preferr'd, meerly out of his zeal for the con- 35 
version of the Irish. But some of these men proved scan- 
dalous, returning again to their vomit ; not by revolting to 
popery, but by breaking out into dissoluteness of life, to the 
great dishonour of God, disgrace of the ministry and grief 


of the bishop. Yet these evils he never so far resented (how 
odiously soever aggravated) as to alter that good principle, 
that the minister ought to be able to speak to his flock in 
a tongue that they could understand. And not only his own 
5 conscience, but all men (even his adversaries) bore him wit- 
ness, that no secular or sinister end induced him to take this 
course ; but meerely to discharge his conscience the best he 

92. Before we leave this subject, one rare and remark- 
10 able passage may fitly be remembered. The bishop being 

a great opposite to plurality, had this objected (either by 
others or his own conscience, or both), that himself gave the 
same bad example in holding two bishopricks. And therefore 
his heart was a long time set upon it, to use all lawful! means 

15 to quit one. In order whereunto he dealt very earnestly 
with a reverend and learned man Dr John Richardson, to 
accept of the bishoprick of Ardagh, which he offered to 
resigne ; engaging to use all his interest in such | friends as he f- 34 v°. 
had in England about the court to procure him the grant 

20 thereof from his majestie. Dr Richardson had allready the 
best church-living in that diocese; which was some means 
to farther the bishop of Kilmore's designe, tho' the bishoprick 
it self was of no tempting value. 

93. Bishop Bedell consulting with his friend Dr Despo- 
25 tine concerning this matter, was much dissuaded by him, 

as also by all other his friends, who were made acquainted 
with this his purpose. His own words in his letters to Dr 
Despotine to satisfy him in the thing were these: That the 
example of holding two hishopricks was not canonical, hut 

30 justifying the holding of many benefices hy one person; that 
'twas an imreasonable thing of him to seek to reform heap)ers 
of benefices, being himself faidty in having two bishopricks; 
that he was sensible of his own disability to discharge the 
office of a bishop to two churches, yea even to one; that this 

35 bishoprick as to the revenues thereof had been most horribly 
injured, and therefore requir'd some abler man, both for purse 
and friends, to recover the rights of the church, and such he knew 
Br Richardson to be, as having a good estate and no charge of 
children, and a man deserving a far better bishoprick. And 


whereas 'twas objected by the doctor that by parting with one 
of his bishopricks he should shorten his means, his answer 
was, that still he should have enough to live on, and leave 
his children more than was left him ; and Domiiii est terra 
et plenitudo eius. Thus armed against all arguments of flesh 5 
and bloud and finding Dr Richardson not altogether averse 
from the motion, bishop Bedell never ceased till the busi- 
ness was effected to his great joy and content, wherein he 
invited his friend Dr Despotine in a letter to rejoice with 
him. 10 

94, And now this great rubb being removed, he went on 
more confidently to reform those too-common and rooted 
maladies of the clergy then and there, plurality of benefices 
and non-residency : which were grown to that height in 
Ireland that some would take the liberty, tho' possessors of 15 
several livings, to reside at none of them at all. Some men 
had livings in several diocesses ; some still lay at the catch 

to pick holes in men's titles and some way or other to 
intitle the king, and then get the broad seal; and so in 
f- 35 r°. spight of any bishops to possess themselves of what | livings 20 
they had a mind to. If a bishop should refuse to give insti- 
tution or a mandate for induction in case of any such in- 
truder; they needed no more but to goe to the prerogative 
court, and for their money they might have both. Bishop 
Bedell in his diocese was not a little infested with this kind 25 
of men, and omitted not to oppose them with all his might. 
And hereupon he drew on himself a gi-eat deal of trouble 
and charge from some of the ministry. And what by his pre- 
tended chancellor's encouraging, and the iniquity of the 
times conniving or (which is worse) encouraging such of- 30 
fenders, he could prevail but little, but was fain to goe by 
the loss in all, save only in what is more worth than all, the 
peace and comfort of a good conscience. 

95. It would be too long to relate his troubles, occa- 
sion'd by some necessary secular affaires, as in his just 35 
endeavours to vindicate the rights of his churches. That 

of Ardagh was scarce worth f 100 per annum when he first 
came to be bishop; the revenue being so grossly embezel'd, 
that he had not left him in that diocese where to set his 


foot ; the very site of the bishop's mansion-house being leas'd 
away and costing a long and chargeable suit ere he could 
recover it. The troubles and suits that lay upon him in 
right of that bishoprick, he used to say, were an abyssus or 
S bottomless gulf. 

96. He had also enough and more of the same in his 
diocese of Kilmore; being forced to sue for some of his 
menial lands, leased away quite contrary to law; and was 
held out of his right by the potency and the subtiltie of some 

10 enemies he had to doe withall in most plain cases for many 
years together. One very unkind suit there happened 
between him and his predecessor's widow, about lands leased 
to her by her husband at a very mean rent and for a longer 
time than by law they ought and to the manifest injury of 

15 the church; and yet hardly was the business ended till just 
upon the breaking out of the rebellion ; and even then he 
was fain in a manner even to buy his right. 

97. It was the usual course of his predecessors, the 
bishops of Kilmore and Ardagh, to gratify their wives, chil- 

20 dren, kindred and servants, by making them long leases of 
the lands of their bishopricks, to the manifest injury of the 
church; and the deans and chapters, | for favour and affection, f. 35 v . 
were procured to confirm such unlawfull acts; whereby the 
succeeding bishops were reduc'd to a very small allowance, 

25 and the lands in long process of time in danger of alienation 
from the church: an abuse not seldom incident to most 
church-lands, but strenuously oppos'd and in some measure 
rectified and prevented by our good bishop; who never was 
guilty of doing any such unconscionable act in all his time. 

30 98. Thus have we seen what constant and setled 
troubles, as a constant storm, did still weatherbeat our bishop ; 
that grand suit also with his chancellor continuing all this 
while over and besides all other matters. We shall now see 
how God was pleas'd yet farther to exercise him with trialls 

35 of another nature, wherein the higher powers fell foul upon 
him. Two instances only of this nature may here be pre- 
sented to the reader. 

99. The first was this. During his episcopacy at Kil- 
more, the protestants of the county of Cavan in his diocese. 


both clergy and laity, found themselves very much aggrieved 
by certain heavy impositions; the manner as well as the 
thing itself being grievous to them. For whereas agents had 
been sent to his majestic from the protestants of this county^ 
and the whole province of Ulster, to desire ease of the bur- 5 
then of an army then lying upon them very heavy; these 
agents, when they came to court, joined and consented with 
other agents at the same time emploied by the papists, that 
the summ of six score thousand pounds should be raised and 
paid within a set time out of the whole kingdom ; and this 10 
money thus strangely impos'd was in some places forc'd in 
by those soldiers which they had desired to be eased of. 
And in the county of Cavan a violent papist, then under- 
sheriff, and that used much injustice and partiahty towards 
the protestants, was made a chief actor herein. Whereupon 15 
they (being very considerable in that county and province, 
both for number and quality) join'd together to complain 
and seek more redress; which they agreed first to doe by 
way of a letter to the lords justices that then were the chief 
governors of Ireland. Their letter they had drawn up and 20 
concluded upon ; only some of them moved to have the bishop's 
f- 36 r". advice about it. Upon his | sight of their letter, which was 
too full of height and discontent, the bishop acquainted some 
knights and gentlemen that were active in it that he dislik'd 
the manner of proceeding; and somwhat he had to doe by 25 
his best persuasions to allay their spirits. Yet their respect 
to him was such that they desir'd him to draw up somthing 
himself in order to the acquainting the state with their 
grievances. The bishop accordingly draws up an humble 
petition; in which they only desire that their paiment of such 30 
imposed contributions might not be prejudicial to them, their 
posterity and successors for time to come; and that their 
lordships would forbear any farther imposition of any such 
burthen upon them untill they should present their humble 
remonstrances to his majestic. This petition the bishop of 35 
Kilmore, with two other bishops and many knights and gen- 
tlemen, subscrib'd. And it was presented to the lords jus- 

' See Mr Prinn's Introduccion. 


tices that then were, the lord viscount Loftus lord chancellor 
of Ireland and Richard lord Boyl earl of Cork. 

lOO. But notwithstanding this moderating of the business 
by the bishop of Kilmore; for setting his hand to this petition 

5 and opposing his majestie's service in Ireland, he was accused 
also to the archbishop of Canterbury for the same. And the 
lord Wentworth, then design 'd chief governor of Ireland (a 
man of great severity), was inform'd and prepossessed against 
him. First the archbishop falls upon him in a sharp letter, next 

10 the lord Wentworth, saying that such men that should oppose 
the king's service were unworthy to be bishops; and farther, 
the bishop of Kilmore's name being in among others for a 
commissioner in a business, he caused his name to be blotted 

IS lOi. The bishop to assert his innocency takes up his de- 

fensive weapon, his pen (in the use whereof he was inferior 
but to few). And first to the lord archbishop, and then to 
the lord Wentworth, in large letters of his he partly excused 
and partly justified his action. In that to the lord Wentworth, 

20 in defence of himself he expresseth his humble thoughts thus 
to his lordship: That the way ought not to be foreclosed to 
subjects to have recourse in humble and dutifull sort to his 
majestie's goodness to declare their grievances, this serving to 
evaporate their discontents, a good mean to keep them from 

25 festring inwardly. It was a good while after the lord 
Wentworth his landing in Ireland before the bishop would 
goe to Dublin to wait upon him, as aU or most of | the other f. 36 v°. 
bishops had done; and the reason was because he had de- 
clared so much displeasure against him, as we have heard. 

30 And some of his friends questioning with him why he defer- 
r'd so long to present himself to the lord lieutenant, he 
answered with that of Solomon, If the spirit of the ruler rise 
up against thee, leave not thy place. He rather chose to make 
his way by mollifying letters and by patience, and so in time 

35 by God's blessing this storm ceased; which as soon as the 
bishop understood, he took occasion to visit the lord lieutenant 
at Dublin, and was treated with due respect by himself and 
his favorites, and for a while seem'd to stand rectus in 
curia, till another occasion happen'd. 


102. And this leads us to that other instance wherein 
the higher powers frowned upon him ; and that was in the 
case of the bishop of Killalagh, Archibald Adaire. The case 
was this. A certain Scottish minister, that fled out of Scotland 
upon occasion of the tumults there about episcopacy and the 5 
common-prayer-book, coming into Ireland, made his case 
known to those in power, and in such a way as rendred the 
proceedings of his countrey-men (especially the covenanters) 
very odious. Whereupon being looked upon as a man driven 
out of his countrey, destitute of maintenance and zealous of 10 
episcopacy, he was soon preferr'd to a living, which happen'd 

to be in the bishop of Killalagh his diocese: and going thither 
to possess his living, there happened some differences between 
him and the bishop, tho' both of the Scottish nation. Whe- 
ther the rise of their differences was that the bishop thought 15 
it his right to have the bestowing of the living, and this 
minister to be obtruded wrongfully upon him, or that this 
minister carried not himself dutifully and submissively to 
the bishop, or whether the matter was that the bishop did 
not sufficiently approve his flight out of Scotland into Ireland, 20 
as having more perfect intelligence concerning matters there 
and not taking the man's own word only; whatever the mat- 
ter was, (which perhaps some yet living do more distinctly 
know than can here be related) ; in summ, being both men of 
high spirits, the contention grew very hot between them ; and 25 
words arising, the bishop let fall some speeches that sounded 
too favorably towards the covenanters in Scotland, withall 
sharply rebuking the minister for accusing his own nation and 
like an unclean bird defiling his own nest. The minister thus 
f. 37 r". I entertein'd by the bishop, with the first opportunity com- 30 
plained of him, either immediately to the lord lieutenant 
Wentworth or to some that soon carried it to his ear; and that 
with such success, that the bishop was soon after summoned 
into the high-commission-court then newly erected in Ire- 
land, there to be proceeded against and to answer his words. 35 

103. The business upon hearing was judged so scanda- 
lous (especially in a bishop) that the court came soon to 
sentence. The judges of this court were the lord lieutenant, 
the lord chancellor, the archbishops and diverse bishops and 


other men of chiefest quality in the kingdom, and among 
others the bishop of Kilmore. When the day for sentence 
came, there was no small appearance : the court was full as 
well of commissioners as of auditors and spectators; and after 
5 the usual manner every commissioner in a set speech deli- 
ver'd his judgement in the present case, beginning at the 
last, and so on to the first. There were many that spake 
before it came to the bishop of Kilmore, and tho' some were 
more favorable or not so severe as others ; yet for the gene- 

10 rality the judgement of the court was very heavy, decreeing 
no less than deprivation against the bishop of Killalagh, 
besides an heavy fine to be set on his head. When our 
bishop of Kilmore came to deliver his sentence, he insisted 
much on the tenderness and favour that still in antient times 

15 were wont to be used in case of the accusation of any bishop; 
the scripture itself requiring no less. And he learnedly and 
largely discussed the present case ; but so, as his judgement 
differ'd much from the most of them that had spoken. 
And tho' he blam'd and aggravated the faults of the bishop 

20 with solid gravity and without sharpness, yet he stood much 
for the most favourable censure that might be possibly as 
most requisite and convenient in the present case : conclud- 
ing with submission of this his judgement to the rest of that 
honourable court. 

25 104. This carriage of this business was no way pleasing, 

as crossing in a manner the very designe divulg'd before the 
day of sentence, which was to make this bishop an example 
for all to take warning by. But the bishop of Kilmore had 
the testimony of his own conscience for him, and such solid 

30 grounds delivered in his speech as none would take in hand 
to overthrow. He had no manner of intimacy with the bishop 
that was censured, nor indeed was capable of any : both be- 
cause of the distance of their habitations (the one in Con- 
naght, the other in Ulster), and because of the national 

35 difference, the one a Scot, the other an English-man; which 

for the most part desire to | have as little to do the one with f- 37 v°. 
the other as may be. Neither had the bishop of Kilmore 
any party to make, nor any ready made to his hand to back 
him, but stood single in this matter; and so was sufficiently 


check'd and chidden for his pains as a willful and singular 
man, to differ from the whole judgement of so honourable a 
court. But the bishop of Killalagh, that was censured, he 
indeed professed a great deal of respect to the bishop of 
Kilmore from that time forth, still calling him his patron: 5 
but that was a small matter to be laid in the ballance against 
the displeasure of the chiefest in the kingdom. But our 
bishop being a plain man, and not ambitious of anything but 
to promote God's glory and to keep the peace of his con- 
science, he was the better qualified to bear that burthen of ip 
men's displeasure, though grievous enough to be bom. 

105. It is time now to give some account of the final 
issue of that tedious and chargeable suit between the bishop 
and his chancellor : wherein, notwithstanding the unanimous 
engagement of all the civilians against him and those many 15 
discouragements he met withall, yet being resolv'd to see 
the uttermost and finding himself not fairly dealt with in 
the prerogative-court, he came at last to the last refuge, an 
appeal to the king; whereby all proceedings were stopp'd 
till the king's pleasure was known. And after some time 20 
(according to the usual manner in such cases) a commission 
issued out under the king's broad seal, nominating a certein 
number of men of the chiefest rank, beginning with the lord 
deputy himself, and so on to privy councellors, judges, arch- 
bishops, bishops, doctors of both laws, &c. and appointing 25 
those, or a certein number of them, to hear and determine 
the cause depending. The bishop had some hope at first 
this way to have obteined his purpose ; which was only to 
have liberty to appoint his own chancellor himself, or else 

to correct the exorbitances of his pretended and obtruded 30 

106. The expectations of all men were intent upon the 
final issue of this cause. Some of his judges spoke favourably, 
as by name sir George Shirley lord chief justice of the 
king's-bench ; who was heard to say, that he thought it hard 35 
if a sheepherd might not have liberty to drive a wolf away 
from his fold. But others were as much the other way; 
openly declaring their judgements against the bishop before 
ever the delegates came to sit. Whereupon at the first sit- 


ting he put in his exceptions against one or two; allwaies 
saving the reverence due to their persons ; and the | reasons f. 38 r°. 
of his exceptions were judged valid, so that those he excepted 
against were set by. So after a full hearing, wherein the 
S lord chancellor Loftus was chief judge and seldom absent 
from the court, the matter in summo came to this final 
sentence : That Mr A lane Cooh (after Dr Cook) should still 
hold his place of chancellor to the bishop of Kilmore, and 
that the bishop should pay him the sum of £100 for his 

10 costs and charges during the suit. The bishop was quite out 
of hope, or rather sure to loose the day, long before the cause 
came to this end; and was told as much by one of his judges, 
Lancelot lord arch-bishop of Dublin, a very loving friend of 
his, who was able to discern as much by what he heard and 

15 knew of the minds of the rest of his delegates. 

107. The bishop of Kilmore had now done what lay in 
him, according to the understanding God had given him: 
he spared no lawfuU cost nor pains to redress what was amiss 
in managing the jurisdiction ecclesiastical; and therefore, 

20 though he lost the day, yet he kept his conscience. That 
which troubled him most was to be deserted (as he was) by 
the rest of his brethren the bishops ; who had they joined 
in this cause, so nearly concerning them and the well-go- 
verning and reforming of the church, as the civilians did in 

25 mainteining their worldly interest, some better issue might 
have followed. The bishop of Kilmore applied to himself 
that of the Apostle, 2 Tim. iv. 16, iVo man stood with me, 
but all men forsook me: I pray God that it may not be laid to 
their charge. 

30 108. Mr Alane Cook, tho' now victor, yet used his victory 

with a great deal of ingenuity and moderation. For he never 
urged the bishop to pay the f 100 costs that was imposed 
upon him by order of the court's delegates; nor did he at all 
grow insolent upon his success, but rather more moderate 

35 and mild than ever before : and to avoid any farther differ- 
ences between the bishop and himself, he put off his place to 
the register Mr Richard Ash, a man that entirely lov'd the 
bishop and would be guided and directed by him in the 
execution of the place: so that after this the bishop had 



somwhata calmer time than before; but it was not long; 
for after some few years the nation's peace and his life ex- 
pired : of which more hereafter. 

109. It will not be amiss now to present to the world 
the more free and retired thoughts of the bishop touching .5 
these his troubles and touching his own condition in his 
f. 38 v°. episcopal function, as they are set down | by himself in his 
familiar letters to Dr Despotine. It hath been hinted here- 
tofore how intimate the friendship was between these two. 
For as in joy and grief, in mutual freedom and openness, in 10 
help and counsel, so even in reprehension they were faithfull 
each to other. The doctor did not stick often to blame him 
for employing his time and abilities no better than in suits 
and wrangling business. The bishop's defence for himself 
was in these very words: God doth know how unwilling I 15 
spend my time and pains and means in such mean employ- 
ments. But there is no remedy, unless I would resigne m,y 
hishopricks, which I could he very ivilling to do. On the other 
side, I consider that I never desir'd this place, and being caUd 
to it hy God, I must not choose mine own work, hut do that 20 
little good I can, and leave the rest to God. And in another 
letter, giving an account to the doctor why he would resigne 
one of his bishopricks, he writes thus : For my part I wish 
I were rid not of one only, hut of hoth, rather than spend my 
life in lawing and riding up and down; especially with so 25 
little furtherance from some who might {I will not say ought 
to) have afforded more favour, or equity at least, than I have 
hitherto found. And again, speaking of the resignation of 
the bishoprick of Ardagh, his own words are: God doth know, 
I would be more ivillingly rid of it than eat my dinner when 30 
/ am hungry; having found nothing since I came into this 
calling hut troubles and suits and wranglings. And again, 
he expresscth himself thus: / might he an happy man if I 
were rid of my jurisdiction and all the profits of both my 
hishopricks, reserving meat and drink and cloathing. Such 35 
were the thoughts and expressions of this good bishop touch- 
ing his calling and the troubles that attended him therein. 

no. The bishop had some friends in England of some 
place and power about the court. The most real were the 


earl of Holland and sir Thomas Jermin vicechamberlain 
to the king. The doctor still communicated the afiairs of 
the bishop with sir Thomas; and the bishop himself wrote 
frequently to him. Sir Thomas's love and respect to him 
5 were such, as he laboured to remove him into some bishop- 
rick into England; which purpose and endeavour of his the 
doctor comming to understand, could not hold for joy, but 
must needs hint it in his letters to bishop Bedell. His 
friends at court thought this | an honoiirable way to take him f. 39 r°. 

10 off his troubles and render themselves capable of enjoying 

him; which at so great a distance they could not do. But ■ .. 
it was not thought fit by the more potent at court to have 
him over into England. The doctor certified the bishop both 
who and why; and nextly the reader shaU understand bishop 

IS Bedell's own sense of this business. 

III. Before he was advanc'd to the bishopricks, there 
was some mediation by letters from sir Thomas Jermin to 
the lord deputy Falkland to confer the deanery of Christ- 
Church in Dublin upon him, the present dean Dr Barlow 

20 being upon his advance to the arch-bishoprick of Tuam; and 
the lord deputy openly professed his purpose to do it. But 
when it came to the point, the imputation of puritanism by 
some at court lost him the deanery and had like to have 
put him by the bishopricks also. And herein his own ex- 

25 pectation was fullfiUed. My lord deputy (saith he in a letter 
to the doctor) professeth his purpose to confer the deanery 
upon me, arid signified to me lately that he had received from 
sir Thomas Jermin very effectual letters in my commendation. 
I know not what will be; but in conclusion, I think nothing. 

30 112. After he was bishop, there were several endeavours 

by his friends to have him remov'd into England, of which 
himself writes thus : Wow for that which toucheth me and my 
removal, God doth know I desire it not: nay I desire rather 
that it may not be: not but that the love of my countrey moves 

35 me and the society of yourself and other my friends, but be- 
cause, if I be fit for any thing, I conceive I may do God and 
his majestic better service here than I can in England: here, 
where my deafness and other defects are better covered with 
difference of languages, and my different course in some things 


pertaining to jtirisdiction is justified by the exorbitant courses 
that have been holden by my opposites. There I should draw 
the hatred of all men upon me, and yet do no good. Again, 
mentioning his suits with his chancellor and others for the 
rights of his church, he thus expresseth himself : God knotus 5 
how unwilling I am to spend my better time upon them: but 
there is no remedy. As for that remedy you write of, men- 
tion'd by sir Thomas Jermin, it is worse than the disease. I 
have not failed, nor yet shall fail to suggest to those that are 
in place, what I think perteins to the safety of the common 10 
f. 39 T°. ship, wherein we all sail: but lam glad the | opinion of one 
too-vehement, or any thing else may bar me from that employ- 
ment. And in another letter again thus: As for the thoughts 
of removing into England, let it never come to the mind of any 
of my friends: God hath brought me hither, and I have begun 15 
to lay some foundation here; which, if God will, I shall en- 
deavour to build upon:' Hie requies mea in saeculum. 

113. Some would scarsely account a life of so many 
labours and so many troubles to be requies, a rest. But yet 
this good bishop did as a good christian should do, he did 20 
acquiesce in what portion God had laid out for him; and 
yet for the rest of his life stiU behind to be related, we shall 
find him as little at rest (according to the common notion of 
the word) as before. For besides what is allready set down, 
two very great labours lay both together upon him for divers 25 
years together before his death, of diiferent natures, but both 
tending to the same end, which were these ; the building of 
all the churches in his diocese, and the translating the Old 
Testament into the Irish tongue. 

1 14. As for the building the churches, the reader must 30 
know that when this work was first taken in hand, there were 
not five churches in his whole diocese, but were all ruin'd, so 

as scarsly the walls were left standing in some places. The 
reason was, that the land had been much harass'd with war, 
and the people were but few and poor in those northern 35 
parts, and all too-backward, both English and Irish, to such 
good works as building of churches. But God stirred up the 
spirit of his majestie to give commissions by his vice-gerents 
in Ireland for the setting forward of this pious work. And 


among other men of principal quality the bishop was tlie 
first and chief commissioner. This occasioned him many 
hard journeys, first to view the several churches, then to 
meetings of the commissioners at several times and places 

5 for the assessing of every parish and taking accounts when 
the work was done. And as his labours, so his charges were 
very great by reason of this business, and, which was worst of 
all, he found very corrupt dealing. Moneys collected were 
wasted or spent, or some way converted to men's private uses, 

10 and the work neglected. With all which difficulties he so 
struggled and encountred, that before his death all the 
churches were repair'd and fit for the people to meet in for 
God's service ; had the people been as willing to meet in 

IS 115. That other labour of his comes next to be con-f. 4or°. 

sidered ; and that was the translation of the Old Testament 
into the Irish tongue. The bishop judg'd the scriptures as 
essential to the church as the building of stone-walls, and 
that it more properly belonged to his care and function to 

20 open the fountains and clear the channells of these waters 
of comfort for Christ's sheep. He expected no commission 
from man for this undertaking; but acted by virtue of 
Christ's commission. Nor did the mean and slight esteem 
which some had of his designe herein a whit remove him 

25 from prosecuting the same with all his might. He had the 
example of a reverend archbishop of that kingdom, William 
Daniel sometimes archbishop of Tuam, who caused the New 
Testament and common-prayer-book to be translated into 
Irish and printed, out of his zeal for the salvation of the 

30 people. And the bishop of Kilmore thought it a good work 
to add the Old Testament also. 

116. For this purpose he enquir'd out the ablest men 
he could to employ about the work; and among diverse that 
he made trial of, two especially he employed, Mr Murtagh 

35 King and Mr James Nangle. Both these men, when first 
the bishop came acquainted with them, were papists; but 
being Irishmen, and more knowing than the ordinary sort, 
they were so ingenuous and well-affected to their own nation 
and language as to afford their help to this work. Mr King 


was the chief translator, and the other was the reviewer and 
correcter. They had their enterteinment at the' bishop's 
house as long and as often as any comparing and reviewing 
work was in hand: wherein the bishop allwaies made one, 
and through the skill he had attain'd in that language he 5 
contributed not a little to the work. Besides these trans- 
lators he had a servant, an Irishman, that could write exactly 
well; and he writ out fair, sheet by sheet, as they translated 
and corrected. 

117. It pleased God while this work was in hand to 10 
incline the hearts of both the translators to the embracing of 
the reformed religion : God's Spirit and those scriptures, and 
the bishop's gentle and able way of reasoning and answering 
their objections, all concurring together to the changing of 
their judgements. And so in conclusion the work was fin- 15 
ished and fair written ready for the press, a little before that 
dismal time of trouble, rebuke and blasphemy, wherein God 
caU'd His faithful servant to Himself, 
f. 40 v°. 1 18. Thus we have seen not a perfect, but true relation 

of the troublesome life of this good bishop. What remains 20 
is to take a view of his end, which was every way suitable to 
the former progress of his life, and as to outward sufferings, 
surmounting whatsoever had before befallen him. And herein 
we may observe (as in multitude of other the like examples, 
both former and later) that God's way with the choicest of his 25 
in this life is to exercise and train them for heaven by the 
most eminent trialls and afflictions, even as the glorioiis Cap- 
tain of our salvation was made perfect through sufferings. 
God will have the ablest and choicest Christians to be the 
compleatest sufferers; a lesson legible in capital letters all 30 
along the series of God's providence; but yet learned by 
heart but by very few. But, God be blessed, our good bishop 
will appear to have studied it to some purpose, 

119. And here the reader must be entreated to under- 
stand a little the quality of the countrey where the bishop's 35 
seat was, and what neighbours he liv'd among. His house 
was situate in the county of Cavan in the province of Ulster 
in Ireland, in a countrey consisting alltogether of hills very 
steep and high, the valleys between being most commonly 


boggs and loughs ; the countrey was then meetly -well planted 
with English, but scatteringly here and there, which facili- 
tated their ruine. The only considerable town in the whole 
county was Belterbert, which yet was but as one of our 

5 ordinary market-towns here in England, having but only one 
church in it. This town was seven miles distant from the ' 
bishop's house. The town of Cavan itself being the county 
town was nearer, about two miles distant from Kilmore, but 
not so big by one half as Belterbert. Excepting these two 

10 towns there was nothing considerable in the county. Kil- 
more itself was but a meer countrey village, of good large 
bounds, but so thinly inhabited that no where in the whole 
parish any street or part of a street was to be found. 
There was a competent number of English, but the Irishmen 

IS more than five times their number; and all these obstinate 
papists. The bishop's house join'd close to the church, being 
built upon one of the highest hills in the countrey, not near 
any neighbour of any quality by a mile. 

120. In this posture, alltogether unfit both for offence f. 41 r°. 
20 and defence, in a manner solitary and naked and exposed to 

any insolencies, our bishop being then at home, was on a 
suddain environ'd and involv'd with that horrible and ever- 
lamentable rebellion. It was in several respects an astonish- 
ing accident, not admitting any consultation or attempt for 

25 opposition against it. There was not the least suspicion in 
the English of any such thing, nor could they at first conceive 
or believe the depth of the wickedness, no not when they 
had in part felt the bitter effect thereof And that place 
was so far distant from Dublin that no intelligence could be 

30 had: God had cover'd them with a cloud in that day of His 

121. There wanted not some forerunning tokens of this 
calamity, but they were not heeded. As the manifest height 
and fullness of sin in all ranks and sorts of men ; pride, glut- 

35 tony, uncleanness, deceipt, oppression, extortion, and a su- 
pine neglect of religion and the worship of God and of the 
eternal concernments of precious souls, these were general: 
but more particular and relating especially to those parts 
wer these. 


122. A strange multitude of ratts, in a manner over- 
running the houses and so bold as to come in view in the 
day time and to gather the crumbs and bones under the 
table, which was a thing so much the more remarkable, 
because that till a little before the rebellion, for many years' s 
space, seldom any rat was to be seen in the countrey. And 
the elder Iiishwomen would say often and openly that these 
rats were a signe of war. Another very strange thing was 
seen about a mile from Kilmore, not far from the house of 
Edmund 0-Rely the chief gentleman of that name and the lo 
chief actor in spoiling and killing the English, and this not 
long neither before the rebellion. In a plot of ground by the 
high way a strange number of insects or worms of the length 
of a man's finger and of a strange fashion were observed for 
some weekes, and many went to see them. They lay for the 15 
most part within the ground, which they had turned up and 
fiU'd with their cells and caverns ; so that the whole surface 
of the ground where they encamp'd was wholy bare of any 
green thing to be seen, 
f. 41 f. 123. A third, the most remarkable token, was given by 20 

a mad man, and therefore the less heeded. This distracted 
man was a very accute scholar, that had craked his brain 
with too much study ; and being also very poor, partly out of 
necessity, and partly out of his running fancy, pass'd up and 
down from one gentlemans' house to another, and so got his 25 
livelyhood. Among other places of his resort the bishop's 
house and ministers' houses had their turns; tho' the man 
was for nation Irish, and for religion popish. It seems by 
that which follows, that he had been in company where dis- 
courses had passed concerning that their horrid plot against 30 
the English. His manner was to speak in Latin, when he 
came among scholars ; and wherever he could light upon pen 
and ink, he would be scribbling upon paper or book, what 
came next to hand. But both in his speaking and writing 
the shatterdness of his brain did appear; for his words and 35 
sentences were for the most part inconsistent with one an- 
other. Being enterteined at a minister's house not long 
before the rebellion first brake out, he was observed to be 
extreamly sad, contrary to his usual manner, which was 


rather a merry kind of madness. In that minister's liouse, 
walking up and down and sighing, he diverse times was heard 
to utter these words : Whsre is king Charles noiv ? This sen- 
tence he had up several times, with some other odd whimsies 

5 between. Besides this, he had gotten an old almanack, which 
he had all scribled over on the one side, and, among other 
broken sentences, there was this written: We doubt not of 
France and Spain in this action. These expressions were 
taken notice of; but comming from a distracted man, for [the] 

lo present were thought to signify nothing; till being put to- 
gether and commented upon by the rebellion in bloudy cha- 
racters, they were found and felt to be very significant. The 
things that belonged to their peace were then hid from their 
eyes, and it was the holy will of God that that cup should 

15 not pass away. 

124. Yet the bishop had very strange respect in such a 
time as that was. For all the countrey round about and in 
a manner the whole county was dispeopled of the English, 
before any violence was used either to his house or his person. 

20 The manner of his behaviour and the occurrences that he 
encountred withall in that sad time, the reader may please 
to take as foUoweth. 

125. There was one and the same day set for the first f. 42 r°. 
rising of the Irish all over the nation, which was Saturday 

25 the 23rd of October 1641. But yet, even in Ulster itself, the 
north part of Ireland, where the rebells were most forward 
and fierce in that bloudy action, they did not proceed in all 
places with the same fury. In the county of Cavan they 
carried their business at first with a kind of hesitation; here 

30 and there some particular houses of the English were spoiled, 
and that was all. The chief of the Irish gentlemen there, 
being of the name of the 0-Eelys, rather sought to persuadq 
the English by fair words and promises to depart the countrey, 
than to fall upon them at first by plain force. The chief of 

35 these 0-Eelys not dwelling far from the bishop's, came fre- 
quently to visit him at his house, especially Philip M'^MuU- 
more 0-Rely. And tho' the daily report of cruelties acted 
about in the countrey came so thick, that the business they 
were in hand with could not be hidden any longer; yet these 


0-Kelys still gave comfortable words to the bishop; and for a 
week or fortnight's space, did not so much as take away any 
of his cattel. But before the first fortnight was expired 
there began to come a great confluence of poor stripped 
English people to the bishop's house for some shelter; like 5 
Job's messengers bringing one sad report after another with- 
out intermission. They heard that the bishop was yet per- 
mitted the enjoyment of his house and goods, and the place 
was near to fly unto, and thither they were glad to retire. 

126. The bishop most freely entertein'd all that came, 10 
and fill'd all his out-houses with those guests, as many as 
could sit one by another. Those that he knew to be of better 
quality, tho' as then levell'd with the meanest, he receiv'd 
into his dwelling house: and thus for a little while those 
poor distress' d creatures were refreshed there. But the Irish 15 
had an evil eye at this goodness and charity of the bishop, 
and used aU their skill to hinder his enterteinment of the 
poor strip'd English: as first by forewarning him not any 
longer to entertein those enemies and to spend provision 
upon them. This message the chief of the 0-Rellys sent to 20 

f. 42 y°. the bishop; | and when that prevailed not, he came himself 
and told him the same, threatning to take another course, 
unless he would forbear. The bishop's answer was, that he 
could not in charity hut pitty and relieve those poor dis- 
tressed Christians; and withall earnestly besought him to use 25 
his power for the restraining the rage of the multitude 
against them. But this prevailed so little, as that rather it 
did exasperate that cruel man the more. And therefore, tho' 
some other of the Irish gentlemen (as Luke Dillon esq. and 
Philip M°Mulmore O'-Relly) labour'd to mitigate and soften 30 
his mind toward the bishop, yet being chief of them all and 
lord of that countrey (after the Irish account), he would go 
on his own way: and after many threatning speeches to the 
bishop (which he still meekly answered with some pious and 
religious returns), this tempter departed from him for a 35 

127. But in the night time he sent men to the bishop's 
out-houses, where those poor English lay, who stripp'd them 
over again of what little covering they had gotten, and 


frighted them with their drawn skeans to drive them away 
from thence. And lamentable it was to hear the shrieks and 
outcries of those desolate comfortless people, who had no 
remedy but to fly where they could, in a dark, cold night, 

5 from the rage of these persecutors. And some of them, 
rather than by their stay to bring any mischief to the bishop, 
chose to committ themselves to God's providence, and so 
wander away allmost naked, God knows whether. Others 
shifting out of the way for the present, when they could with 

lo most privacy would return to their old shelter; and besides 
such there came daily other new guests; all which, while the 
bishop had wherewithall, were daily provided for. 

128. But Edmund 0-Relly would no longer bear this 
expense of provision, which he said must be for the maintein- 

15 ance of the souldiers. And therefore in short space a 
course was taken that the bishop's cattell, some by night and 
some by day, were driven all off his ground. They begun 
with the oxen and cows; next they seized upon the horses 
both abroad and in the stable; and lastly they took away the 

20 sheep out of the court- | yard. All this in a stealing filching f. 43 r°. 
way, most what by night, as if they would seem not alto- 
gether to own their enterprize. But afterward it was well 
kaown that the cattel were conveyed to Edmund 0-Relly's 
land and there kept. 

25 129. The bishop, for all this, still relieved many poore 

stripped people in his out-houses. But it was a most griev- 
ous and daily burthen to his heart (as needs it must to any 
Christian), that he was forc'd to hear and see the cries and 
cruel sufferings of those poor and naked people daily under 

30 his walls and windows: the common rascality of the Irish 
still daily gathering together about the house, as ravens 
about a carcass, and growing more and more insolent, espe- 
cially those few among them who had gotten any kind of 

35 130. One time amongst the rest, when a company of 
Irish, and among them some few with musquets, were rifling 
and tearing among those allmost-naked people the cry was 
so great and dolefuU that the good bishop would needs go 
out himself to their rescue. Those about him judg'd it very 


hazardous, and labour'd to disswade him. But notwithstand- 
ing all their persuasions he would needs go out, taking three 
others in his company all unarmed: only the bishop himself 
had a good long staff in his hand, that was handsomely 
carv'd and coloured, which an Irish gentleman had sent him 5 
as a present some years before. As soon as they perceiv'd 
the bishop, they left harassing the poor Enghsh and fled 
about a stone's cast ; and then two or three musqueteers made 
a stand and presented their musquetts right against the 
bishop's breast. But the bishop still went on and clapp'd lo 
his hand upon his breast and bid them shoot there, rather 
than to offer violence to those miserable people. And God 
was pleas'd hereupon so to awe them, that they dismounted 
their musquetts and went away. 

131. From henceforth the bishop was more closely be- 15 
seiged (or rather taken) in his own house : nothing without- 
doors being now left, nor any freedom or safety to him or any 
with him within, but at the courtesy of the Irish, which (in 
comparison to what others met withall) was very much. For 
they suffer' d the bishop thus to continue and in some mea- 20 
sure to enjoy himself, from the first beginning of the rebellion 

f. 43 V. October 23 rd, till | near upon Christmas following. And tho' 
he was prohibited from protecting or relieving any without 
the doors of his dwelling house, yet those that were within 
the ark with him were all this while free from violence, 25 
through God's gracious and allmighty protection : whose holy 
name be therefore prais'd and magnified for ever. 

132. The reader shall next be acquainted with some 
passages that occurred while the bishop thus continued in his 
own house. As first, that even then and there (the house 30 
joining close to the church) they had the comfort of God's 
publick and solemn worship on the Lord's-days: the bishop 
and two or three other ministers performing the duties of 
that day in reading the scriptures, publick praiers and the 
preaching of the word, without any considerable interruption. 35 
Then farther they had the comfort of private prayers and 
conference between the bishop and some ministers and others 

of the better sort of the English that had taken sanctuary in 
the bishop's house. The present streights were excellent 


means to stir them up and to dispose them to a more serious 
and heavenly managing of those duties : neither could they 
want the comfort of singing psalms and praises unto God 
even in this their sad captivity. In all which holy exercises 
5 the good bishop led them on, and by his truly-heroick and 
chearfuU deportment in this his Christian academy, or school 
of affliction, was no small encouragement to their sad 

133. But as there were these encouragements, so with- 

10 all there wanted not discouragements, able to break a well- 
established heart. For the bishop's well-settelled and resolved 
mind was doubly assail'd all this while. First by the Irish, 
who, tho' they did forbear him as we have seen, yet labour'd 
and desired very earnestly to have him go out of the coun- 

15 trey. And as they professed much friendship to him, so they 
often told him of his unsafety and danger in that place and 
condition wherein he then stood; and offer'd him (if he 
pleased) to see him and his company safely guarded and con- 
vey'd to Dublin, or what other place he should choose. 

20 134. This they often and earnestly offer'd. But the 

bishop told them he could not nor would of his own choice 
desert his place and calling that God had set him in: hut if by 
force they would put him out, he would then cast himself 
upon God's providence. \ And another thing was also in the f. 44 r°. 

2- way to hinder his embracing such a motion, namely the sad 
experience of many, who, having accepted of guards and con- 
voys from the Irish, were in their passage betraied and strip- 
ped, and sometimes murthered outright, by those that under- 
took to guard them. 

30 135. But however others far'd, those English that were 
with the bishop in his house had a confident persuasion, that 
if he would have accepted a convoy for Dublin, he might 
have pass'd safe, and so have been a means of bringing them 
safely off also. And accordingly they all did in a manner 

35 continually lie at him to take a guard of the Irish and 
begon. And among others his own children helped (not a 
litle) to break his Christian courage. But all was in vain: 
he was allwaies ready to answer such as did solicite him with 
some savory and pious apothegme or other: as that it was a 


shdmefor a bishop to be afraid of death; that it was a great 
weakness to be impatient in times of suffering. To which 
purpose he brought in a saying related by an ancient -writer, 
as represented in a vision from God unto him: Pati non 
vidtis; exire non vultis: quid faciam vobis? In English thus: s 
You are unwilling to suffer; you are unwilling to die: what 
shall I do unto you? And farther he would alledge, that /or 
his own part he was ancient, and if God so pleased, willing 
and desirous rather to die there than in another place. And 
to his children he said, that if they would go, they should lo 
have his leave and furtherance and blessing; but for his 
own part, he was resolved not to stirr till he was forc'd from 
his place. 

136. When they saw his resolution thus settled they 
ceased: and most of them that were thus shelter'd with him 15 
took their opportunities (the best they could), some at one 
time and some at another, and departed to Dublin. But the 
difficulties and dangers, the frights and insolencies they suf- 
fered, and the strange and miraculous waies of escape which 
God made out for them, each man in a different manner, 20 
would make a tragical history; yet not alltogether so, foras- 
much as they all escaped with their lives, per tot discriminu 

f. 44 v°. rerum; and | as St Paul's fellow-passengers, some on boards, 
and some on broken pieces of the ship, were all at last safely 
landed at Dublin. 25 

137. Some weeks and allmost months thus passing, and 
the fury of the rebellion being somewhat cooled, and nothing 
being now left to be taken as pillage or plunder from the 
English, nor in a manner any of the English nation left in 
the countrey, the Irish began to think how they might 30 
secure what they had thus possessed themselves of The 
only work they had to do was to take some course with the 
bishop of Kilmore, who was all this while at their mercy, 
and to reduce two ckstles that stood out upon their own 
defence. These castles were defended by two Scottish 35 
knights, that were of the Brittish, that had fled for refuge into 
them (with their neighbours and tenants), who were the 
owners of them. 

138. As for the bishop, tho' all his cattell were taken 


from hiiiij yet his corn (whereof he had a great quantity) and 
all his substance within doors still remained. This booty the 
Irish had a long time expected, only having as yet spared 
the bishop, they would not proceed to the rifling of his house 
5 or seizing of his person without some seeming urgent provo- 
cation thereunto. And for want of a better they laid hold on 
this. Those Scottish knights that stood upon their defence, 
as is above related, had several times made out small parties 
to bring in provision, which how small soever were a very 

lo great terror to the Irish. And at one time above all the rest 
a party going out, they happen'd upon some persons of such 
quality among the Irish, as they thought it might be some 
advantage to themselves to take them as prisoners. These 
castles of the Scottish knights had a long time stoutly de- 

15 fended themselves and as dreadfully vex'd the Irish with but 
a very small company of men. But of all other indignities 
this of taking prisoners did most trouble them; and the 
rather because one of the prisoners was a chief man of the 
0-Rellys. But being a people of a base courage, unable to 

20 help themselves by any warlik exploit, they fell upon the 
unarmed bishop and took this occasion to seize upon his 
house and goods. | 

139. There was also another thing that put on the f. 45 r'. 
designe; and that was the urgent importunity of the popish 

25 bishop, or anti-bishop of Kilmore. For the reader must know, 
it was the common condition of all Ireland in those dales to 
have in every diocese two bishops, and in each parish two 
priests, the one popish, the other protestant. The popish 
bishop claimed his house and his church, unjustly detein'd 

30 from him by one in their account an heretick. 

140. Therefore Edmund 0-Relly, the chief man of that 
stock or family, and lord of the countrey, comes to the 
bishop's house, not as formerly in a peaceable manner, but 
with countenance, company, and language, more composed 

35 to terror and revtenge. He searched the house for arms and 
seiz'd upon those few that were; he threatned and upbraided 
the bishop for what the Scotts had done in frighting the 
countrey and taking prisoners; and told him that both Scotts 
and EngUsh should know that the Irish could take prisoners 



as -well as they: and without many words the said Edmuad 
0-Relly himself laid his hand on the bishop's shoulder, with 
these words: / arrest you in the king's name; you are my 
prisoner. The bishop, with a chearfull countenance, answer'd 
him to this effect: that he did not hioiu wherein he had 5 
offended the king's majestie; neither coidd he believe he had 
the king's authority for what he then did: hut however, 
that he should yield to the poiver then in his hand; withall 
putting him in mind, that there was a God who would judge 
righteously. lo 

141. But 0-Relly, not standing to word it with his pri- 
soner, called for an account of what was in the house, especi- 
ally the plate, which was presently brought forth. It was 
not much: the chief was plate belonging to the church, 
which the bishop at his own cost had caused to be made not is 
long before and had dedicated to the church; a large flagon, 

a chalice, and a patin, with this inscription, Ecclesiae Kil- 
morensis. This the bishop told O-Relly was the churche's, 
and not his; and therefore desired it might not be converted 
to any other use, but be committed to his brother (as he call'd 20 
him), meaning the popish bishop, who also had been inquisi- 
tive not only after the plate but all the rest of the bishop's 
f, 45 v°. goods, which he counted his part of the spoil, and | more pro- 
perly belonging to himself The church-plate 0-Relly durst 
not deny him, wherein Bishop Bedell's desire was fulfilled; 25 
and as for the rest of the goods, there was a contest between 
the popish bishop and 0-Relly: but they made a shift to 
agree in the parting as well as the taking. The greatest 
thing that stuck with our good bishop was his library, yet 
some little satisfaction he had by thinking it should come 3a 
into the hands of scholars ; for 0-Relly told him, such things 
should he left to the hishop. 

142. Bishop Bedell being thus arrested by Edmund 
0-Relly, had only one night's lodging more in his own house. 
For the next morning 0-Relly with very much verbal kind- 35 
ness and civility acquainted him that 'twas resolv'd he must 
be secur'd in a castle not far off, in the midst of a great 
lough, above canon-shot from any shore, called Loughwater- 
castle : and as for his moneys, he told him they would leave 


him that to live on: as for his children, they might remain 
somwhere in the countrey. The bishop had two sonns and 
their wives, partners and spectators with him in all these 
troubles ; and it was to them a very hard thing to be parted 

S from the company of their father, whether in life or death: 
and therefore the bishop made it his request that they might 
go along with him to the castle ; and with much ado it was 
at last granted. 

143. When the time was come that the bishop and his 

](0 company were to be sent to the castle; the bishop's own 
horses being taken away long before, 0-Relly was so civil 
as to furnish them all with horses, and so with a small guard 
conveighed them to the water side, and so by boat wafted 
them over to the castle, standing in the midst of a great 

15 lough or lake. In the passage the bishop behav'd himself 
with a strange measure of chearfuUness, teUing his sons, 
whom he saw somwhat dejected, That- he bless d God for 
that day, luherein he was pleased to honour Mm so far as to 
call him to suffer somthing for his name: and said farther, 

20 He thanked God that he found himself as chearfull and joi- 
full, as ever he was upon his marriage-day : but alas! there 
were none so furnish'd for such a trial as to answer the 
bishop with the like Christian fortitude, either in heart or 
voice: yet it was no small comfort to all the company to have 

25 such a champion. 

I 144. Being come into the castle they were accommo- f- 46 1° 
dated well. The governor, Mr Owen 0-Relly, formerly a 
tenant to the bishop, and a very civil and honest gentleman, 
used the bishop with all possible courtesie. The place itself 

30 was very commodious for room and lodging, and there was 
also good company, Mr Arthur Galium and Mr William Cas- 
tleton, fellow-prisoners with the bishop. Neither wanted 
there any provision, for by the care of the governor they 
were furnish'd with sufficient for their money. They had 

35 free liberty to exercise their religion together in a chamber 
for themselves, with very strict charge from the governor 
that none should interrapt them. And it was no small 
privilege that there they were free from the insolencies of 
the cQnimpn people: in this only being in the condition of 



prisoners, that some of them for some time were forc'd to 
wear iron-bolts; which honour the bishop was very ambitious 
of, and desir'd that he might excuse all the rest, or else bear 
them company in this suffering, but it was denied. 

145. In this posture our good bishop and his fellow- 5 
prisoners kept their Christmas, not with carding, revelling, 
or wantonness, but in prayer, doctrine, exhortation, godly 
conference. Besides the private comfort of which holy exer- 
cises God was pleas'd to send in some comfortable news by 
a strange way concerning the publick ; which was thus. The 10 
English in those parts (those few that were left), by reason 
of the great distance from Dublin, were kept from aU intel- 
ligence but what the Irish pleas'd to communicate, and that 
was only such as might terrify them and render their condition 
hopeless of any succour or relief whatever. All their dis- 15 
courses in the audience of the English were still of the suc- 
cesses of their army : as of that sad defeat of the five hundred 
men, the first that took the field for the EngUsh cause, and 
were intended for the strengthning of Droghedagh; of their 
firm union together by reason of the conjunction of the lords 20 
of the pale with the rest of the rebells, and especially the 
siege of Droghedagh, and even of the taking of the city: 
which they so confidently affirm'd that they named the very 
day, and in their reports divided the spoil, as the mother of 
Sisera: this was the chear the poor English had to keep 25 
f. 46 T°. I 146- -^^t it happen'd that in the castle where the bishop 
was prisoner, one night a soldier, newly-come from Drog- 
hedagh, was entertein'd by some of the guards, who kept 
their court in the lowest rooms. In the night late some of 30, 
the guard question'd the souldier, what news there was from 
Droghedagh. One of the English prisoners that understood 
Irish, being just over their heads, laid his ear to a cHft in the 
plancher and listned to their discourse. The souldier told 
them plainly that the siege was broken up, and shew'd them 35 
his own hands and arms, all scratch'd and rent with thorns 
and briars, while he was in a hasty retreat from an assault 
they had made upon the city. He told them also that the 
bulletts pour'd doipn as thick from the walls as if one should 


tahe a fire-pan full of coals and pour them down upon the 
hearth ; whicli lie acted before them, sitting all together at 
the fire. And for his own part, he said, he would he hang'd 
hefore he would go forth again upon such a piece of service. 
5 He that listned soon communicated this good news to his 
fellow-prisoners ; whereby it pleased God to revive their spirits 
not a little ; but they were fain with all diligence to keep the 
matter to themselves. 

147. After Christmas, without the bishop's desire or 

10 good-liking, had it been in his choice, his removal from the 
castle was effected thus. Some special friends of the bishop, 
Luke Dillon, Esq'., Philip M'=Mullmore 0-Eelly, Mr Dennis 
Sheridon, did intercede for his enlargement with Edmund 
0-E.elly, that then had the chief command of the countrey; 

15 who tho' willing to have that castle, their chief magazine, 
clear'd of the English prisoners ; yet he liked it well so to 
be sought to for their enlargement. Nor was that all ; but 
another solemnity must be observ'd also. For he requir'd 
an exchange of those that the Scottish knights had taken 

20 prisoners, that they might be set at liberty in heu of the 
bishop and his company. And accordingly persons were sent 
to treat with the Scotts, whose respect to the bishop mov'd 
them to consent -to an exchange which the bishop could not 
deny, knowing it to be the desire of those in whose power he 

25 was then. 

I 148. All being agreed, and the time concluded upon, f. 47 r°. 
the bishop and his children were set at liberty; but such a 
liberty as was more dangerous than the former imprisonment. 
As for his own house, that was in possession of Edmund 

30 0-Eelly and the popish bishop, and thither they would not 
suffer him to return. So that now he, that was wont to give 
entertainment to others, had no place to hide his head but 
at others courtesy. He had his choice of two places, both not 
much above a mile distant from his house. One was the 

35 house of Luke DiUon, Esq"^., brother to the then Earl of 
Koscommon, who very importunately invited him to abide 
with him, till they might have a safe conduct to Dublin. 
The other was the house of Mr Dennis Sheridon, an Irish 
man, and of a family, tho' inferior to the 0-Rellys, yet nume- 


rous and potent in the countrey. This man had been edu- 
cated from his childhood in the protestant-religion, in the 
house of a very reverend and godly divine, Mr Hill, some- 
time dean of Killmore ; by whom he was so well principled, 
that he allwaies stood firm to the protestant-religion. The 5 
bishop of Kilmore took allwaies a special notice and liking 
of him ; and for his good conversation and skill in the Irish 
language he promoted him to the ministry and bestow'd 
on him a church-living; where the inhabitants being all Irish, 
an Englishman had been unable in any sort to discharge that 10 
duty, incumbent upon a minister to such a people. 

149. This man, tho' a protestant and a minister, yet 
being Irish, and of a name and family powerfuU in that 
countrey, was exempted from that violence which then pro- 
testants sadly suffer'd from the Irish. To his house the 15 
bishop made choice rather to retire; which indeed was a 
common asylum, or sanctuary, to as many distress'd English 
as it could contein. Here the bishop had the most loving 
and best accommodacions that the house could afford. And 
all the chief of the name, Sheridons, out of their love to their 20 
kinsman and the bishop now sojourning with him, did 
often express and promise their utmost endeavours, to the 
hazard of their lives, to secure them and the house from any 
violence whatever, 
f. 47 v°. I 150. While the bishop liv'd here, being not above a 25 
■ mile from his own house, he had a desire to hearken after 
his library, which he had left there; and if it might be to 
have the use of some books and papers of his own. Wherein 
by Mr Sheridon his means he had his desire. For he, 
having some familiar acquaintance with the popish-bishop, 30 
had liberty to go where the books were, and so procur'd for 
our bishop his desk, and some other books and papers at 
several times, as he saw his best opportunity. And among 
the rest (as Dr Bernard in his character of this bishop hath 
published), by the care of this Mr Sheridon, the bishop's MS. 35. 
Hebrew Bible was preserv'd and brought away out of the 
Irish's hands ; and is now, according to the bishop's last will 
and testament, in the Library of Emmanuel College in 


151. As for the rest of his library, some of them were 
taken away by friars and by priests that had frequent 
access to their bishop while he there continued. The rest 
were little regarded by the Irish ; and as soon as any alarum 

S of the approach of English forces could reach that countrey, 
the Irish, after their usual manner, fled to the mountains 
and woods; not troubling themselves with such luggage as 
books, but leaving them behind for booty to the English 
souldiers. And so what enemies left, friends took away. 

10 And so miserable a comforter is war, that those that should 
have reliev'd the forlorn and desperate affairs of the English 
did but add to their affliction and oppression. The bishop's 
books went every way but the rigbt; and some of his ser- 
mons were preach'd in Dublin, and heard there by some of 

15 Bishop Bedell's near relations that had formerly heard them 
from his own mouth: and some of the episcopal order were 
not innocent in this case ; and 'tis more than probable, that 
some of them are still beholding to Bishop Bedell's papers, 
that never would own his righteous cause when alive and 

20 upon the stage, in the cause and quarrel of Jesus Christ, as 
a spectacle to the world, to angels, and to men. 

152. But to return to the bishojp. He continued some 
weeks in the house of Mr Sheridon in some good measure 
of health; and during that time his manner was to pray in 

25 the family himself every day, as he formerly us'd to do in 

his own; and upon the | Lord's dales he spent the day with f. 48 r"- 
the company that was there, in prayer and preaching of 
the word, both forenoon and afternoon, as long as health 
permitted. For the manner of this bishop was never to 

30 make use of a chaplain (tho' he had still one or other in his 
house) either to pray in his family or to give thanks at his 
table ; unless in case of some young man that intended the 
ministry, whose gifts he had a desire to take some trial of 
And as for preaching he seldom omitted a Lord's day, while 

35 he enjoy'd his place and was at home, without doing some 
part or all the works of that day. In this course he held 
on till the last, when his diocese was reduced but to one 

153. And now the time drew near which God had des- 


tinated to put an end to his labours; the manner whereof 
was thus. In the house of Mr Sheridon (being very full of 
English, who shelter'd themselves there,) it pleas'd God that 
a grieveous sickness fell among them. It was a violent and 
continued feaver, commonly caU'd by the name of the Irish- S 
ague. It usually distracted the patient more or less. It 
was very infectious, usually passing through a family, where 
once it seiz'd. To ancient people most commonly 'twas mor- 
tal, and that in little space. Those of younger years that 
escaped, were sure to be brought very low and to be a long lo 
time ere they could recover their strength. Most of the 
English in the house were sorely visited with this ague, and 
some ended their dales ; having this comfort, that they were 
not suffer'd to fall into the hands of men, but were taken 
away by the immediate hand of a mercifull God. 15 

154. Among others, the bishop's wife's-son by a former 
husband was taken sick of this ague, and being not so well 
accommodated as he could have desir'd, (if the place and 
present condition of things could have afforded better,) the 
bishop was the more sollicitous about him, and would be too 20 
often at his bed. By this means it pleas'd God that himself 
also was taken with this pestilential and deadly ague, which 

in a few dales took away his appetite, and by consequence 
his strength; so as he was scarsely able to go or stand, but 
was necessitated to go to his bed. But yet before evening 25 
he would constrain himself to rise and pray with the family; 
f. 48 v°. till at last the force of the disease so far prevailed | that, 
being in prayer, his speech failed him, and he was not able 
to articulate his words. And before this he complain'd that 
he could neither command his mind nor yet his tongue, 30 
either to conceive or express what he intended and desir'd. 

155. When he was become thus weak, among others 
that came to visit him, one of more principal note, that bore 
a great affection to him, and yet a zealous papist, may de- 
serve especially to be mention' d. It was Philip M'^Mullmore 35 
0-Kelly, brother to him that imprison'd the bishop. This 
gentleman from the very first spake openly against the 
rebellion and whoever were contrivers of it, and in his ordi- 
nary discourses would curse them bitterly. He being come 


•to see the bishop, after some few words, (which he hardly 
could utter for tears,) he besought the bishop, if he wanted 
money, or cmy other necessaries, to make use of any thing 
that he was able to furnish him withall. To which the 
bishop, rising up out of his chair, made return, thanking 
him for his great civility, desiring God to requite him for 
the same, and to restore peace to the nation: being hardly 
able to stand, and yet beyond expectation expressing himself 
without any faultring in his speech, which he had not done 

1° for a, great while before. After this he seldom spake, and but 
brokenly. Being sometimes asked how he did, his answer 
was still Well; nor did there appear, by any excessive heat or 
groaning or otherwise, that he felt any great pain. Being 
himself not able to speak, others often went to prayer by his 

IS bed's-side; and he, by the elevation of his eyes and affectionate 
pronouncing the word Amen, when he never else was heard 
to speak, testified his concurrence in that duty. 

156. Drawing now near his dissolution, when his breath- 
ing was turn'd into panting, his sons craving his blessing, 

20 be express'd himself thus: God bless you, and bring you 
to eternal life. When they had receiv'd his blessing, and 
saw him hastening away, they brake forth into tears, and feU 
a weeping over him, not thinking ever to have heard him 
speak more. But on a suddain looking up, even when death 

25 was allready in his eyes, he spake unto them thus: Be of 
good chear; be of good chear: whether we live or die, we are 
the Lord's. And these were his last words. 
I 157. Thus this good bishop ended his dales: a manf. 49r°. 
eminent for godliness, integrity, humility, learning, laborious- 

30 ness in his calling, zeal for the reformation of the church; 
and, above all, eminent in trials and sufferings. When he 
was dead, the popish bishop at first would not suffer him to 
be buried in the church-yard of Kilmore, because he was, as 
he accounted, an heretick. But 0-Relly a.nd the chief of 

35 the Irish gentlemen overul'd the bishop in that, and liberty 
was given to bury him where himself had appointed in his 
last will and testament. 

158. So great an enemy he was to worldly pomp and 
vanity, that his very grave and burial may be a monument 


hereof to posterity, concerning which he appoints thus : For 
this corruptible flesh, I appoint that it he committed to the 
ground, without any funeral pomp, in the church-yard of 
Kilmore, at the south corner thereof, in the same grave, or 
hard by the corps of my dear wife Leah, and my son John; s 
about whose coffins and mine, I do appoint, that there be a 
stone ivall raised from the ground, and one or more large 
grave-stones laid over, with this inscription: GULIELMI QUON- 
a reverend respect to the place of God's publick worship ; and lo 
upon all occasions was wont to testify his dislike of burying 
dead bodies within those walls, both as savouring of pride in 
death, and a vain affectation of worldly pomp; and also as a 
kind of prophanation of that place destinated to a more 
spiritual and holy use. For himself, he took a sure course to iJ 
avoid it; choosing the remotest corner of the church-yard to 
be the burying place for him and his: where, according to 
his own appointment, his corps was interr'd. 

159. Onely in one thing his will was not fuUfill'd, be- 
cause the Irish would have their wills; and out of their 20 
affection to him would needs accompany him to his grave, 
not without some kind of pomp. The manner was thus. 
When the day appointed for his burial was come, the Irish, 
in a considerable number, resorted to the house; especially 
those of the Sheridon's, being of the same name with the 25 
minister in whose house he died; and some of the principal 
of them would needs be the bearers. When the company 
had passed something above half way to the church, Edmund 
O-Relly that had imprison'd him and dispossess'd him of 
all, (being then resident in the bishop's house, joining close 30 
f. 49 v°. to the church,) | came forth to meet the corps, being accom- 
panied with MuUmore 0-Eelly his son, then sheriff of the 
county, and some other gentlemen, and attended with a party 
of musquetteers and a drumm. The comming of this com- 
pany, in this warlike manner, was thought at first to be in- 35 
tended to hinder and oppose the burial of the bishop's corps. 
But when they met the beare, it prov'd no such thing. For 
O-Relly and those with him applied themselves in most 
courteous and condoling language to the bishop's sons, 


speaking respectfully and honourably of the dead, and com- 
fortably to the living; and so, commanding their drum to 
beat, as the manner is when a souldier is buried, and placing 
the musquetteers before the corps, they thus conveighed the 

S bishop to his grave. And being come thither, the sheriff told 
the bishop's sons that they might use what prayers, or what 
form of burial, they pleased; none should interrupt them. 
And when aU was done, he commanded the musquetteers to 
give a volley of shot, and so the company departed. 

lo 1 60. To close up this narrative of the hfe and death of 

the bishop of Kilmore, and as it were to set his seal to it, 
let the reader take notice of the sculpture, or engraving of 
his seal; conteining in it as it were a prophetical synopsis of 
the whole course of his life. It was his own device, and 

15 engraven first by his own hand upon the haft of his knife, 
before he could foresee what lot God had laid out for him. 
The hint that he took for his conceit, as by the inscription 
may be gather' d, was out of the Scripture, Isay. i. 25 : And 
I will turn my hand upon thee, and purely purge away thy 

20 dross, and take away all thy tin. The last sentence of this 

verse in the Hebrew goes thus J TTHS'^S rTn^pXI.-- I^ 
conformity to this Scripture with allusion to his own name 
Bedell, (or as 'twas anciently Bedyl,) the' device was this: A 
crucible or fining-pot standing in flame, with this super- 

25 scription thl^'hb *3a IDH... Purge from me all my tin: 
turning what the Prophet sets down, as a promise to Sion, 
into a petition to the Lord for himself, to take away all his 
tin from him. After he was made a bishop, he caused this 
in a larger figure to be set upon his episcopal seal ; possibly 

30 not thinking then, much less imagining in his younger years, | f. 50 r". 
that God would have answered his petition so punctually, 
according to the literal sense, as by experience he after felt. 
But 'tis the Lord's usual manner in answering the prayers of 
his people, to do it in waies least imagined by them, but 

35 most tending to the advancement of His own glory and their 
spiritual advantage, as may be plainly observ'd in His deal- 
ings with this His faithfuU servant. Blessed for ever be 
his holy name. Amen. 










1. I INTEND (by the grace of God) to recollect my MS. Tan- 
thoughts concerning that reverend father in God, Dr William °^*" ^7°- 

. . . . !• 54 r^' 

Bedell, bishop of Kilmore in Ireland ; not so much to revive 

my own memorial of him, (having his incomparable "worth, 
5 both living and dead, in my heart still,) as to satisfy the im- 
portunity of some worthy persons that have desir'd of me a 
larger account than is yet given of him to the world by those 
that have mention'd somewhat of him long ago, but so far 
short of him as if they had said nothing at all of him. And 

lo allthough my acquaintance with him was late, in the rear of 
his life, yet my interest in him was very great from the year 
1636 to the captivity of the land in 41. To the end there- 
fore that so precious a jewel may not lie hid and smoother'd 
in the rubbish of oblivion, I shall endeavour to declare and 

15 make known what I have heard of him by those I have 
a good reason to believe ; what I heard from himself, and 
what I observ'd myself in my abode with him all that space. 

2. The great periods of his life were his education, his. 

3. lord bishop. 6. that have a great veneration for his name and a 
perfect value for everything that man of God was author of (whom I 
mention with honour and thankfulnes) ; and have often desyred. 1 1, 
12. life and my interest in him very great from '36. 12, 13. to the end 
therefore. Om. 14. oblivion, whose sacred name is embalmed with 
precious oyntraent of the best composition, I shall. 16. myself ob- 


ministry in England, his attendance upon sir Henry Wotton 
in his embassy to Venice, his provostship over the college of 
Dublin, and his episcopacy at Kilmore in Ireland. 

3. His birth and nativity was in the county of Essex, at 
a place called Black-Notley, of a good and honest family, 5 
where his son, Mr William Bedell, enjoyeth an inheritance 
(at this day) transmitted unto him by many progenitors. 
His education was in Emmanuel College in Cambridge un- 
der Dr Chaderton, where he profited above many his equalls; 
in philosophy, divinity, and practice of piety, he was esteemed 10 
nulli secundus. He was made the moderator and decider of 
all controversies, whether about fundamental or things [cir- 
cumstantial and] ceremonial, as if he had been (as it was said 
of Whitaker before him) magnum academiae oraculum, mundi 
miraculuTn, while he was fellow there prima in flore iuventae. \ 15 
f. S4 v°. 4. Thence he was called to be preacher at St Maries' in 

St Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk, where he continued many years 
with great applause. It was said of him there that he did 
usually make the m,ost obscure scriptures plain; and of an- 
other preacher in that place, that he made the plainest Scrip- 20 
tures obscure and hard to be understood: there he married 
Leah (whose maiden name was L'Estrange), the widow of 
Mr Maw, sometimes recorder of St Edmunds-Bury, by whom 
he had three sons, William, John, and Ambrose, and one 
daughter called Grace: John and Grace died young; William 2j 
and Ambrose are yet alive. 

served. 1,2. his attendance. -Venice, his embassy as chaplen with 
Sir Henry Wotton in Venice. 3. his om. 4, 5. in the county... 
Black-Not ley. at a place... Black-Notley in the county of Essex, anno 
1570. 6. where (his elder brother dying without issue) his son. 6, 
7. enjoyeth did eiyoy a considerable inheritance. 8. acade- 
mick education. 9. Chaderton the first head of that house and one of 
th« first schoUers. 9. many. all. 14, 15. magnum.. .miracidum (as 
it was said there of learned Whitaker before him). 15. fellow, student. 
16. There. 16. at. in. 18. approbation and applause and blessed 
fruits of his ministery. 19. places of Scripture. 22. Leah, a person 
comely, virtuous and godly. 22, 23. Widow and relict of Robert 
Maw esquire. 25. Grace who with her brother John dyed young. 
26. Ambrose were married and had children before their father's death. 
She bare four children to her former husband, Nicholas, Leah, Robert, 
and Edward who with his sister Leah came into Ireland. 


5. I have heard that all persons and societies in whom 
he was concern'd did glory in him ; as namely the suffragan 
of Colchester, when he was threatned to have his seal taken 
from him (he ordeined so many), he bragged thus: / have 

S ordeined, abler men than ever the bishop did; for I ordeined 
Mr Bedell. And when, at a general convention of the clergy, 
some things were propounded by the bishop that many wor- 
thy men did dislike, but none durst speak against; at length 
he stood up, and spake with such wisedom and moderation 

10 that they fell to the ground; for which confident attempt, 
when his brethren did extoll him to his face, he said no 
more, but what our Saviour said before him, / desire not the 
praise of men. This I receiv'd from one Mr Sowtheby, a 
holy man, that was his colleague in St Edmunds-Bury, and 

15 came afterward into Ireland to the B. of Kilmore; and was 
preferr'd by him to a living in the county of Letrim. 

6. He had such a character of learning and prudence 
given him by the university of Cambridge, and by all that 
knew his inestimable worth, accompanied with humility and Anno 

20 gravity, that he was chosen by K. James to go with the am- 
bassador, sir Henry Wotton, into Venice, as chaplain in the 
time of the Venetian interdict, when that republick was ex- 
communicated by the pope, Paulus 5tus. About the same 
time one Mr Wadsworth, a minister of the same college and 

25 diocese with D. Bedell, was sent into Spain to teach the 

3. who, when. 3. seate. 5. have ordayned. 8, 9. speake, least they 
should have beene put out of the synagogue, at length he stands 
up in the midst of his brethren and spake. 10. that many thinges 
that were rigorously imposed and required did fall. 10. con- 

30 fident and discreet. 13. Samuel Sowtheby, a holy man of God. 
14 — 16. Edmondabury, and being driven out from his parsonage at 
Combes by bishop Wren, came to Ireland to the bishop of Kilmore ; 
who, after he had hartily iutertained him many months preferred 
Wm to... Letrim without ceremony or simony; and God was pleased 

35 to call that good man into England a little before the rebellion of 
Ireland, so that he saw not the evill that came upon us. 17. large 
character. 21. unto. 22. interdict anno 1604. 23. Paulus quintus 
for attacking and imprisoning two adulterous friars. And about. 
24, 25. Wadsworth bred in the same colledge, chosen schoUer at the 

40 same election, lodged in the same chamber, after a minister in the same 



Infanta the English tongue, in order to her marriage with 
P. Charles. But he was cheated out of his religion by the' 
Jesuites, and turn'd apostate ; and there lived and died, and 
return'd no more to his native countrey. 
f. 55 r«. y. When Mr Bedell came to Venice, in the first place 5 

he learn'd (by the help of P. Paulo) the Italian tongue, and 
was suddenly as much master of it as if he had been an 
Italian bom (as P. P. said to the lord ambassador), in so 
much that most of his sermons at Venice are written in the 
Italian tongue, or in Latin, wherein none did excell him 10 
since Erasmus brought in the purity of it. To requite P. 
P.'s assistance of him in acquiring the Italian tongue, at 
his request he wrote an English grammar for him and many 
others that desired to learn it for religion's sake. 

8. He also translated the Common-Prayer-Book into 15 
Italian, which P. P. and the seaven divines (that preach'd 
against the pope by authority) liked so well, that they were 
resolv'd to have made it a pattern of their publick worship, if 
they had made a full retreat from the church of Rome : he 
helped and instructed the seven Venetian divines in the un- 20 
derstanding of the Scriptures; whereof Fulgentio was chief, 
whose sermons against the pope I have seen, and they are 
yet extant printed in Italian; though, upon the pacification, 
they, and all such writings, were called in and anathe- 
matiz'd. 25 

diocesse with D. Bedell and (that they might he alike in this also) 
both chaplains in forraine parts, was sent. 2. But he was so much 
mutatiis ah illo, that he was cheated. 4. country ; whereas Dr 
Bedel was like to have been the great instrument in the hand of God 
for the bringing of the Venetian state out of Romish-Popish-Babilon, 30 
by opening their eyes and turning them from darknes to light and 
from the poure of Sathau to God, as the ambassador sir Henry Wotton 
did still acknowledge, when he had any occasion administred unto 
him to speake of that his embassy : one passage of his letter to 
the late king is this : For may it please. .Messed memory [above 35 
p. 5. 1. 6 — 13; reading in 1. 11 for practiced conversed with]. The 
letter itselfe I will set down in its place. How well he deserved 
this commendation did dayly appeare more and more in that trans- 
action with the pope, some particulars whereof I learned by many. 
5. When... Venice om. 9. in Venice were. 15. and he also. 40 
19. liome, as they were very like to do. 21. Fulgentius. ■z2.tIuyom. 


9. He had such respect from that state, that when 
P. P. was stahb'd with a stilletto (a loving token sent from 
his holy father the pope by an obedient son of his church) 
while he was writing the History of the Council of Trent, 

S Dr B. had allwaies free ingress and regress to him and from 
him, without any suspicion or molestation. 

10. I heard him say that there was not a word in all the 
Greek T. but P. P. had mark'd with his red lead thus [0], to 
shew that he had studied every word: I heard him also say, 

10 that when he had shewed the true reading and sense of that 
often-mistaken phrase by the anabaptists, Acts xix. 5, clkov- 
cravre'; Se (which they hearing), that they were a part of the 
continued speech of St Paul, and not at all the words of 
St Luke the historian, P. P. leap'd for joy for the discovery 

1 5 of that truth, which he never knew before. 

11. At that time came Spalaten.sis to Venice, having 
fled for his life from Babylon; and having receiv'd D. B. (as 
P. P. did) into his very soul, he communicated unto him his 
writings De Republica Ecclesiastica, in ten books, which he 

20 publish'd in London. He corrected many things in his in- 
terpreting and applying of Scriptures, in his quotation of 
fathers and histories, at the motion of D. B. 

12. At that time there came a Jesuite to Venice, called f. 55 v°. 

Thomas Maria Caraffa, and printed some theses of philosophy jg"g° 

25 and divinity, and dedicated them with a blasphemous title 
5 50 5 5 1 100 500 
thus: PAVLO. V. VI OK DEO, Chnstianae ReipuUicae 

monarchae invictissimo, et pontifioiae omnipotentiae conserva- 

tori acerrimo, Sc. Which, when D. B. had seen with amaze- 

I. from the Venetian state. 4. when he was. Trent, and tlie 

30 messinger disappointed in finishing his interprize, the state set a 
guard to secure him from after-blowes of that kind, from tliose 
assassinates that are skilfull to destroy. 5, 6. ingresse to him and 
regresse from him. 6. molestation. The stiletto is yet to be seen 
over his effigies in Venice. 8. [0] cm. 13. St om. 14. historian 
35 {verba ilia non sunt Lucae de Paulo, S3d PauU de lohanne et disci- 
pidiseius) that P. Paulo. 16. Spalatensis the archbishop of Spalado 
to Venice, Marcus Antonius de Dominis. 19, 20. which afterwards... 
London and dedicated to kuig James. 20. in his writtings in his inter- 
preting. 22, 23. Dr Bedell, without whom, he sayd, he could do 
40 nothing. About that time also there came. 26. [The small numerals 



ment, he retir'd into his study, and by just calculation he 
found out the number of the beast (mention'd Apoc. xiii. 1 8) 
666, to be contein'd exactly in the numerical letters of that 
proud swelling title, and shew'd it to the lord ambassador, 
to P. P., and the seven divines, who immediately laid hold s 
upon it, as if it had been by divine revelation from heaven, 
and acquainted the prince and the senate with it. It was 
carried suddenly through the city that this was Antichrist, 
and that they needed not look for another: it was publish'd 
and preach'd through all their territories, and the Romanists lo 
were ashamed and confounded at it. But to salve up the 
matter, news was soon after divulg'd that Antichrist was 
born in Babylon, of the tribe of Dan, and was comming with 
a huge army to wast and destroy all opposers, &c. This is 
since mention'd by commentators upon that arithmetical 15 
mystery; but this was the original of it, as the lord ambas- 
sador told K. James and others. The same is set down at 
large by Mr B., in his book against the apostate "Wadseworth, 
p. 79> ^'^t his modesty conceals the first finder and discoverer 
of it. 20 

13. I did never hear him say that he was displeased 
with the lord ambassador but in this one thing; When the 
difference between the Venetians and the pope was grown 
to the height, and there seemed not to be above one step 

over the capitals omitted here in H]. i. seq. calculation found out that 25 
it contayned exactly in the numerall letters of that proud-swelling 
title the number of the beast 666 mentioned Apoc. xiii. 18; so that he 

that runs may read it in PAVLO V VICBDBO. He shewed. 5. and 
to. II. confounded at it, with horror and consternation, that 

they had nothing to say against the calculation, and knew not what to 30 
doe, till they send forthwith (least this discovery should spread further) 
to their ghostly father concerning it, who never wants a fitt salve for 
such a sore ; but causeth a proclamation to be made, and to be sent 
unto all his vassalls and tenants, the popish princes of Christendom, 
to let them know that Antichrist. 14. all opposers, and therefore 35 
they should arm themselves speedily, and make ready all their forces 
by sea and land to encounter him, &c. And thus was that acute and 
ingenious discovery husht. This is since. 17. King. 17, 18. set down 
more fully in his book. 18, 19. Wadsworth, but his. 21. I never 
heard. 40 


between them and their utter rejection of popery for ever; 
when the prince, in his speech in the senate, had spoken 
much in the praise and commendation of K. James, and that 
things were not so bad as men hare the world in hand, in- 
5 tending to set discord between Christian princes, and some- 
thing also in commendation of the English ambassador there 
present; and when the pope's nuntio had said, that the K. 
was not a catholick, and not to be relied upon, &c. ; the 
prince immediately replied, that the King of England did 
10 believe in Jesus Christ; but what others did believe he knew 
not, &c. P. P. and the seven divines, with many others, sent 
for D. B., and entreated him to desire the lord ambassador to 
deliver the king's book immediately to the prince. And ac- 
cordingly he did urge him and persuade him to do it by all f. 56 r°, 
15 possible motives from reason and religion, (keeping himself 
within the bounds of moderation and modesty towards him 
whose servant he was, and referring himself still to his wise- 
dom and better judgement). But when he had said all that 
he could, the lord ambassador's answer was no more but this: 
20 That he was resolved not to deliver K. James's book but on 
St James his day that was approaching. And ere that day 
came the state was reconciled to the pope: and then when 
on that fatal day the book was deliver'd, the answer was 
this : That they thanked the king for his good will, but were 
25 now reconciled to the pope; and therefore were not to admitt 
of any change in their religion according to their articles with 
his holiness: which sad answer had allmost broke the heart 
of D. B., P. P., and of all the seven divines, and of many 

30 I. betweene their ntter rejection of him and his popei? for ever, and 
none ever forsooke him, that were more likely to doe it upon the most 
rational! and Christian-like termes ; when the prince. 2. senate-house. 
3. King James, &c. that. 9. that Rex de Angleterra, &c. did beheve. 
1 1. P. Paulo. 12. Dr Bedell. 13, 14. prince; which he did urge him and 

35 perswade him to doe by all. r 6. modesty and moderation. 17. servant, 
most observant of his lord and master, he was. 18, But om. 20. the 
king's book. 25. resolved not. 26. articles of agreement. 27. holiness, 
&c. 28. Dr Bedell, Padre Paulo. 29. others, that were to entertaino 
the gospel of reformation, as ready as the Israelites to march away from 

40 Pharaoh. Thus he it was, so eminently instrumental! in God's hand, and 


14. I never heard that he displeased the lord ambassa- 
dor in any thing save this one. The ambassador had an ape 
that upon a time slipt his chain and got out and bit a child 
very sore. The Venetian mother brought the child into the 
ambassador's lodging with great fury and rage, Avhich alarm'd . 5 
his whole family. D. B., his chaplain, said: His lordship luas 
bound in conscience to make satisfaction; and that it was a 
slander to our religion to keep such harmfull beasts, and not 
repair the dammage; who answer 'd angrily, That he wish'd 

he were as sure of the kingdom of heaven, and that he had as 10 
good conscience as another, £c. 

15. He spent much time not only with P. P., Spalaten- 
sis, and others (unto whom he expounded the way of God 
more perfectly than ever they knew before), but also with 
Rabbi Leo, the master of the Jewish synagogue at Venice, 15 
who taught him the Oriental pronuntiation of the Hebrew 
tongue. R. Leo said that he had received more light in the 
letter and sense of the Hebreiu text from D. B. than from all 
their rabbins: and when in a solemne dispute with him 
about the Messias, D. B. had clearly proved that Christ was 20 
materies Scripturarum, velatus in Veteri, revelatus in W. T. ; 
and that to Him give all the prophets witness; as he shew'd 
by induction, beginning at Moses, and reading all those scrip- 
ture testimonies out of the Hebrew text clearly; he and the 
other rabbins had no more to say, but Aliter credunt, et 25 
ubique terrarum docent rabbini nostri ex traditions patrum. 

f. S5r°. 16. I heard him often mention this R. Leo in reading 

the original, saying. My master R. Leo said thus. This 
R. Leo helped him to the fairest manuscript that ever I did 
see of the 0. T. It was written in a large folio of excellent 30 
parchment, in such large and clear characters with all the 

laboured more abundantly (according to his station and subordination) 
than any in that mysterious transaction, was made sad, and found that 
saying of that wysest of all meer men to be true : that great men are not 
alwayes wyse. 2. one thing. 5. rage, insomuch that she. 6. Dr Bedell. 35 
9. repay. 12. P. Paulo, Diodati. 17. of whom R. Leo sayd. 18 
and 20. Dr Bedell. 23. the scripture. 24. cleerly, and answering 
all objections. 28. original and say My. 29. Rabbi. 30. see of 
the record of. 31. large, clear and excellent. 


points, and some Eabbinical notes upon the large margin, 
and of so great antiquity, tliat no print could be compared 
unto it. This large volume cost so many livers an ounce, 
and is now in Immanuel college in Cambridge; well worth 

S the seeing as any monument in that library. 

1 7. When D. B. return'd into England with the ambas- 
sador, P. P. was as loath to part with him as with his own 
soul. He gave D. B. his picture, an Hebrew Bible without 
pricks, and a small pocket Hebrew Psalter, wherein he wrote 

10 some expressions of love subscribed with his hand. He gave 
him the Italian copy of the Council of Trent, the History of 
the Interdict, and of the Inquisition, with many other tokens 
of love. Spalatensis came over with him, and one Dr Des- 
potine, one of his Italian converts, whom he brought with 

15 him to St Edmunds-Bury. He was a famous physitian, and 
became very rich in that place; between whom and D. B. 
there was a continual entercourse of Italian letters to their 
last; and so between him and D. Hall, D. Ward, and D. 

20 18. At his return- to his flock in St Edmunds-Bury, 

after so long absence beyond sea, he was receiv'd with won- 

I. notes on the. 4. in the library of. 5. the seeing. When after all 
this stirr the Venetians were returned to their vomit again (though they 
made a decree that tlie Jesuits, whom they had driven out, should never 

25 be readmitted, unless three parts of four of the senate should be con- 
senting to it) yet they never desyred the Pope's absolution from their 
excommunication to this day, only the cardinall nuntio, upon the day 
of reconciliation, gott into the senate-house before the prince came, and 
made an aerial cross with his finger over or upon the prince's cushion, 

30 and that was sufficient to save his master's credit, and to serve instead 
of a soUemne ceremoniall absolution, as their popish manor is. The 
state observed none, but did forbid all maner of showes of joy and 
gratulation upon the pacification. They are worthy of all slavery, that 
will return to that estate, when they choose. 6. Dr Bedell. 7. P. 

35 Paolo. 8. soule, and would have come into England, with many others 
that were loath to returne to their Bgiptian darknes and bondage ; but 
the state would not part with him upon any termes, he being esteemed 
the right eye and lively oracle of that state till his death. He gave Dr 
Bedell. 10, heart and hand. 12. other love-tokens and pieces of an- 

40 tiquity. 15. Bdmunsbury, and was. 16. whom and him there. 18 — 20. 
last, whereof I have seen many. At his. 21. sea, being about eight 


derfull expressions of joy by all sorts of people. There he 
finished his translation of the Venetian Interdict out of 
Italian into excellent Latin, together with the History of the 
Inquisition, and dedicated them both to the K., which he was 
much eatisfied with ; the 1. ambas., sir H. W., seconding the ; 
dedication with his highest commendation of the translator. 
He translated the two last books of the Council of Trent, 
(the two first being done by sir Adam Newton). Of which I 
heard him say, that when Spalatensis had it presented unto 
him, and had compared the first five or six lines of the lo 
Italian with the Latin, he said these words, Kon est idem; 
the first words of the Italian being, I will write the Council 
of Trent, &c. He said, that the translator had followed too 
much the Latin phrase, and had often left the true sense of 
the Italian behind him; hut so did not D. B., ivho excelled 15 
in both languages. 
f. 57 r'. ig. I heard him say, that Spalatensis was cozened out of 

England, and out of religion, and at last out of his life, by 
Gundamor, the greatest Matchevilian of his time. My L''. of 

yeares in Italy, i. people, as an angel of God. 3. the Italian. 4. to 20 
king James. 5. with ; Sir Henry Wotton, the ambassador. 7. trans- 
lated also. Trent into Latin. 14. true idiom of the Italian. 15. Dr 
Bedell, excelled even to a miracle. 19. tymo, that perswaded him to 
retnrne to Rome, the pope being his old acquaintance and schoolefellow, 
and that a cardinall's cap was ready for him. This proud, ambitious 25 
man, though he had an honorable reception heere and maintenance 
for a prince at the Savoy and rich presents given him by the nobility 
and clergy, yet stole away, after he had given so great testimony to the 
truth by his preaching and large writtings against popery, that he might 
goe and returne to his owne place, having beene about eighteene monthes 30 
in England ; though it is reported and beleeved by many to this day, 
that he sayd to Br H[all] at his departm-e ; testor Deum iminortalem, 
me invitum ex Anglla discedere. The pope having civilly received him 
at his first approach, he met with Bellarmine, that had written against 
him; to whom he said: Sir, yoio have not answered my arguments; 35 
who immediately went in and told the pope, that Spalatensis was of the 
same mrjnde still, that he was of in England. He being called said 
for his defence, that he had said indeede, that cardinal Bellarmine 
had not answered his arguments, yet they were not unanswerable ; 
hut if his holiness would allow him tyme, he would answer them him- 40 
selfe. But this excuse and shift did not serve turne ; he is cast into the 
Inquisition, and insteed of bringing him to tryall for heresy, ho is poy- 


K. did much bemoan him ; many Italian letters passing still 
between them in matters of religion. About this time Mr 
Wadsworth, the apostate (whom I mention'd before), having 
got his belly full of Spanish popery, begins to write to D; B. 

5 and D. Hall in matters of religion, and to justify his ex- 
change. D. B. answers and refutes all that he could say so 
soHdly and convincingly, in so pacifick and Christian a style, 
that I have reason to believe it prevail'd with him to his re- 
covery. For after many years his son (the author of the 

10 tract called the English-Spanish-Pilgrim) came from Spain 
into Ireland to my lord of Kilmore his house, and told him 
that his father thank'd him for his book, and that he de- 
lighted much in it, and that it was ever before him; and that 
he heard him say these words, I will save one. I know not 

15 any thing that ever was written against popery that will 
yield more satisfaction to a rational reader; I wish it were 
reprinted in these times, there being above 50 years run out 
since the first printing of it, and very few of them to be 

20 20. After this he was presented to a parsonage called Anno 
Horningshearth in Suffolk, near St Ed. Bury, by sir Tho. 

sond and his body cast out at a window and all his goods confiscat to 
the pope ; for he had brought great store of wealth with him out of 
England anno 1623. My lord of Kilmore did much bemoane. 3. 

25 apostate chaplen. 4. began to write to Dr Bedell and Br Hall. 
5. exchange and revolt. 6. Dr Bedell. 8. his finall recovery (and 
dedicates it to prince Charles, anno 1624). 9. the author... Pilgrim 
om. II. Kilmore's house. 14. one. This young man wrote the 
tract called the English- Spanish Pilgrim, which is to be seene in many 

30 places, in which is an account of the education of the present bishop of 
H — . 16. more true, reader, then those letters that Dr Bedell sent 
into Spayne ; the effect of which was well knowne in Ireland to the 
conversion of many Irish and English papists. 16. wish they were. 
1 8. printing of them. 19. found. Dr Bedel having continued preacher 

35 at St Edmondsbury till the year 1615, he was presented. 21. Thomas 
Jermin of Ryshbrooke in that county, a great courtyer and privy coun- 
cillour, and vicechamberlane to king Charles the first, whose father, 
Robert Jermin miles, was a person of singular piety, a bountifuU bene- 
factor to Immanuel college, and a man of great command in his coun- 

40 trey, as Dr Fuller writes of him in his history of The Worthies of 
England; his son Sir Thomas was a lover of the best of men, and did 


Jermin, a great courtier; who did glory much in this, that he 
had preferr'd the most famous and eminent divine in all 
their coasts to his benefice. I cannot pass by that passage, 
that when the bishop offer'd him his instruments of institu- 
tion and induction and demanded large fees, he refus'd to S 
receive his titles upon that account; but only to pay the 
secretary for the writing, the wax and parchment, what was 
fit. The bishop asked why he did refuse to pay what was 
demanded, ivhich others did jMy t He said it was simony, 
and contrary to Christ's and the Apostle's ride, Gratis acce- lo 
pistis, gratis date. And being again asked what was simony? 
he answered, it was Vendere spiritualia temporalihua ; and 
so he went away without his titles to his benefice ; but wdthin 
a few dales the bishop sent him his titles gratis. This I had 
partly from himself, and partly from Mr Sowtheby. 15 

glory. 2. preferred to his benefice. 3 to his benefice cm. 3. 
remarkable passage. 13. new benefice. 14. gratis. It may be he 
had acquainted his patron with it ; who said, he woidd let the king 
know it, that knew Dr Bedell so well. 15. Sowtheby, that worthy 
person of whom mention is made p. 81. A man would have thought, 20 
that he being imployed in forraign negotiations, in matters of state of 
greatest concernment, and being so great an ornament to the protestant 
religion by his wonderfull learning and examplary living, and so 
eminently instrumentall in the almost-conversion of the Venetian state, 
that had dedicated so many bookes to the king, after so many yeares 25 
peregrination might have cast anker in the port of preferment at his 
very first arrivall (there being none since the apostles' days more richly 
endowed with all gifts and graces in the judgement of all that knew 
him), if true learning and worth had beene in any deserved esteeme ; 
but he, like a faythfuU shepherd that longed to know the state of his 30 
flock (though many epistles had passed between them) retyres to his 
private charge ; and, like the triumphant husbandman in the Roman 
history, that after his victory over the Samnites layd downe his dictator- 
ship and returned to his husbandry, so he to the plough of the gospel in 
the field where he had left it, until the yeir 1615 that he entered upon 35 
his small benefice of Horningshearth, where he continued till the yeir 
1627. But I remember to have beene told one particular circumstance 
of Dr Bedell by a person of honour, who was well acquainted with 
Diodati, which was this ; that about anno 1627 Deodati was at London, 
and having enquired with much diligence for Dr Bedell in all the 40 
bishops' company that he lighted on, wondred extreamly he could meet 
with none among the clergy that knew him or ever heard of his name; 
so that he despaired of ever coming to the knowledge of him heere. 


21. His former patron in Venice, sir H. W., followed 
him with wonderfull respects as long as he lived in prosperity; 
and in his adversity D. B. was much afflicted for him, and 
not unmindfull of him when his potent friends forgot him, to 

5 let such an able statesman die in prison, having superex- f. 57v°. 
pended himself for the publick, as many publique ministers of 
state often do to their ruine. His later patron, S. T. J., did 
so highly own him and reverence him, as if he had been his 
father, and heard him gladly and did many things for the 

10 good of himself and family at his word; for in all matters of 
state he stuck to him, and in trouble he vindicated him, and 
kept correspondence with him all his dales in Ireland; and 
when he least desired or expected it, he sent him a patent 
from the king for two bishopricks, as hereafter you shall 

IS read. 

22. One would have thought that a person so eminent 
for many years in Italy, whose learning, piety and behaviour, 
had contributed much to the reputation of the protestant 
religion, the honour of the king, and credit of the ambas- 

20 sador, that had dedicated so many learned pieces to the K. 
after many years absence and peregrination in a negotiation 
of state concernment, he that did shine in Italy as a candle 
set on a candlestick, should not have been clap't under a 
bushell in England, and permitted to return onely to his pri- 

25 vate ministery in St Edmunds-Bury. But his unparallell'd 
humility and self-denying temper of spirit minded not high 
things, for which none in his majesties dominions was es- 

And this encreased his wonder, that he should have the good luck 
to be so well knowne and esteemed abroad, and admitted into 

30 the bosom acquaintance of the Phoenix of his age, I meane Padre 
Paulo, and yet have the misfortune to be so little noticed and vrith- 
out honour in his owne countrey. At last, vphen he least thought 
of him, he met with him by chance in Cheapside, and embraced 
him vrith all the joyfull affection imaginable, untill they both shed 

35 many teares; after which interview Deodati carryed him to the 
bishop of Durham, Dr Morton, and gave that learned bishop such 
a character of Dr Bedell, that he presently tooke particular care to 
have him provided for. 3. Dr Bedell. 5. die as it were. 7. latter 
patron Sir Thomas Jermin. 11. in all trouble. i6. [Chapters 22 and 

^o 23 are inserted more at length in 11 before ch. 21 ; see pp. 90 — 1 «.]. 


teemed better qualified (as the lord ambassador expresses in 
his lettre to the king). But as the triumphalis agricola, in 
the Roman history, laid down his dictatorship when he had 
done his business for which he was chosen, so he returns to 
the plough of the Gospel in the field where he left it. 5 

23. But I remember to have been told one particular 
and remarkable circumstance of him by a person of honour, 
who was well acquainted with Diodati, which was this. 
About the year 1627 Diodati was at London; and having 
enquir'd with much diligence for Dr Bedell in all the 10 
bishops' company that he lighted on, he wondred extreamly 
he could meet with none among the clergy that knew, or 
ever heard of his name; so that he despair'd of ever com- 
ming to the knowledge of him here. And this encreased his 
wonder, that he should have the good luck to be so well 15 
known and esteem'd abroad, admitted unto the bosom ac- 
quaintance of that Phenix of his age, I mean Padre Paulo; 
and yet have the misfortune to be so little noticed at home, 
in his own countrey. At last, when he least thought of him, 
he met with him by chance in Cheapside, and embraced him 20 
with all the joyfuU affection imaginable, until they both 
shed many tears : after which interview Diodati carried him 
to the bishop of Duresm, Dr Morton, and gave that learned 
bishop such a character of Dr Bedell, that he presently took 
particular care to have him provided for. 25 

f. 58 r». 24. Hawng lived as it were incognito in Suffolk from 

the year 16 12, after his return from Italy, until the year 
1627 (as Moses did in Midian, or Elijah at Zarepta), he was 
(through the fame of his worth and writings) solemnly in- 
vited to the provostship over the seminary of learning that 30 
Anno i^ ill Dublin, after the death of sir Wm. Temple. He was 
1627. chosen by all the fellows (who had never seen him) ; written 
to by famous D. Usher, primate of all Ireland, that had 
heard great things of him; and requir'd by the king to ac- 
cept the calling, being esteemed by all persons to be quali- 35 

26—29. having lived. ..Zarepta om. After this meeting with Deodati 
he was not long resident upon his benefice in Suflfolli, when through the 
fame of his worth and writtings he was sollemnely. 31. in Trinity 
college in. 32. fellows that had. 33. Doctor Usher. 


fied for such an employment. See sir H. Wotton's letter to 
the king upon this occasion, printed in sir H. Wotton's works, 
and in his Life, and in Dr Bernard's character of bishop 
Bedell. A. 1659. 

S 25. Now having so clear a call from God and the king 
and all persons concern'd, he left his native soil and ac- 
cepted of the provostship of the college of Dublin; to the 
great joy of heart of all good men there, and the exceeding 
great profit of all the students, above all that were before 

10 him: for he reform'd many abuses, setled many excellent 
orders ; he reduced the scatter'd statutes into a method, and 
the scholars into a godly discipline of true learning and Chris- 
tianity mingled together, by his catechizing in the college, 
and preaching every week once in Christ Church, which he 

15 was not bound unto by his place nor any other obligation. 
The Church-Catechism he divided into 52 parts, according to 
the number of the weeks of the year, and did explain one 
part each Lord's day in the afternoon; of which explication 
many copies were taken by the scholars and others in Dub- 

20 lin, which I wish heartily might yet be search'd after and 
publish'd; for I am sure it would help all orders of men in 
their understanding of the principles of Christianity above 
all books that are written of that subject. 

I. employment. And for the better information of all such as have 
25 pleasure in reading the just commendation of worthy persons for the 

imitation of those that succeede them, that they may studdy more to 
be like them in their parts, then hunt after their places of preferment, 
which many do that have little worth in them, I will heere set downe 
the coppy of Sir H. Wotton's letter to the king in the behalfe of Dr 

30 Bedell, when he was desyred by the archbishop of Ardmagh to accept 
of the provostship of Dublin Colledge in Ireland ; which letter hath 
been often printed, and is to be foimd in the Lyfe of Sir H. Wotton 
published by Isak "Walton, and in the character of bishop Bedell writ- 
ten by Dr Bernard, by Dr P. Heyling, Loyd and others : [then follows 

35 the letter as printed above pp. 4, 5, with the following variations: 
p. 4, 1. 27. your most gracious. 31. petition unto. 33. of Dublin. 
35. render unto, said Mr, 37. Jirst om. 38, 39. be pleased to cm. 
39. accept of. P. 5. 1. I, 2. propounded to. 6. For may it please. 

II. any that. 12. late om. 15. labours which]. 7. Dublin (Aug. 
40 1627). 9. before him, or came after him. 15. outward obligation. 

17. number of the sabbaths of the yeir. 18. each Sabbath-day. 20. 
searcht for and. 22. first principles. 23. subject, only a private 


26. He was not long provost and president over the 

school of the prophets sons in Dublin, but he was advanced 

Anno to the episcopal dignity; and none was esteemed a greater 

'^^9- ornament of that function by all that knew him, since the 

apostles' dales; and he might well have been chosen for the S 
Christian patriarch of any nation under heaven. His hon- 
orable patron in England, sir Tho. Jermin, pursued him 
with all respects he could heap upon him, and sent him 
• from the king (of his own procurement) a patent for the 
bishoprick of Kilmore in the county of Cavan, and for the 10 
bishoprick of Ardagh in the county of Longford, both in the 
province of Ulster. And of this last station of his life I 
can give some larger account than of any of the former, (of 
which I was not an eye, but an ear-witness only), 
f. 58v°. 27. And though it be (rara avis in terns) a very rare 'S 

thing to find a man that lives soberly, righteously, and godly, 
yet it is far rarer to find such a one without adversaries, 
especially if he stands before God in any eminency, as Daniel 
did ; the ground of whose preferment was, because an excel- 
lent spirit was in him; and the ground of the malice of his 20 
malignant enemies against him, because he was faithfull, 
neither was any error or fault found in him. B. B. was all 
his life a follower of that which was good in the sight of 
God and good men; and the gi-eatest harm he susteined 
and enmity he underwent, was from those of his own house, 25 
I mean of his own order : amongst whom he did shine as a 
star of the first magnitude, till he did sett under that dark 
cloud of the captivity of the land. He found in this his new 
calling such a multiplicity of business, as it were besieging 
him and conspiring together against him on every side, as 30 
might have discouraged many mortals: but in the strength 

catechisme of Dr Usher's being there used before him. 3. dignity, 
anno 1629; and none ever esteemed. 4. ornament to that sacred 
function. 5. he om. 7. Jermin, mentioned p. 89. 12. this his 
last station in this life. 13. then of any the former (which I was not 35 
an eye, but an eare witnes of) till his finall remoove out of pilgrimage of 
this troublesome world into his everlasting rest. 17. without troubles 
and adversaries, that stands. 22. in him, but was. 24. men. The 
greatest. 30. side, that might. 


of the Lord God lie went chearfuUy through them all, and 
the Lord delivered hina out of them all. 

28. Sir Tho. "Wentworth entring 1. deputy, aimo 1633, 
by sinister information was stirr'd up against this good man, 

5 ere ever he landed in Ireland. The occasion was this: there 
was a report that my lord of Kilmore had put his hand to a 
petition of great concernment; but the spirit of the lord 
deputy did so disrellish and dislike it, that whatsoever writ- 
ing, commission or order came before him, wherein he saw 

10 the name of the bishop of Kilmore, he immediately dash'd 
it out with his pen, whatsoever concern it was of. So that 
the bishop being informed hereof, and conceiving that he 
was mightily incensed against him, came not up to Dublin 
(as the other prelates did) to do his homage unto him, and 

IS congratulate his safe and happy arrival, and honourable en- 
trance upon the magistracy over them; but wrote imme- 
diately to sir T. J. his loving patron, and other potent friends, 
and sent them the petition itself, with this account of the 
new lord deputies wrath that was kindled against him. 

20 Whereupon letters were sent from England in all hast to the 
lord deputy, whereby he receiv'd such satisfying information 
concerning the B. of K., that when he came to present him- 
self before him, he arose from all his nobles, and ran to em- 
brace him with such reverent respects that all present did 

25 admire it, and invited him to dine with him that day, and 
many times after, and gave him access and audience ever 
after, and continued all respects unto him (above many of his ^-Sl, r°- 
order) till he was called away by the parliament of England, 

3. [In H ch. 28 and 29 follow ch. 32]. And all these holy and honorable 

30 designs commence at the same time of his entrance, and continue during 

his incumbency in his episcopacy, of which I shall give yow a particular 

account, after I have inserted one remarkable passage concerning him, 

which is as followeth : Sir Thomas Wentworth. 4. was stirred up by 

sinister information. 5. this : my lord of Kilmore, with some others, 

35 was reported to have put. 7. of some publick concernment. 8. deputy 

(and of those times). 8. dislike the report of it, whether true or false. 

9. he found the name. 10. immediately with great indignation, 

were of. 13. was unjustly incensed. 16. them, &c. 17. Sir Thomas 

Jermin. 19. so hotly kindled. 22. bishop of Kilmore. 23. he rose. 

40 26. after to his table, ever afterwards. 28, untill. 


anno 1640. Thus, in the first place, the Lord that hath all 
men's hearts in his hand, turned the heart of the L. D. to- 
wards him, when most men expected either imprisonment 
(which the D. was not esteemed sparing of upon small pro- 
vocation) or loss of his bishoprick. 5 

29. His letter to the L. Deputy upon this occasion (viz. 
about the mainteinance of the army and the Cavan-Petition) 
which he sent enclosed in another letter to the archbishop 
of Canterbury, Dec. 4, 1633, and is printed by Mr Prin, 
p. 433, is as followeth. 10 

Right honorable my good Lord, &c. 

In the midst of these thoughts I have been advertizd 
from an honorable friend in England that I am, accused 
to his majestie to have oppos'd his service, and that my hand, 
with two other bishops only, was to a writing touching the 15 
money to be levied on the papists here for the tnainteinance 
of the men of war, &c. Indeed, if I should have had such 
an intention, this had been not only to oppose the service of 
his majestie, but to expose, with the publick peace, m,ine own 
neck to the skeanes of the Romish cut-throats ; I that know 20 
that in this kingdom of his majestie the pope hath another 
kingdom far greater in number ; and, as I have heretofore 
signified to the lords justices and council {which is also since 
justified by themselves in print), constantly guided and directed 
by the order of the new congregation De propaganda fide, 25 
lately erected at Rome, transmitted by means of the pope's 
nuntios residing at Bruxells, or Paris, that the pope hath 

2 and 4. lord deputy. 4. provocations. 6 — 10. His letter... fullotceth 
cm. And because this matter was talked of farr and neir, I will set down 
his letter, which he wrote to the lord deputy of Ireland in vindication 30 
of himselfe about the mayntenance of the Irish army, and the Cavan 
petition, which he sent inclosed in another letter to the archbishop 
of Canterbury ; which also I coppied out of Mr Prinne's booke, 
who finding it among my lord of Oanterburye's papers, thought 
it worthy to be published, as being more full and observable in 35 
some memorable passages concerning the increase and insolencyes 
of the papists in Ireland. Bight hon"°. 11. [This is only a 
fragment of the letter, the whole of which will be found in its 


here a clergy, if I may guess by my own diocese, double in 
number to us; the heads whereof are by corporal oath bound 
to him, to maintein him, and his regalities contra omnem 
hominem, and to execute his mandats to the uttermost of 

5 their forces; which accordingly they do, stiling themselves 
in print, Ego, N. Dei et apostolicae sedis gratia episcopus 
Fermien. et Ossorien. &c. I that know there is in this 
kingdom for the moulding of the people to the pope's obe- 
dience a rabble of irregidar regulars, commonly younger 

lo brothers of good houses, who are grown to that insolency 
as to advance themselves to be members of the ecclesiastical 
hierarchic in better rank than priests, insomuch that the 
censure of the Serbon is fain to he implored to curb them, 
which yet is called in again, so tender is the pope of his own 

15 creatures: I that know that his holiness hath erected a newi-igy'. 
university in Dublin to confront his majesties college there, 
and to breed up the youth of the kingdom to his devotion; 
of which university one Paul Harris, the author of that 
infamous libel, which was put forth in print against my 

20 lord Armagh's Wansted sermon, stileth himself in print to 
be dean; I that know, and have given advertisement to the 
state, that these regulars dare erect new fryaries in the 
countrey, since the dissolving of those in the city; that they 
have brought the people to such a sottish senselesness as 

25 they care not to learn the commandments, as God himself 
spake and writ them; but they flock in great numbers to 
the preaching of new, superstitious and detestable doctrines, 
such as their own priests are asham'd of; and at these they 
levy collections, 3, 4, 5, or 6 pounds at a sermon. Shortly, 

30 / that know that these regulars and this clergy have, at a 
general m,eeting like to a synod, as themselves style it, holden 
at Droghedah, decreed that it is not lawfull to take an oath 
of allegiance, and if they be constant to their own doctrine, 
do account his majestic in their hearts to be king but n,t the 

35 pope's discretion; in this estate of this kingdom to think the 

place in the correspondence]. 10. good families. 21. and om. 
28. at all. 


bridle of the army may be taken away, it should be thought, 
not of a brainsick, but brainless man, &c. 

Your Lordship's in all duty, 


The day of our deliverance from the popish powder-plot. s 

What greater discovery of our unavoidable calamity could 
have been made than this holy man of God offers to our 
watchmen ? whose words ought more to be heard in quiet 
than the cry of him that ruleth among fools, as Ecclesiastes 
speaks. lo 

30. When my L. of K. was come into his diocese, he 
found such dilapidations upon dilapidations, such disorders 
in his clergy, courts and people of all sorts, as if he had 
come thither immediately after the rebellion of the E. of 
Tyrone and E. of Tireconell, assisted by Don John de 15 
Aquila ; which Q. EUzabeth of blessed memory put an end 

to by the lord Mountjoy, an7io 1 600. 

31. For the former bishop, Mr Moigne, had set up 
such a shop of nundination and merchandizing, as if all 
things spiritual and temporal belonging to episcopacy had 20 
been ordinary vendible commodities, as in the church of 
Rome. For he understood these words of St Paul (as 
once one is said to have read them), Qui desiderat episco- 

f. 6or°. patum bonum, opes desiderat. For he made havock of all; 

as Capon (the predecessor of precious Jewel) is recorded 25 
to have done, who devoured all; as Varus, who is said to 
have entred poor into the rich province of Syria, but to 
have left it poor, himself being enriched by it. This bishop 

5. our om. powder-plot an. 1633. Heere you see his cleir vindi^ 
cation from that aspersion of reducing the army of defence, and 30 
the delineation of those Insufferable proceedings of the papists in 
any Christian republick; all which were signally preparatory to that 
swift destruction that came upon us, which this man of God, like 
another Elijah, did cleirly see and forsee ; but few laid it to hart as 
he did. 6-^10. What greater. ..speaks om.. 1 1. When he was come 35 
into his diocesses. 12. disorder. 14 and 15. Earl. 15. d'Aquila. 
16. Queen, put to an end. 18. Mr om. 19. merchandize. 


Moigne had leased out to my lord Lambert and sir Hugh 
CuUum allmost all the Termon lands (so all land is called 
in Ireland that a bishop by the law of that land may let or 
set for lives, or a certein number of years) and also the 

5 mensal-lands (so called because they may not be set or let 
but during the bishop's life only), and had taken great fines, 
and very inconsiderable rents reserved for the mainteinance 
of his successor. He had sold some perpetual advosons, 
which ought not to have been done; and upon the ruins 

lo of these two bishopricks had founded his family. For being 
a man of no understanding, and all his learning being con- 
fin'd to the Com. P. book, he must needs, like a good 
merchant, make sale of those commodities that he had 
bought at a considerable rate. Orders and livings were 

15 sold to those that could pay the greatest fines, &c. There- 
fore my L. of K. commenced a suit against his son Roger 
Moigne (that was afterwards killed by the rebells near 
Droghedah) and his widow, and so recovered somwhat of 
the spoil. 

20 32. I find a letter of his in Mr Prinn's History of the 
late archbishop of Canterbury, p. 436, that makes a full 
discovery of the estate of both the dioceses when he eutred 
upon them. The letter is thus endorsed by the archbishop, 
to whom it was sent, April i, 1630, From Br Bedell B. 

25 2. Termon land. 6. incumbency or life. 10. stript bishopricks. 
12. common Prayer. 14. were om. 16. lord of Kilmore. 16 — 18. 
against his widow Mistrise Moigne and his son Roger Moigne, and so 
recovered somewhat of the spoyle. This Roger Moigne was afterwards 
killed by the rebells near Drohida, with six hundred men that were sent 

3D from Dublin to releeve it, when it was close besiedged by the Ulster 
rebells ; the unhappy word of command (to countermarch) given 
unseasonably to new-levied and undisciplined men, in the view of their 
enemies, which put them into sad disorder ; which the vigilant enemy 
espying, fell in amongst them and put them all to the sword ; only 

3S Sir Patrick Weems, that commanded my lord of Ormond's troope, 
escaped with the horse to Drohida. That yow may the better under- 
stand the state in which he found these two bishopricks, I will set 
downe his owne letter to the bishop of Canterbury, which is published 
by Mr Prinne in his history of the late arclibishop of Canterbury, out 

40 of which I coppied it. It is thus endorsed by the archbishop : April. 
20—23. I find- ■■The letter om. [H. gives the letter, which will be 



bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, about the state of the church 
in his diocese, and the papists in Ireland. This letter shews 
what great need there was of a reformation in these dioceses, 
as in all the rest of the kingdom; and what sad presages the 
insolencies of the Eomish party were of the approaching 5 
rebellion, if men had had eyes to see or ears to hear. 

found in the correspondence]. 2 — 4. shewes in what a woefull con- 
dition this good shepheard found his nesv flock and charge, and what 
great need there was of a generall reformation of the whole kingdome, 
that was in the same case with his diocesses; and what sad. 6. 10 
lieare. Not only had his predicessor embezled the revenewes of these 
two impoverished bishopricks, and left them as yow see wretched and 
miserable, but after his death two violent and unjust men seize upon 
some lands appertaining to them, and forcibly keep possession : against 
whom my lord of Kilmore makes his complaint to the state in this 15 
petition following : 

To the right hon'''^ Henry lord viscount Falkland, lord deputy of this 
kingdom 0/ Ireland, and the rest of his majesty's high councell of 
the same : 

The humble petition of William Bedell, designed bishop of Kilmore 20 
and Ardagh, 

Humbly sJiewiiig, 

That whereas his majesty hath been gratiously pleased to constitute 
and appoint your petitioner to be bishop of the said sees, and to grant 
unto him the investiture and restitution of the temporalities of the 25 
same in as large and ample manner as the late bishop, or any other 
bishop of the said sees, have or might lawfully have enjoyed the same : 
and whereas sir Edward Bagshaw, knight, since the death of the late 
bishop, in the vacancy of the said sees hath entred upon two poales of 
land called Agarosikilly, parcell of the Termon of the see of Kilmore, 30 
whereof your petitioner's predicessor dyed seized; and sir Francis 
Hamilton, knight, hath likewise entred upon one gallon of land called 
Annagh, parcell of the mensall lands of the said see of Kilmore, 
which by order from this hon''^ boord was sundry yeares since restored 
to the possession of your petitioner's said predicessor, and so quietly 35 
enjoyed, and whereof he dyed seised and possessed : and for that his 
majesty hath beene graciously pleased to appoint that your petitioner 
should be relieved at this hon''" board against any unlawful act done 
by any person or persons to the empayring of the fruits and profits of 
the said bishopricks. 

Your petitioner humbly prayeth that he may he restored to the, 
possession of the said lands enjoijed by his predicessor, and kept in the 
same, till the said sir Edward Bagsfoaw and sir Francis Hamilton 


Hereupon he resolves upon a reformation of his clergy, of 
his courts ecclesiastical, and of all that people and flock 
over which the Holy Ghost had made him overseer, and 
specially of the Irish, in comparison of whom the English, 
5 Welsh and Scots, were few in number. 

33. And first he begins with the reformation of his 
clergy; most of them he finds pluralists or non-residents; 
many tot-quots, and resident upon none; some ministers 
that had not one Protestant in their whole parish; and such 

10 as had married Irish women, their wives and children went 

to mass. For the removal of such sad abuses he assembles f. 60 v°. 
his clergy together at Cavan, and after sermon (wherein out 
of the Scriptures and antiquity he set before them with 
great evidence and demonstration of God's Spirit the institu- 

15 tion, nature, work and end of the ministery of the gospel) 
he propounds unto them, as a father to his children, or as a 
brother to his brethren (allwaies styling them fratres and 
compresbyteri, when he spoke in Latin) the necessity of the 
reformation of these intolerable abuses, tending to the scan- 

20 dal of the reformed religion amongst the natives, and de- 
struction of themselves as well as their flocks. Which speech 
of his being accompanied with so much piety, moderation 
and gravity, as if he had had no civil preheminence over 
them, receiv'd as universal a resentment or applause with 

25 submission, as Ezra found when he went about the reforma- 
tion of marriage, to cause every one that had taken strange 
wives to put them away ; when all the congregation answered 
and said with a loud voice. As thou hast said, so must we do. 

shall shew reason to the contrary to this hoard, and he shall alwayes 

30 pray for your honours hap'pines and prosperity. 

I. Finding therefore such confusion and desolation, he like a 
faythfuU trustee and overseer of God's flock, resolves upon a through 
reformation. 2 — 4. people and flock committed to his charge, and 
specially. 6. But in the meanewhile he goes about his worke, which is 

35 indeede the work of God, that he was called to and set up for ; and 
first. 8. residence. 11. mass, and their servants, if they were 
Irish. 15. gospel, &c. 18. of reformation. 23—25. over them, 
left such impressions upon their spirits, that it receiv'd an universall 
resentment and applause, with submission to all that was propounded, 

40 as Ezra. 28. do, namely, to cleave to one benefice and resign the 


34. And that he might be exemplary in this just 
motion (precepts or exhortations without example signifying 
little), he desires of them no more than he intends to do 
himself For having two bishopricks or benefices (which 
for the smallness of them had been still imited before, 5 
as they be now again in the hand of Dr Maxwell, the 
present bishop of Kilmore), he resolves to part with the 
one, and to cleave to the other. In order to the solemn 
accomplishment of this noble and self-denying resolution, 
he sends immediately for a worthy, learned man, of good 10 
report, Dr Richardson, dean of Derry (who married sir Hugh 
Bromley of Bromley's daughter in Warrell of Cheshire), and 
without bartering, trucking, merchandizing, or any other 
simoniacal compact whatsoever, resigned the bishoprick of 
Ardagh unto him gratis, under his hand and seal for ever, 15 
before many eminent witnesses ; and that not out of a vain- 
glorious and Pharisaical ostentation, or aifectation of popular 
applause to be seen of men [nulla famae vel popularis aurae 
affectatione hypocritica), but as a pious declaration of the 
sincerity and upright intention of his heart in the sight of 20 
God and good men. And tho' there be many parsonages 
in England better than both these robbed and peeled bishop- 
ricks of Kilmore and Ardagh in Ireland, and tho' also he 
was at no small charge with his adversaries in rescuing and 
recovering some part of the rights of each alike, yet he 25 
f. 61 r". rejoiced with much inward tranquillity of mind and content 
after he had divested and eased himself of the burthen of 
pluralities. This bishoprick of Ardagh Dr Richardson did 
peaceably enjoy till the rebellion, that overturned all. 

35. Being led by so fair a precedent, those ministers 30 
that had two or more benefices than one were confined to 

other. 2, 3. exhortations signifying little without good example. 
3. than what. 4. himself; that what they see him do, that is their 
spiritual leader, they also may do likewyse with greater alacrity. There- 
fore he begins with himself, and having. 4—7. which... Kilmore om. 35 
7. the om. 10. worthy and. 11. Dr John. 11, 12. married 
the daughter of sir Hugh Bromley of Bromley in. 18, 19. nulla... 
hypocritica om. 23. although. 24. adversaryes and despoylers. 25. 
alike ; and though these were never separate before nor since, but are 


which they pleased to choose, and all enjoin'd to personal 
and perpetual residence upon their benefices for time to 
come. And this could not be well accomplished on a sud- 
den. For in the plantation of Ulster, after K. James's com- 
S ming to the crown (Tyrone's rebellion being quite hush'd), 
the king was pleased to allow and give order for large 
parcells of ground to be annexed to each church for gleab- 
land; which were so ill laid out and assigned by the sur- 
veyors and commissioners appointed thereunto (so contrary 
10 to the royal intention of the K.), whereof sir Wm. Parsons 
was chief, that scarce one minister of ten had a foot of gleab- 
land in his own parish, and in other parishes it lay not 
together, but scatter'd up and down in parcells. The 
county-town of Cavan had lands in two parishes many 
IS miles distant from the church, but none within the parish. 
And by the king's patent under the broad seal (which the 
ministers of each bishoprick had distinct for themselves 
in particular) the incumbent of each parish was requir'd 
and strictly enjoin'd to build a house for his personal resi- 
20 dence upon the premises, 40 foot long and 30 foot high, 
within such a compass of time. Now this consideration 
brought all the ministers into such a streight that they 
could not tell what to do; for they were brought into this 
dilemma, that if they built upon their gleabs so far distant 
25 from their churches, they could never be resident; and if 

now both in the hand of D. Marsh, bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, as 
himselfe told me ; yet. 2. several benefices. 3. come. Dr Bernard, 
being then deane of Kilmore, is neyther wilUng to be resident, nor to 
part with any of his benefices, and therefore exchangeth his deanry of 

30 Kilmore with Dr Henry Jones for his deanry of Ardagh ; who was 
eldest Sonne to the bishop of Kilalu, and marryed sir Hugh CuUum's 
daughter; and his younger brother Michael (that afterwards in the 
warrs was col. Jones) marryed the mother. He was deane of Kilmore 
till the rebellion, and after bishop of Clocher. Dr Bernard, deane of 

35 Ardagh, being then the primate's chaplen, took up his residence in 
Drohida till all was lost. And because this. 4. king James his. 
10. king. 13. together neyther. in severall small parcells. 15. parish 
church. 19. obleiged and strictly, a mansion house. 21. time, that 
was limited in the grant. 23. say or do. 25. from the parish 

40 church. 


they resolved upon residency according to their bishop's 
exhortation and injunction, it were folly to build at such 
a distance. 

36. To extricate the clergy out of this intricacy and 
snare my lord propounds this expedient. He had some 5 
lands lying round about most parish-churches and next 
unto them throughout the whole diocese. He offers to 
accept these several parcells of gleab-lands assigned to each 
church in liew and exchange of his own lands, that lay so 
conveniently for each parish-church. To the effecting hereof 10 
he procures a commission from the E. of Strafford, the L. D., 
and council, to see this pious proposal and exchange brought 
to pass, that the bishoprick might have no dammage, nor 
the present leassees any just reason to complain. The com- 
missioners met about it, whereof Dr Bramhall, bishop of 15 
f. 61 V'. Derry, was one ; whom I and all then present at Mr Arthur 
CuUum's house heard say these words; viz. that he told 
sir Wm. Parsons, that if all the jesuites of the church of 
Rome had conspir'd together to hinder the propagation of the 
Gospel, they could not have contriv'd it more effectually than 20 
he had done in these so inconvenient assignements. However 
the matter was brought very near a period by the agreement 
of all persons concerned in the behalf of the clergy and 
of the bishop (whose highest concern was the propagation 
of the Gospel in his territories); and one of the clergy, Mr 25 
Wm. B., chosen and sent into England to beg of the K. 
a confirmation of this exchange by patent : but the rebellion 
prevented his return, and marr'd all that work so well 
begun, with all other good intentions of this good and 
reverend father indeed. 30 

I. to the bishop of Kilmore's. 3. distance, as by their patent they 
were bound. 5. expediency. 7. them belonging to his bishoprick. 
8. accept of those, by patent assigned. 10. effectuating whereof. 

II. Earl of Strafford, the lord deputy. 12. exchange by geometricall 
proportion so. 15. it, at Mr Arthur Cullum's house in the parish of 35 
Kihnore. BramwelL 1 5. there present, at... home om. 17. words; 
namely, that he had. 20. Gospel in Ulster. 23. of the clergy and 
om. 25, 26. territoryes) and of the clergy ; and one of them chosen 

by all (Mr W — B^ and sent. 26. king. 27. a new patent. 28. 
return with it. 29. with many other, good man and reverend father 40 


37. He was very exact in the probation, approbation 
and ordination of ministers. For he began to examine ac- 
cording to the articles of the church of Ireland (which he 
allwaies held in his hand till he had done); and after him 

5 his arch-deacon, Mr The. Price; at whose examination D. 
Bernard (then dean of Kilmore) saith in his character of the 
bishop, he was present in a solemn meeting of the clergy of 
that diocese for that end. And tho' he were one of the senior 
and principal fellows of the college of Dublin, when the 

10 bishop was provost, yet his indagation and diligent scrutiny 
of him took up at least two full hours. And he also gave 
free liberty to any person of the clergy to examine the per- 
son to be ordained; who were requir'd also to give their 
votes for his approbation, and to lay on their hands with the 

15 bishop upon the party to be ordeined, whether deacon or 
presbyter. He allwaies preach'd at the ordination. 

38. The order of presbyter he never conferred upon any 
person under a year after his first order of deacon. He 
never laid hands rashly upon any man, nor appointed a 

20 sheapheard without a flock, or without most serious inspec- 
tion into his qualifications, both academical and moral: he 
never defiled his heart nor hands with the least dishonest 
gain about ordination, institution, or induction, or any thing 
of that nature ; but wrote all those instruments with his 

25 own hands, sealing and delivering them to the persons con- 
cem'd, charging them not to give any money upon any pre- 
tence whatsoever to any of his family, lest it should savour f. 62 r°. 
of simony, and anathematizing them if they should proffer 
any such thing, so contrary to the precept of our Lord Jesus 

30 Christ, Gratis accepistis, gratis date; upon which account (as 
above) he had many years before refused to pay what was 

indeede, whose worke is with the Lord, and his reward with his God ; 
who kindly accepts of the good will of his servants for the deed, as 
David's in building him a temple (2 Sara. 7). 6. character of him. 
35 8. the diocesse. 11. also om. 12. full liberty. 14. and to give 
imposition of hands. 16. presbyter; and alwayes preached at the 
ordination, and administred the sacrament himself 18. a year at 
least, deaconship. 19. his hands. 21. qualification. 23. or institu- 
tion. 25. hand. 30—31. as above om. 31. do or pay. 


unwarrantably demanded of him. Nay he would accompany 
the minister down stairs, and see him take horse upon that 
very account; whereas before in that place there was so 
much for the bishop, so much for his wife, so much for his 
chaplain, so much for the scribe or secretary, and so from s 
the cook and butler, &c. even to the groom of the stable, 
and all the rest : so that the minister did not know how to 
come so well provided as to give content to so many: all 
which base exactions were to this man of God as vile and 
detestable as Gehezi his tampering with Naaman the Syrian lo 
was to Elisha; yea, as abominable as the Chrys-argyron (or 
tribute upon excrements) which Anastasius the emperor 
abolished out of the imperial revenue. 

39. As he was carefull in setting men well qualified over 
the congregation of the Lord, like another Moses, so he had 15 
a special eye upon the life and conversation of his clergy, 
that they might be burning and shining lights among the 
poor blind Irish, and have a preherninence above their ig- 
norant and wicked priests: when one said that sagart an 
righ was as wicked as sagart an papa, i.e. the king's priest 20 
was as wicked as the pope's priest, my lord was much trou- 
bled at it. 

40. He did so much concern himself in all his clergies 
troubles and difficulties, and adhere unto them against their 
potent adversaries, as if he had been their natural father 25 
indeed. Insomuch that when one Mr Moor, the minister of 
Manner-Hamilton, had complain'd unto him that he had 
made a disadvantageous bargain out of servile fear with a 
great person that held two good livings of his for less than 
either of them was worth, he wrote unto sir Fr. Hamilton 30 
concerning it, to release the poor man from that surprisal. 

I. demanded, upon the tender of his titles to his parsonage of Homings- 
hearth in England, mentioned before (p. 89). He would commonly ac- 
company. 3. account : so that in this respect he might humbly (with the 
man after God's own hart) wash his hands ininnocency, and so compasse 35 
God's altar. Whereas before. 4. the chaplen. 6. c&c. even om. 
7. well know. 8. well om. many cravers. 10. Gehezi's. 11,12. 
chrysargury which. 14. setting of men. 17. amongst. 19. said in 
open court. 19 and 20. sagard. 22. at it om. 30. worth, my lord 
wrote. 30. sir F. H. 


But receiving not a satisfying, but a proud answer, he caused 
the poor minister to resigns both his livings to him (they 
belonging to his collation), which he willingly did forthwith, 
and the bishop put him into the present possession of a 
S better than them both ; and presenting two able men to the f. 62 v°. 
two vacated livings (whereof Mr John Cunningham, that 
married the daughter of D. Craig, a physitian of my lord's 
acquaintance in Venice, was one), he enlarged this poor man, 
and got many a blessing from all that heard of it. This 

10 sir Fr. H. having invited my lord to dine with him upon a 
time at Manner-Hamilton, where he held a visitation, my 
lord refused to go, but would dine with his clergy, and 
promised to wait upon him afterwards. But when my lord 
approached near to the gates, they were shut against him; 

IS and having stood a good while knocking, and being desired 
by his servants to withdraw from such an uncivil affront, 
he said. They will hear ere long; and at length the proud 
knight came and receiv'd him. 

41. I remember also when one Mr Buchanan was re- 

20 commended unto him as a person fit for a living newly 
vacated by the death of the incumbent, after some theolo- 
gical discourse with him, being satisfied with his capacity 
of that spiritual promotion, and understanding by his dis- 
course at dinner that he was related to the great Buchanan 

25 (who is styled by Joseph Scaliger Poetarwm nostri saeculi 
facile princeps, and whose paraphrase upon the Psalms my 
lord delighted in above all Latin poetry), he went into his 
study after dinner, and drew up his institution, and gave it 
him to read (as the manner is) before his oath. But he 

20 !• proud and unchristian -like answer, for the unjust know no 
shame. 2. poor oppressed. 3. forthwith, being long oppressed by 
his owne countreyman. 4. into present. 5. better benefice then 
them, presented. 6—8. Cunningham was one, who marryed the 
daughter of Dr Craig, a phisitian of my lord's ancient acquaint- 

35 ance in Venice; who, hearing from his sonne-in-law of Dr Bedell, 
my lord of Kilmore, wrote a large Italian letter to him of thanks 
for his great civilityes to himselfe in Venice, and now to his sonne- 
in-law in Ireland. Thus he enlarged. 9-^18. This...him om. 
(inserted more at length in H far on p. 149, 15° ^d. 1862). 24. 

40 Buchanan king James his tutor. 26. and om. 29. to read. 


finding that he must be sworn to residence, and that he 
should hold no other benefice, refused to accept of the living 
upon such terms, unless these words were blotted out; which 
my lord refusing to do, M. B. went away without it, and it 
was conferr'd upon another more worthy. 5 

42. And here, for your satisfaction, I will set down the 
form of all his institutions; which all that ever saw them 
did approve, as most conscientious and evangelical, save that 
one pluralist. 

Gulielmus providentia divina Kilmorens. episcopus, di- 10 
lecto in Christo A. B. fratri et synpresbytero salutem. 

Ad vicariani perpetiMm ecclesiae parochialis de 0. nostrae 
Kilmorens. dioeceseos iam legitime vacantem et ad nostram 
collationem pleno iure spectantem (praestito per te prius iu- 
ramento de agnoscenda et defendenda regiae maiestatis sit- ij 
prema potestate in omnibiis causis tarn ecclesiasticis quam 
civilibus intra diciones suas; deque Anglicano ordine, habitu 
et lingua pro viribus in dictam parochiam introducendis 
f. 63 r°. iuxta formam statutorum huius regni; nee non de perpetua 

et personali residentia tua in vicaria praedicta; quodque nul- 20 
lum aliud beneficium ecclesiasticum una cum ea retinehis; 
nee ullum pro ea impetranda simoniacum pactum feceris, aut 
praestabis; deque canonica obedientia nobis ac successoribus 
nostris episcopis Kilmorens. praestanda) te admittimus, in- 
stituiTnus et canonice investimus; curamque animarum paro- 25 
chianorum ibidem commorantium tibi committinfius per prae- 
sentes: obtestantes in Domino et pro obedientia, qua summo 
pastori teneris, iniungentes, ut eius gregem, quem sua san- 
guine acquisivit, tibi commissum diligenter pascas et in fide 
catholica instituas; officia divina lingua a populo intellecta 30 
peragas: exempilar ante omnia teipsum praebeas fidelibus in 
bonis operibus, ut eruhescant adversarii, nihil habentes, quod 
in te reprehendant; mandantes insuper dilecto fratri Thomae 

before his oathes were administred unto him, as the manner is; 
•who finding. i. to personali and perpetuall residence. 2. bene- 35 
flee with it. 3. any such. 4, 5. Mr Buchanan, having another 
living that he was loath to leave, went away without this, and it 
7. them om. 


archidiacono Kihnorensi, ut te in realem et actualem posses- 
sionem dictae vicariae de C. inducat cum effectu. In quorum 
omnium fidem et testimonium sigillum nostrum episcopate 
praesentibus apposuimus. Datum 7" die Maii, anno salutis 
5 1640. 


43. Nor did he onely write this still with his own hand; 
but there was no other instrument or title given to any 
minister but this, and that gratis; he having shaken his hand 

10 from holding of bribes as much as St Peter from the proffer 
made by Simon Magus, the original of that profitable sin; 
whereas now there are to be seen 3 or 4 instruments for a 
small living of £10 per annum sold at a very dear rate, both 
for buyer and also the seller. Yea, more than this, he gave 

15 induction also gratis, as I have seen upon the back of an 
institution thus written with his own hand : Inductus fuit 
introscriptus A. C. in realem possessionem, ecclesiae parochialis 
de Byn, 12° die Nov. 1637, a me 


20 as if he had studied to keep his clergy without charge, as 
the apostle his Corinthians. But yet tho' he wrote to aged 
ministers thus, Fratri et synpresbytero, with their academick 
degrees, yet in all orders of deacon and presbyter, and in- 
stitutions to young men, he wrote still dilecto nobis in Christo 

25 Jilio; and to his own son, in came et in Christo filio; and 
kept a register of all his acta episcopalia, written with his 
own hand in Latin; which I wish the world might see, if it 
hath escaped the deluge. 

44. I know not any person that was permitted to be f. 63 v°. 
30 non-resident save one Mr Johnson, a man of a great reach, 

whom the E. of Strafford, the L. lievtenant, made his 
engenier over his great and glorious buildings at the Naas, 
at Camu and Casha in the county of Wicklo. My lord 

10. as Peter himself. 13. a om, 14. the buyer. 15. gratis om. lean 

35 shew. 18. Dyne. 19. Guilielmo Kilmoren. 22. thus in 2)rimitive 

stjle. 25. Sonne William, 31. Earl. Lord. 33. and at Canra and Cosha. 


of K. in discourse upon a time with this Mr J. persuaded 
him to compose an universal character, to serve in all 
languages and nations ; the conveniency of it being so 
great, and the thing itself so feasible, seeing we have uni- 
versal mathematical characters, as the arithmetical figures, 5 
the geometrical, the astronomical of the planets, and of 
the 12 signes of the zodiack, &c. ; which he undertook. My 
lord gave him a platform, which he observed; all the diffi- 
culty was about the syncategoremata. He styled his book 
Wit-spell. I have heard that some part of it was printed ; lo 
but the rebellion prevented the finishing of it. Yet besides 
this Mr Johnson, D. Bernard, dean of Kilmore, was neither 
willing to be resident, nor to part with any one of his bene- 
fices, and therefore exchanged his deanery with D. Henry 
Jones, (eldest son of the bishop of Kilala) for his deanery 15 
of Ardagh; who continued dean of K. till the rebellion, 
and was afterward bishop of Clogher ; and Dr Bernard, 
the dean of Ardagh, being the primate's chaplain, took up 
his residence at Droghedah, till all was lost. 

45. For the better ordering of his clergy he call'd a 20 
diocesan synod to meet at the cathedral church of Kilmore. 
The text he preach'd upon was in Psal. 93. 5. Thy testi- 
monies are very sure; holiness becometh thine house, Lord, 
for ever. And because there was much talk of this synod, 
both far and near, and no smaU stir made about it by some 25 
fals-brethren of the same order, I will set down verbatim 
the canons made in it. 

Decreta primae synodi Kilmorensis. In nomine Domini 
Dei et Salvatoris nostri lesu Christi. 

Regnante in perpetuum ac gubernante ecclesiam suam 3° 
eodem Domino nostra lesu Christo, annoque imperii serenis- 

I. Kilmore. Johnson, finding him to be an ingenious man and of a 
mercuriall witt, though of mechanick education, perswaded. 4. have 
already. 7. readily undertooke. 10. have om. 11. the. of it om. 
II — 19. 'Yet.-.lost' inserted in H after come p. 103 1. 3 where see n. 35 
20. calls. 22. in om. 24. ever and ever; and after sermon ad- 
ministers the sacrament to all his clergy, his synod. 25. made om. 
26—27 it down verbatim as being present at it. Decreta. 


simi principis ac domini Oaroli D. G. Magnae Britanniae et 
Hibemiae regis 14°, cum ad ecclesiam cathedralem Kilmo- 
rensem Tnonitu Oidiehni episcopi convenisset capituliim totius 
dioeceseos, ad synodum dioecesanam celebrandam; post fusas 

5 ad Dominum preces pro publica pace regisque et familiae f- 64 r"- 
regiae iiicolumitate, et per acta sacra synaxi; verba fecit 
episcopus de eiusviodi synodorum antiquitate, necessitate et 
auctoritate. Et cum venisset in consultationem, quibus rati- 
onibus et fidei sinceritas et morum sanctitas et decor domus 

10 Dei, ministrorum libertas conservari posset; nihil conducibilius 
visum est, quam ut ea quae a patribus bene ac prudenter 
antiquities instituta sunt, quasi postliminii iure revocarentur. 
Atque tractatu inter nos habito, ad extremum in haec capitula 
unanimiter consensu'in est: 

15 I. Synodum dioecesanam sive capitulum quotannis feria 

4* secundae hebdomadae mensis Septembris in ecclesia Kilmo- 
rensi tenendam; ewm diem huic conventui statum et sollemnem 
fore sine ullo mandate: Si res poscat in ceteris quoque ordi- 
nationum temporibus presbyterium contrahi, episcopi man- 

20 datum expectandum. 

2. In episcopi absentia aut morbo vicarius eius, si pres- 
byter fxierit, praesidebit; alioqui archidiaconus, qui de iure 
vicarius est episcopi. 

3. Vicarius episcopi in posterum nuUus constituatur aut 
25 confirmetur, qui laicus sit; nee quisquam prorsus, nisi durante 

duntaxat beneplacito. 

4. Ut archidiaconus de triennio in triennium dioecesin De hoc 
personaliter visitet; singularum ecclesiarum aediumque man- ampliat 
sionalium sarta tecta tueatur, libros et ornamenta in indiculo capitu- 

30 descriptos habeat, defectus omnes supplendos curet; episco- "'^' 
palis procurationis dimidium habeat, ea condicione, ut epis- 
copus eo anno non visitet. 

5. Ut secundum pristinam et antiquam huius dioeceseos 
Kilmorensis constitutionem in tribus eius regionibus tres 

35 decani sint, ah ipsis ministris eiusdem decanatus eligendi; 
qui vitam et mores cleri iugi circumspiectione custodiant et 

I. Dei gratia. 10. et ministrorum. 25. laicus est. 27. 

marg. n. om. 


ad episcopum referant, eiusque mandata accipiant ef, quoties 
opus erit, per apparitorem decanatus ad compresbyteros suos 

6. In quoque decanatu, in oppido eius principali, con- 
ventus sive capitulimi sit ministrorum quolihet saltern mense, 5 
ubi lectis plene publicis jyrscibus contionentur per vices, sine 
longis precibus et prooemiis. 

7- Advocationes ecclesiarum nondum vacantium, quae ad 
coUationem episcopi spectant, nemini conferantur aut con- 
jirmentur. lo 

8. Possessiones ecclesiae non alienentur aut locentur con- 
tra regni iura; nempe terrarum, mensalium nulla sit locatio, 
nisi quoad episcopus in vita aut sede sua supersit, ceterarum 
in plures annos, quam leges sinunt, aut prioribus locationibus 
triennio minus nondum expletis. 1 5 

9. Ut corpora defunctorum deinceps in ecclesiis non 
humentur; sed nee intra quintum pedem a pariete ecclesiae 

10. Ut mulieres in sacrario non sedeant, sed infra can- 
cellos, et quidem a viris secretae. 20 

f. 64 T°. II. Ut sacrarium in consistorium non convertatur, aut 

sacra mensa notariis aut scribis sit pro pluteo. 

12. Ne in funerihus mulieres luctum et ululatum 

13. Ut ossa defunctorum in coemeteriis non coacerventur, 25 
sed tradantur sepulturae. 

14. Ut matricula sit, in quam refer antur nomina eorum, 
qui ad sacros ordines admissi sunt, aut instituti, aut admissi 
ad beneficia, sive ad curam animarum cooptati; clericorum 
item parochialium et ludi magistrorum; neque deinceps ad 30 
litteras testimoniales in visitationibus exhibendas adigantur. 

15. iVe quis minister oblationes ad funera, baptismwn, 
eucharistiam, nuptias, post puerperiu/m, aut portionem canoni- 
cam cuiquam locet. 

16. Ne quis eiusmodi oblata acerhe exigat, praesertim a 35 

17. Ut fas sit ministro a sacra cena repellere eos, qui 
se ingerunt ad synaxim, neque nomina sua pridie parocho 


1 8. Ut pueri a septimo saltern aetatis anno, donee confir- 

mentur per manuum impositionem, stent inter catechumenos ; 

factoque catalogo, singulis dominicis certus eorum numerus 

sistatur in ecclesia examinandus. 
S 19. Bi quis minister quenquam ex fratribus suis alibi 

accusaverit, priusquam episcopo denuntiet, ah eius consortia 

ceteri omnes abstinebunt. 

20. Clerici comam ne nutriant; et habitu clericali, prout 

synodo Dublinensi constitutum est, incedant. 
10 21. Oeconomi parodda/rum provideant, ne in ecclesia 

tempore cultus divini pueridi discursent; utque canes arce- 

antur, constitutis ostiariis vel multa imposita, si quis 

semel atque iterum admonitus, canem secum in ecclesiam 

IS 22. Ut nulla excommunicationis sententia feratur ah uno 

solo ministro, sed ah episcopo, assistentibus quotquot in capi- 

tulo fuerint praesentes. 

Haec deoreta synodalia, quoniam ex usu huius dioeceseos 

futura credimus, et ipsi observabimus, et quantum in nobis est, 
20 ah aliis observanda curabimus; adeoque manus suae quisque 

suhscriptione corroboramas. Septembr. 19°. 1638. 

46. When the report of this synod was carried up to 
Dublin it was taken so heinously, as if the word or thing 
had never been known in the church of God before. The 

25 L. lieutenant, the E. of Strafford, was made acquainted 
with it, as if the bishop of Kilmore had set up a new 
platform of government in the church. A praemunire was 
the least censure ; he must be cited to the high commission- 
court or the star-chamber immediately, &c. ; and many such 

30 things were upon the tongues of many. Others said, that 
he did nothing against the laws of God or of the land; 

21. 1638. All the ministers subscribed to all, save Dr FaythfuU 
Teate, who wrote thus : Omnibus suhscribo praeterquam decimo 
decreto. And the reason was this, because he had erected a new seate 
35 for his wyfe in the chancell but a litle before, and was loath to remoove 
it. 25. Lord. Earl. 27. modell and platforme. 28. cited 

immediately to the high commission court or the starr chamber; 
and every minister, that was at that synod, &c. 31. he had done. 



whereupon the good bishop studied the defence of what he 
had done, and put it also in writing, that all his adversaries 
f. 6s r°. could not gainsay; that if he had been put to it, he might 
have it in a readiness. All this was made known to the 
bishop by a faithful! friend, Mr Thomas Price, his arch- s 
deacon, who had shewed the state and the prelates all the 
transaction of this synod in writing. My L. primate of 
Armagh thought it most prudent to let him alone, who 
had assembled that synod, lest they should find him more 
able to defend what he had done, than any person what- lo 
soever to oppose him; so all their threatnings came to 
nothing, and the 1. of K. heard no more of it; it having 
been the constant practice of all bishops in the Greek and 
Latin church in all ages. Many said that which Theodosius 
said of Ambrose, the B. of Millan, in another case, Solus is 
Kilmorensis novit se gerere ut episcopum; as all the prelates 
once said of him before this, upon his taking to himself his 
place of judicature in his own consistory; of which I shall 
afterwards give you some account also. 

2, done in that synod. 7. Dr Usher, my lord primate of Ardmagh. 20 
8. alone, that had. 9. lest peradventure. 10. able and ready, 
whomsoever. 12. my lord of KUmore. 14. church ever since 

episcopacy was voted and advanced, by the bounty of the kinges of 
the earth, above presbytery. Theodosius the emperour. 15. Am- 
brose bishop. 17. in his. 18. afterwards I shall. 19. also. 25 
But one word of this Mr Price his archdeacon, who was very inti- 
mate with him. He married the daughter of sir Thomas Button, 
and came over chaplen to the infantry that came out of Ireland by 
order from the king, after the marques of Ormond had made a ces- 
sation of armes with the rebells in '43, as A. C. with the horse. At the 30 
siedge of Nantwitch he was shott from Acton steeple, neer thfe towne, 
in the right eye ; and the bullet (which he shewed me) taken out 
under his left eare, and yet the body of his eye not destroyed, but 
darkned. Ho was advanced to the bishoprick of Kildare at the restau- 
ration, and now is archbishop of Cashill in Conaght. That defeate 35 
before Nantwitch was accounted the greatest losse that ever the king 
sustained, and the greatest victory that ever the P. obtained in all 
their warrs. When those forces that had beene more then conquerours 
over their paganish enemies in Ireland, and accounted it their cheefe 
joy to be ingaged against them, who never durst so much as looke upon 40 
them one way, but fled into boggs, woods, swamps, many wayes before 
them, no sooner had they set their foote upon their owne land, in their 


47. In his visitations of his clergy (which were twice a 
year) it was not, as in many places, for the clergy to meet 
and answer to their names, and then to exhibit their titles, 
and ask what is to pay, and away without any sermon, as 

5 now, or as in all other secular courts or monthly meetings. 
His visitation was not, ad dominaiidum, nee ad litcrandum, 
nee ad epulandum, as the Scrutinium Sacerdotale hath it: for 
he alwaies preach'd and administred the sacrament and gave 
heavenly instructions to his clergy and people: as also he 

10 did constantly twice a year at the county-town of Cavan 
preach before the judges in his episcopal habit at the general 
assizes of the county. The procurations (that were but small) 
he bestowed in defraying the charges of the ministers' dinner, 
and the rest he gave to pious uses, as to the poor Irish male- 

15 factors that were starving in the prison in want of all things. 

native soyle, but after they had surprizd and taken Harding castle and 
Berston castle, were all of them surprizd (Sir Michael Bamley, Sir Powlk 
Huntes, coll. G. Monck, Gibson, Warren, Broughton, L. Banadlagh's 
regiments) by letting in the waters upon them, where they could 

20 neyther fight and stand or fall with honor, iior flee with safety, and so 
were overthrowne and taken by meer countreymen (under the conduct 
of Sir T — F — and Sir W — B — ) that never had beene bred in such a 
schoole of warr as those victorious worthyes. I remember the speeches 
of many of the souldiers that were called oflf from the Irish warr (that 

25 was not founded upon conjecturall foundations) to this unnaturall of 
England : Whi/ should tee leave God, before Ood leave us ? They 
came over so unwillingly, that they were soon dispersed and crumbled 
away to nothing. But to leave this digression, and to retxime to my 
first intention ; I have something more to say of my lord of Kilmore in 

30 reference to his visitations of his clergy, which were and are twice 
a-yeir in all places, i, 2. His visitations were not, as in many. 3. names 
in the nomenclature. 4. what's, and so away. 5. now, as. meet- 
ings of the justices and leets, wherin yet the stewards do often give 
excellent exhortations in order to the people's obedience to the lawes 

35 of God and man, to keep them in peace and love ; as the learned 
judges do at the assizes twice a yeir. 6. visitations were. 7. hath 
it, but ad aedificandum, according to the apostle's rule, Let all things 
be done to edification. 8. sacrament to all his clergy, and to all that 
were present with them, that desyred to participate of that sacred 

40 ordinance. 9. as likewyse he. 10. constantly preach. 10 — 12. Cavan at 
the general assizes of the county in his episcopall habit before the circuit 
judges; which added great grace to the assembly and contentment 
to all. 13. of all. 14. the residue, releeve the poore. 15 in prison. 



No orders nor instruments, that bad been once exhibited and 
indorsed, were ever to be called for any more in his time, 
which hindred much the usual gain of the consistory-ofEcers 
of all sorts. His clergy sate round about him, all covered 
when he was so, by his command. He did often mention 5 
that old canon (so old that it is forgotten long ago), Sedente 
episcopo, ne stet presbyter. But he that was before him was 
chargeable to the clergy in his procurations, exhibitions and 
above all in his refections and epulacions, every one being 
assessed according to the value of his living. Even his ser- 10 
vants bare rule over the clergy and people, as Nehemiah 
speaks of those governors that were before him; but so did 
not he, because of the fear of the Lord. 
f. 65 V. 48. But the charge of the ordinary and annual episcopal 

visitation was nothing to the untollerable abuse and usurpa- 15 
tion of the metropolitane (which was every 3rd year) and of 
the regal, which was every 7th year; when such a train fol- 
lowed the visitors, that the refection of twice so many jani- 
zaries had not been so scandalous nor chargeable by much : 
Hand ignota loquor. It is a great honor to the bishops of 20 
England, and happiness to their clergy, that they are ex- 
empted from these sad visitations, if their triennial and sep- 

15. in want of all things om. 5. command, and not standing, 
waiting upon the bishop or his lay-chancellour bare headed, amongst 
the plebian multitude without respect or discrimination, like so many 25 
lackees m the bishop's livery, as now the manner is. He would often. 
7. there before. 9, 10. epulations. Even his menial servants. 13. 
fear of <}od ; the want of which was so great that the clergy must 
be assessed, every one according to the value of his living, to pay 
for their commessations, as if it had beene at the interview of Bacchus 30 
and Venus, so shamefully excessive were they. 15. intollerable. 16. 
yeir) called the trienniall visitation. 17. yeir, like a heathenish jubile. 
sad train. 18. visitors, Dr Rives and Sing, as followed and accom- 
panied Vitellius, when he advanced towards Rome, after the overthrow 
of Otho his competitor, as Tacitus gives an account, calonum ingens 35 
numerus. For day and night they gave themselves over to such riott 
and excesse, as if they had come out of the bottomless pitt, or were 
posting to that visitation : and the poore clergy must pay for all, under 
paine of suspicion of heresy or of excommunication, which they carried 
under their girdle or had girded about their loynes ; and the refection of 40 
twice BO many janisaryes. 19. nor bo. 22. sad, if not diabolicall rather 


tennial were homogeneous with those of Ireland. I remem- 
ber when D. Usher's metropolitan-apparitor-general serv'd 
my lord bishop of K. with the prohibition, that for that year 
he should exercise no episcopal jurisdiction, &c.; that when 
S he read these words, ad quos omnis et omnimoda iurisdictio 
de iure devolvitur, &c., and those other words, propter imm/l- 
nens animarum periculum, &c., that he threw it out of his 
hand, as if he had said unto it, Get thee hence, and stamp't 
with his foot, &c. For that year he must act nothing as a 

10 bishop, or buy his privilege of these secular men at a dear 
rate, that knew nothing but their dishonest gain. 

49. But perhaps you may think it somewhat strange 
(and it troubled many good men) that D. Usher (of blessed 
memory), a man so famous in his generation, even to the 

15 ends of the earth, should be so much concerned in all these 
things, and never once attempt the least redress of any 
of them. I have heard my 1. of K. (that loved and honoured 
his person, his preaching, his learned writings, as much as 
any man that ever knew him) say, that he had often spoken 

'2^ to him of these intoUerable abuses, and Ttiany more, hut 
could not prevail with him to do or meddle with any thing 
in matters of discipline, no, not in his own courts, saying, 

than evangelical!, visitations, if their triennialls and septennialls were. 

I . to those. Ireland, and whether they continue there or not, I know not 
25 these many yeares. 2. Dr. {speciosa et spatiosa nomina) serv'd. 

3. lord of Kilmore. bull of prohibition. 5. those words in the bull. 
7". away out. 8. hand as a menstruous cloth. 10. secular merchants. 

I I, gaine ;. and so in the regall visitation. So that the very soule of this 
righteous man was vexed with the unwarrantable degradations and 

30 usurpations of those men, caeci avaritia, quis omnia atque inhonesta 
venderemos erat. 13. «?irf...m«n om. Dp. 15. earth, whose pray se is 
throughout all the churches. 16. things and courts, redresse of the 
greatest abuse, being the first man named in many courts, as in prero- 
gative, the high commission, the court of delegates, as well as in his owne 

35 diocesan and metropolitan. This troubled many worthy persons that 
honoured him much, that he that had so much power and authority 
committed unto him to do much good, yet in these thinges of great con- 
cernment in church and state should do nothing at all, which made preach- 
ing to be of little esteeme and to litle purpose, but to make the wicked 

40 walk on every side, &c. 17. lord of Kilmore. 22. courts, but take them 
as he found them, and so leave them worse ; but that .he referred all 


that he took them as he fovmd them, and referred all to his 
officers and surrogates, till a time of reformation by a general 
synod should come, which he still looked for. The truth is, 
he so gave himself wholly over to the search of the fathers 
and all antiquity, and to that apostolick work of praying and S 
preaching the word, that he had no time scarse once to 
think of the discipline of the church, or to regulate any 
thing that was amiss, tho', according to his place and station 
in the church (being fixed as a bright shining star in the 
highest orb thereof), God had required it of him, and put it lo 
in his power to doe it. Therefore when he came to die, he 
earnestly besought the Lord to pardon his sins of omission. 
f. 66 r°. The speech of his own physitian, D. Bootius, a learned 
Dutchman (who was also physitian to the e. of Strafford), is 
very remarkable; Si Armachanus noster esset tarn ewactus 'S 
disdplinator, quam antiquitatis indagator et'veritatis propug- 
nator et evangelii praedicator, procul duhio designari et con- 
stitui potuisset totius orbis Ghristiani ecclesiasticus adm,inis- 

50. Having given some account of those great abuses, 20 
that he found among his clergy, viz. pluralities and non- 
residence, the bane of the clergy and misery of the people : 

these matters ecclesiasticall to his ofScials and surrogates till a tyme of 
reformation, which he still looked for. So that in the meanetyme all 
orderlines and goodnes went to wrack, and a leading prelate did what 25 
him listed in all these courts of judicature, to the great scandall of the 
church government, and damage of many, and ripening all for destruc- 
tion which came upon us as travayle upnn a woraau with cheild, and we 
were not able to escape it, nor more then Shilo, for the like abuses 
under Ely's two surrogates Hophni and Phineas, as Jer. vii. 12. The 30 
truth is, my lord primate of Ardmagh gave himselfe over so much to 
the search. 9. fixed in its highest orbe as a glorious starr. 11. 
power to redresse; therefore. 12. omission, about thinges left 
undone. And this neglect of church discipline was bemoaned by all 
that knew him and loved his holy and harmeless conversation, and 35 
admired his incomparable learning in other thinges and indefatigable 
studdy. In this point, or dead flye, only beneath himselfe, in which 
though more learned any concerned then many, yet did less then 
any: the best men being but men at the best. 13. Dr Bootius, a 

Dutchman. 14. earl of Strafford, and a learned man. 20. Thus 40 

having given you. of the reformation of those. 21. that this 


I shall in the next place set down his reformation of his 
courts and ecclesiastical consistory. Hie totum est pro cor- 
pore vulnus. The corruption was so great, that he saw 
nothing in his courts when he entred bishop, but what 

5 Solomon saw long before, the place of judgement, that 
wickedness was there, and the place of righteousness, that 
iniquity was there. He found both clergy and people a 
prey and a spoil to a lay-official by patent, and none to 
deliver them. And as there was a simoniacal and sacri- 

10 legious venality of all holy things in his predecessor's house; 
so there were manifold extortions in the exercise of eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction in his courts. He was wearied by 
continual complaints from all sorts of people. The dread- 
full sentence of excommunication (both major and minor, 

IS which ought not to be pronounced without mature delibe- 
ration and highest reverence) as common, and therefore 
as little regarded and set by, as the dirt of the streets, 
or as it is called in the Irish tongue 'Comil-Vahu,' the 
extinguishing or blowing out of a candle ; a ceremony 

20 used by the church of Rome in their popish excommunica- 
tions and interdictions. He found the officers of all sorts so 
polluted with bribes and filthiness, that one could not touch 
their garments : instead of repentance for sin, nothing but 
impenitency and commutation of penance for dishonest 

25 gain, &c. 

51. Therefore as a good shepheard ought to do, he 
resolves to drive away the wolf from his flock. He sits 
in judgement with some of his ministers covered on each 
side of him; and when any sentence, whether interlocutory 

30 good bishop found, i. the reformation. 2. ecclesiasticall consistoryes, 
most falsely styled spirituall, till he came to sit and act there, as he 
esteemed himself in conscience bound and in right and equity suf- 
ficiently authorized thereunto as a bishop : hie. in corpore. 
7 — q. He found... them om. 12. courts, as he left them. He found 

35 both clergy and people a prey and a spoyle to a lay-officiall, or lay- 
bishop (if ye will), by patent, and none to deliver. He was. 14. minor 
and major. 15. pronounced or denounced, most mature. 18. cvinil- 
valu. 19. extinguishing in water. 27. flock, thattheymightbenomore 
a prey ; and sits. 29. of him, with liberty to give their opinion in each 


or definitive, was to be given, he asked their opinion man by 
man. Many fees he alltogether remitted, and many he 
reduced ; the one to the poor, that had little or nothing to 
pay, specially the poor Irish, that were alwaies obnoxious; 
the other for moderation sake, avoiding severity and the .5 
exacting of the utmost farthing, 
f. 66v°. 52. But this practice of his, tho' never so warrantable 

in itself, and acceptable to all, both clergy and people, and 
renowned over all Ireland for the exempl'ariness of it, yet 
was not long free from opposition ; no more than that good 10 
work (Ezr. iv. 9) of Ezra in the accusation of Rehum the 
chancellor and Shimsay the. scribe or register. For D. 
Alane Cook the chancellor and his men, seeing the hope 
of their gain was like to be cut off by this means, if the 
bishop were suffered thus to continue, as he had begun, 15 
to sit and judge in his own courts; as he had already 
disappointed them of all their gain from ordinations and 
institutions, &c., (he writing all such instruments with his 
own hand, and giving them freely) made head, and con- 
spired all of them together against him, to hinder him in 20 
his progress. Dr. Cook the lay-chancellor commenced a suit 
in the chancery against him ;. who made his just defence so 

case; and when. i. opinion and votes. 3, poor Irish. 5. moder- 
ation's, and exacting the. 6. farthing ; in some degree reducing his 
episcopall to a synodicall government and more freindly judicature, 25 
according to the proposal! made by Dr Usher, archbishop of Ardmagh, 
(by way of accommodation) to the parliament and assembly of divines 
at Westminster anno 1641, a duzon of yeares before this. 7. though. 
9. examplariness. 11. ^2r..iv. 9, om. 11. from the accusation. 12. re- 
gister. He found the mysterious title given by old Simeon to his Lord 30 
and Master, a-rjfieXov avrCKfyofi-ivov, verifyed in his faithfull servant, that 
begins now to suffer in His cause and to be persecuted for righteousnes 
sake. 13. Dr Allen Cook the old lay-chancellor. 16. courts, that 
were called in and by his name. 17. their gryst from ordination and 
institution &c. 19. given and bestowing. 20. against them. 21. pro- 35 
gress; as Sanballat and Tobiah did against Nehemiah, when they 
understood that the breaches of the walls of J.erushalem began to be 
stopt. But this learned and prudent bishop could not be hindred 
by their murmurings, nor would give way to their usurpation of his 
episcopall jurisdiction on any termes ;. as the bishop of Bath and "Wells 40 
is reported to have done (out of pusillanimity) to Dr Duke his lay- 


learnedly, and furnished liis advocates with such unanswer- 
able arguments fetched from all antiquity, as all his adver- 
saries were astonished at. 

53. He wondred (he said) that he should not be allowed 
5 to discharge that trust, that was reposed in him ; that one half 
of his episcopal office should be alienated to a mercenary hire- 
ling, that came not, but for to spoil and to destroy ; he being 
bound by his consecration and oath to rule as well as to feed 
his flock over which the -Holy Ghost had inade him, bishop; 
10 that this his practice should seem new and strange, which is 
the practice of all the reformed churches that have bishops, 
without lay-chancellors. Bishop Jewell sate often with his 
chancellor, and was president in his own consistory ; that his 
pastoral care m,ight reach his jurisdiccion in his court, as well 
IS as in his pulpit. The titular bishops that are put over the 
popish party in Ireland by the pope, exercise jurisdiction in 
private over the Irish ; and that a Protestant bishop should 
be denied the same power in publique, that holds it by patent 
from the king, seemed strange, &c. 
20 54- Many copies of his pleadings (it being a rare case) 
were taken and sent into England, as well as through all 
Ireland. And allbeit all the prelates wished him good 
success, that knew what belonged to their ofi&ce; yet none 

chancellour, when he told his bishop flatly, that he had nothing to do 

25 to sit there, and shewed him his pipes. The bishop of Kilmore thought 
himselfe as much obleiged by his patent and consecration oath to maih- 
taine and assert the episcopal discipline, as well as evaiigelicall and 
apostolicall doctrine. Whereupon Dr Allen Cooke. 22. against his 
bishop. I. advocate. 2. arguments (being denyed the liberty to 

30 plead for himselfe, which, iniquity he tooke heynously, that a bishop was 
not allowed to plead for himselfe) fetcht. antiquity, since the Christian 
emperpurs allowed bishops any jurisdiction over the clergy or laity in 
the Roman empyre : so that aU his adversaryes were astonished at his 
answers and pleadings. 4. he said om. 6. alienated and usurped 

35 by a. 8. inviolable oath. 9, made him episcopvm ; that this. 
12. lay-chancellours to exercise a lawlesse and arbitrary dominion over 
them, as well as (without them) over the clergy and layty. 14. his 
episcopall care. 15. set over. ig. seemed strange om. 20. rare 
and singular case never disputed there before.. 23, oflSce and episco- 

■ 40 pall dignity, and ownd him at first as their only champion against their 
despoylers, and told him that they were hut semi-episcopi, haf/e-bishops, 


did, nor durst assist him because of his potent adversaries 
and the great opposition that was made unto him. So that 
f.67r°. notwithstanding all that this holy and truly learned bishop 
could say or do for himself, either by himself or others, he 
was unjustly cast and fined to pay £ioo charges to Dr. S 
Cook the plaintiff chancellor : one of the greatest reasons, 
why the 1. chancellor gave sentence against him being this, 
which the bishop had from his own mouth : All that my 
father left me was a register s •place : therefore he would 
mmntain the alienation and exercise of all consistorial offices lo 
without the bishop. This I had from the bishop's mouth. 

55. But notwithstanding the decree in chancery against 
him to divest him of the life of his episcopacy, his over- 
ruling power in his own courts, and to leave him only a 
titular bishop, as the popish prelates were ; whether by 15 
secret advice from some eminent statesmen, that much 
approv'd his cause and valiant resolution in the defence 
of his episcopal dignity, and in rescuing and delivering 
his flock from tyranny; or by a powerfull conviction of the 
conscience of his adversary, D. Cook, that might well be 20, 
ashamed of his ill-acquired victory, I know not, (tho' both- 
might be true) : but this I know, that this holy man of God 
sate in his own consistory ever hereafter without any oppo- 

homonimously so called, or meir titulars in that respect, or scarce so 
much; and that they would stand hy him and adhere unto him to 25, 
the uttermost of their power. But when it came to the push, they all 
forsooke him, like a deceitfuU bow, and left him to stand or fall to his own 
master : which redounded much to their dishonour, to leave their 
leader in the field alone, fighting for them all against many enemies.. 
I pray God (with Paul) that it be not layd to their charge : notwith- 30; 
standing the Lord assisted him and strengthned him; for none else 
did or durst take his part because of. 2. him by the whole family of 
lay-chancellours and their adherents. 4. he iss- J. Dr fJooke the 
plentiff. 7. lord chancellor Bolton. gave a decree and judg- 

ment against. this : when my lord of Kilmore asked his lordship 35 

afterwards, why he was overthrowne, Jiamiig the better cause ? his 
answer was (which my lord had from his owne mouth). 9. and there- 
fore. 13. lyfe and soule of his episcopall dignity and authority, his 
presidency and over-ruling. 14. only a halfe-bishop or titular, as. 
16. statesmen (as was supposed) that much. 18. dignity and juris- 40 
diction. 19. tyranny and oppression. 20. Dr Cooke, might justly 


sitlon ; and that D. Cook never offer'd to interrupt him in 
the least, nor ever demanded the £100 wherein the bishop 
■was condemned for his charges ; but did delegate his power 
and interest as chancellor to an Irish gentleman, one Mr. 

5 Ash, as his surrogate, and to Patrick Coddan as register ; 

who observed my L. of K. in all his orders and proceedings 

in his courts with all fitting respects, till the rebellion 

suspended all courts, and. determined all petty controversies. 

56. And allbeit their gains were not half so much 

10 as formerly they had been (when one was put_ into the 
court for threepenny worth of tithe-turf, and it cost £5 e're 
hecouldget off) : yet they seem'd contented with what they 
could catch ; so that thebishop did freely and conscientiously 
what he had done afore-time ; and this was pleasing to God, 

i'5 and profitable to good and bad,, who all had present 
hearing and sudden dispatch of all matters that came 
within the cognizance of that court, whether decimal,. testa- 
mentaL or matrimonial, or things presentable by articles 
and punishable there, by far less mulcts and amercements 

,20 than ever before. Insomuch that the consistory, that was 
look'd upon before as a common grievance, was in his dales 
esteemed a- sanctuary to the poor and needy. And by his f. 67 v°. 
lenity, and moderation many priests and friars, that were 
still brought in for fornication or adultery, were prevailed 

25 with to renounce their filthiness, and to have good thoughts 
of the reformed religion, that had appointed to all mankind 
an antidote against uncleanness by holy and honourable 
marriage, as the- bishop often told them in court ; and 
several of them were converted from popery, and did. 

■30 marry, as I shall shew you hereafter more at large. 

be. I. Dr Cooke. 2. hundred pounds. 6. lord of Eilmore. 
7. all reverend respects. 8. and the bloody sword determined.. 

9. gaine were. 10. it had beene. 11. thrippence worth, of tyth- 
turff, a fewell much used in Ireland, and it, cost five pound. 14. a- 

35 foretime, as it is said of Daniel in another case, and this was pleasing 
to God i^for to him that knoweth to do good and doth it not, to him it 
is sin, sayth St James) and profitable. 15. bad, that had.. 

18. by the jirticles of inquisition. 19. punishable in the court by. 26. so,^ 
that.. 21. before om. common newsance. 22. needy, so that by. 

40 25. their uncleannes. 27. against all fllthines of flesh and spirit.^ 


57. Having briefly, but truly shewed you what coui:se 
this good, evangelical and primitive bishop took at his 
entrance upon his new ofBce, to reform his clergy and con- 
sistory ; it remains in the next place, that you take a view 
of the course he took for the reformation of the Irish people, s 
and reducing them from the darkness of popery to God's 
marvelous light in the Gospel; of which the English 
and Irish state had been very neglectfuU ever since the 
reformation ; for which (by God's just indignation) they 
have often sadly smarted, and have seen the destruction of lo 
all their pleasant and profitable plantations once in 40 years, 
with the blood of vast multitudes of innocent people, in all 
their barbarous massacres and unparallell'd crueltieSv And 
allthough Lionel duke of Clarence, lord lieutenant of Ireland, 
anno 1361 made laws for the civilizing the Irish in speech 15 
and apparel, yet it never took effect : But as they were 
asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina, lac atque humi 
Sham- pabulum uti pecorihus, nulla aedificia, nisi mapalia et tugu- 
lar Seo ''^^'^' ^^''*5''^'' nulla, superstitio multa &c. So they continue at 
ran, luss, this day, without civility, without God, without Christ, being 20 
"■ alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, as much as from 

the commonwealth of England. Therefore unto this day 
they do after their former manners, being still lock'd up and 
kept in the dungeon of ignorance by their idolatrous priests, 
that know not the Lord more than the sons of Eli, ©r the 25 

30. you ova. large. Whilst I am writting this, it comes into my mynde 
that in the yeir 1646 I met with Dr Cooke by chance in London, who 
spake as reverendly of my lord of Kilmore as any eould doe, and said, 
he thought there had not beene such a rmm upon the face of the earth 
till he tryed him, and that he was too hard for all the civilians in 30 
Ireland; and had he not beene borne downe by mere force, he had 
undoubtedly overthrowne all the consistory courts by lay chancellors 
and restored to all the bishops their sever all jurisdictions. He seemed 
to me to bemoane his death, and was courteous and respectful! to me 
for his sake. And I saw him no more. 3. consistory courts. 4. ye 35 
take a view also. 8. neglective. 9. which iniquity and omission 

of duty. 13. unparallelled crueltyes ; wherof there are many records 
and living witnesses at this day in all these three kingdomes, that are 
mutually concerned in the wellfare of each other, and sadly hewayle the 
neglect of their reformation. i ;. of the Irish. 16. they never. 22. 40 
England, through the ignorance that is in them because of the blindnes 


priests of Baal that Elijah destroyed ; but by a little Latin 
service (which many of themselves cannot construe, as know- 
ing nothing but their portuse or breviary, as I have often 
tried) and absolute dominion over their persons, consciences 

5 and all they have, and perpetual and promiscuous unclean- 
ness (which they esteem a venial sin and make no more of 
than the washing of one's hands), having taken away the key f. 68 r". 
of knowledge, they are taken captives by them at their plea- 
sures; so that they that lead them cause them to err, and 

10 they that are led by them, are destroyed with them. This is 
a lamentation, and shall be for a lamentation to all succeed- 
ing generations (as it hath been to all former), that the Irish 
are destroyed for lack ©f knowledge, and we destroyed by 
them for rejoicing to have it so. For this noble and high 

15 attempt of my L. of K. to reduce them from their evil waies 
of ignorance and superstition, mett with greater opposition 
than all his former attempts for the reformation of his clergy 
and courts, as I shall shew anon. 

58. In the first place he engages with his clergy to keep an 

20 English school, or to cause it to be kept, in all their respec- 
tive parishes ; in some of which was not one Protestant, be- 
cause not one of a thousand could either read or write. And 
to this end he printed at Dublin, anno 1631, a small cate- 
chiem of one sheet, called the A. B. C, or the Institution of 

25 a Christian ; wherein is the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's 
Prayer and Ten Commandments, and some select portions of 
Scriptures conteining the sum of the Gospel, as namely 
Gal. iii. 10, 11, 12, 13. Joh. iii. 16, 17, 18, 19. 2 Cor. v. 19, 

20, 21. Act. xiii. 38. Some short praiers also of script, sen- 

30 of their hart. 25. anymore, i. destroyed for seducing and deceiving the 
people ; but "by. 4. persons and consciences and over all. 6. sin, a small 
matter. 9. erre and readily to do whatsoever they command, and they. 
15. lord of Kilmore. 17. reforming. 18. shew you. 19. ingagesallhis. 

21. there was. 22. because there was. that could, write, for the 
35 education of their children. 23. in Dublin. 27. scripture. 29. For the 

poore people never heard anything of Jesus Christ and His merits, but 
alwayes the fabidous meritts of former saints and of their owne goode 
workes sounding in their eares to make their priests lords of all. Some 
short prayers also of Scriptxire sentences, for they know not what belonged 
40 to prayer, but to mumble over upon their beads Ave-Marys and Pater- 


tences, and some short graces before and after meat. Of 
this Catechism the one page is English, and the other Irish. 
And this he sent abroad through all the diocese, which by 
God's blessing was like to do abundance of good. For the 
poor ignorant creatures began to hear something of God in 5 
their own language, and to learn the Creed and the Lord's 
prayer &c. in their own tongue, which they never could be- 
fore, for they were never taught it. I have seen many of 
them express as much joy at the reading of a psalm, or of a 
chapter in the N. T. in the Irish tongue, as was discovered lo 
by the children of the captivity when Ezra read the law 
unto them, Neh. viii. 

59. The next thing he went about for their reformation 
was to persuade some of their learnedst priests and friars, 
that were bred in the seminaries beyond sea, to forsake 15 
popery and be converted. Of them he had a convent not 
far from Kilmore. He desired' them to put in writing what 
they could say for their own religion, or against our's, which 
they did, and upon satisfaction given made open recantation 
in the cathedral church on the Lord's day ; abjured all parts 2a 
and appendices of popery from head to foot. To encourage 

nosters innumerable (whosoever were present) with as litle reverence and 
devotion as understanding and profitt: and some short gi-aces before 
and after meate, for the Irish never did crave a blessing, nor returno 
any thanks after meate, any more tlien beasts ; only if a priest or fryar 25 
be present, he sayth, Benedicite et henedicamus Domino, and then 
mutters over his Pater-noster in his throate, more like a conjurer then 
a praying Christian. And that is all of this short catalogue [? cate- 
chism]; the one. 2. and om. 3. And om. throughout. ;. 
somewhat. 7. could say. 8. it om. 10. New Testament. 30 
II. people of. 12. Neh. viii., or our progenitors did in the 
dayes of Henry VIII., when they would goe many myles to heare a 
chapter read in the English tongue. 13. goes about. 14. is to be- 
perswade. 15. popish seminaries. 16. for he had a convent of 
them not. 17. desyres. 20. church of Kilmore. day and. 21. 35 
pendickles. foote. And by this meanes he thought and hoped to 
prevayle over the ignorance of the elder sort of people, when they were 
instructed in the wayes of God by men of their owne ; though many of 
them knew as litle of the true God, and of the truth of God contayned 
in the Scriptures, as the Indians do at this day, and the most part of 40 
their idolatrous priests, as the pawawes of America. To one of many 
Irish converts I wiU set downe this one letter, being one of the least, 


written to one of the learnedst of them in a most convincing and 
winning style, as always his manner was. 

Guilielmus Kilmorensis ecclesiae minister dilecto fratri Cornelia 
Sheridin, salutem in Christo lesu. 

5 De tua cum Dalio liticula scripseram ad Dionisium nostrum, ante 
acceptas litteras illius et tuas, quid mihi ex aequo et bono constituen- 
dum videretur. Itaque venio ad expediendas dubitationes tuas, quae 
tantum, abest ut mihi fuerint ingratae, ut nihil potuerit mihi a te 
gratius accidere; nam et tui officii puto, nihil temere in negotio 

lo religionis statuere, et mei studio tuo non deesse. Movet te quod ait 
Dominus Mat. x. 42 Quicunque potum dederit uni ex minimis istis 
calicem aquae frigidae tantum in nomine discipuli, amen dico vobis non 
perdet mercedem suam ; ex quo sic arguis, ' Opus mercede digntim est 
m,eritorium\ Sic enim inverto propositionem tuam, ne conclusio sit 

15 affirmata [? afiirmativa] in secunda figura. Assumis 'Atqui opus 
nostrum est dignum mercede, et quidem aeterna, ergo' etc. Ego vera 
tuam assumptionem pernego, et valde miror, si ex insita dignitate 
calicem aquae frigidae datum alicui ex Christi discipuUs expendas ut 
condignum videri possit ad vitain aeternam {quam, gratuito Dei dono 

20 ascribit apostolus, Som. vi. 23) et ad earn gloriam, ad quam passiones 
huius temporis condignas esse negat, cap. viii. 18. Sed instas, claram 
assumptionem videri ex ipsis verbis Domini, mercedem suam {perinde 
ac si sensus esset, m,ercedem aeternam, qua dignus est). Sed fallit te 
a-x^jfj-a Xe'leias et quidem dupHciter. Nam merces, hie et alibi fere, per 

25 m,etaphoram pro praemio ponitur, quod non semper ex operis dig- 
nitate, aut operantis merito, sed quandoque ex liberalitate rem.une- 
rantis confertur. Id tametsi satis expresse apostolus explicat, Rom. 
iv. 4, cum, ait ei qui operatur mercedem non imputari secundum 
gratiam ; at midto clarius Salvator in parabola operariorum con- 

30 ductorum ad laborandum in vinea Matt. xx. 15, ubi paterfamilias 
inducitur mercedes ipsas, nmi ex operis valore, sed ex bonitate bene- 
placiti et arbitrii aui, conductis distribuens. Talis est merces sive 
praemium aquae frigidae. Hoc primum. Alter um est quod suam 
pro eo quod esset 'sibi dandam. et qua dignus est' interpretari videris. 

35 Quaero ex te, quum in oratione Doininica dicimus, Panem nostrum 
da nobis, sensus sit, 'quo digni sumus,' an uero, 'qui Te donante fiat 
noster' ? Similiter cum, Dominus de aucupantibus humanam laudem 
ex bono opere testatur, Amen dico vobis receperunt mercedem suam, 
utrum ita intellexerit, ' qua digni sunt,' an ' quam ambiebant, capta- 

40 bant, et qua maiorem non impetrabunt' ? Clarum est ergo, turn ex 
verbis Domini, turn ex rebus ipsis, si nempe haustus aquae frigidae 
cum iure libendi exflumine vitae comferatur {quod gratis donari S. 
Sanctus testatur, Apoe. xxi. 6 et xxii. 17) mercedem non ex dignitate 
operis, aut operantis, sed ex liberalitate donantis assignari. 

45 Secunda dubitatio tua oritur ex eo quod Calvinus {ut ais) in suis 
Itutitutionibus asserit, opera nostra damnabilia et peccata mortalia 


esse. Hoc ita simpliciter a Calvino positum non reperio, sed ita : 
quicquid a iustis optimum proferri potest, aliqua tamen semper camis 
impuritate respersum et corruptum esse, et tanquam aliquid aeris 
admixtum habere, et si in se censeatur, iustam opprobrii mercedem 
mereri : nullum unquam extitisse pii hominis opus, quod si severe Dei 5 
iudicio examinaretur, non esset damnabile. Haec Calvini placita sunt; 
et, quod puto me tibi olim ostendisse, Augustini, cuius ilia vox est: 
vae etiam laudabili hominum vitae, si remota raisericordia Dei discutias 
eam. Quid, quod lobi cap. ix. 28., xxx. 31, 32 ; Davidis psal. xxxii. 2 
et cxliii. 2 ; Esaiae Ixiv. 6 ; Danielis ix. 18 / Pauli Phil. iv. 9 1 Haec 10 
tu sanctorum, haec oracula S. Sancti considera per oiium et confer 
inter se. Ego ad ea pergo quae supersunt in epistula tua. Addis 
eundem Calmnuin asserere nos sola fide salvari, ex quo tibi sequi 
mdetur, nos per peccatum mortcCle iustificari. Hoc etiam quod Calvino 
imporas, nos sola fide salvari, vix credo apud eum jreperiri ; nam, i; 
utcunque apostolum dicentem meminerit, gratia estis servati per fidem, 
non ex operibus, ne quis glorietur, Eph. ii. 8, 9 : non tamen nesciebat, 
ab eodem apostolo dictum, spe salvi facti sumus, Rom. viii. 24 : et 
alibi, non ex operibus iustitiae quae fecimus nos, sed secundum 
misericordiam suam salvos nos fecit, per lavacrum regenerationis et 20 
renovationis S. Sancti, Tit. Hi. 5; et a latobo. Quid proderit, fratres 
mei, si iidem quis dicat se habere, opera autem non habeat, nunquid 
poterit fides salvare eum ? lac. ii. 14. .JVon puto Calvinum latuisse 
haec, sed nee, non aequipollere, ''sola fide iitstificamur' et ' sola fide 
salvamur'' ; verum illud hie premis, quodvidetur consequens ex dictis 25 
Calvini: 'nos per peccatum, mortale iustificari, quoniam, fides opus 
est nostrum, operatio nempe intellectus.' Primum non in eo tibi 
assentior, quod fides quae iustificat sit opus sive operatio intellectus. 
In/ormis quidetn ilia (iquam scholastici vocant) fides, qualis est dae- 
monum, est in intellectu: sed formata, quam describit Augustinus, 30 
credendo Deum amare, credendo in Deum ire, credendo ei adhaerere 
et in eius membris incorporari, non est intellectus operatio, sed -cordis 
et voluntatis, atque per hane iu,stificatur impius, non tamen prout est 
opus sive operatio nostra, sed prout est instrumentum Christum 
apprehendens, per quern adhaeremus Deo. Apertius dicam. Non 35 
quia ilia fides nos facit v^quequaque perfectos, sanctos, iustos, dignos 
amore Dei, sed quia aecipit et amplectitur Christum, qui a Deo /actus 
est nobis iustitia, in eum credentes iusti censemur, non fidei nostrae 
opere: haec fides in eum recumbit, ei adhaeret; idea per eam fidem 
iustificamur, hoc est pro iustis in iudicio Dei censemur. Neque vero aq 
hie actus est peccatum mortale, nunquam hoc Calvino venit in mentem; 
est enim ipsa condicio novifoederis : crede in Dominum Tesum Chris- 
tum et salvus eris Act. xvi. 31. Sed si ex lege et semota gratia discu- 
teretur, non usquequaque responderet illi regulae ; diliges Dominum 
Deum tuum ex toto corde, animo, viribus, ut gratia et misericordia 45 
divina semper opus sit, sicut ait apostolm : gratia salvi facti estis per 


these Irish converts herein, he gave them preferment ac- 
cording to their several respective capacities : to some he f. 68 v°. 
gave livings cum cura animarum; some he made curates, 
schoolmasters, parish clerks, &c. Amongst other converts 

5 there was a learned fryar called Daniel O'Creane, upon 

whom the bishop bestowed a good living; there not being 

.one Protestant in all the parish, he did much good, and did 

turn many away from iniquity. He married a daughter of 

captain Perkins, and did not fall away upon the rebellion, 

10 as many did, but stood out against all violence and spoil and 
terror, and escaped to Dublin naked and bare ; and the first 
money that God sent him, he laid out for an English Bible 
(as I did see) in Mr Bladen's shop, when he had no place 
where to lay his head, nor reliefe for his body. Yea I did. 

IS not hear nor know of any that were converted and promoted 

fidem. Aliud est affirmare simpliciter, aliud ex hypothesi. Auferam 
hinc vestrorum invidiam et nostrorum interpretamentoru7nfidicula{?). 
Hoc dicit Galoinus ad summam: 'opera nostra quantumlihet perfecta, 
impura et damndbilia fore, si ex lege Dei semota misericordia Oesti- 

20 marentur : in novo foedere gratia divina nos fide ut instrumento 
iustificari, cuius actits, si ex vetere foedere operuin eocaminaretur, 
esset aliqua cireumstantia vitiosus.' Haec vero tibi ad difficidtates 
istas expendendas et expediendas eofusius rescripsi, quod magni mo- 
■menti sit ista quaestio de iustificatione, et in qua cardo totius salutis 

25 nostras vertitur, inswper paratus, si opus erit, si quis adhuc restet 
alicvbi scrupulus, aut in hoc controversia aut aliis, operant navare. 
Quod superest, Dominuin oro ut det tibi intelleetum in omnibus ; eius 
pratiae te ex animo com/mendo. 

Tuus in Christo, 

20 Guil' Kilmorensjs. 

Kilmorae lulii 26°, 1636. 

To my loving brother Mr Cohonaght O'Sheridin 
deliver these. 

This learned epistle had the desired effect, which many such like had.; 

35 and the party reclaymed by God's blessing became a zealous convert. 
To encourage. 3. curates to aged and vreake ministers. 6. had be- 
stowed. 7 — 9. in the whole parish. He marryed a daughter of captain 
Perkins, and did much good, and did turne many away from popish 
iniquity, and did not. 10. many hypocrites and false converts did. 

40 stood out manfully. 1 1. Dublin at length. 14. body, but elemosinary. 


by my L. K. to any ecclesiastical function, that turned apos- 
tats and persecutors, save one Patrick Brady a minister; 
one of the first murderers that appeared in the day of our 

60. Now when this indulgence to the Irish natives in 5 
preferring and encouraging of them to the ministry was 
noised abroad, the bishop was sorely checked by some states- 
men, as if he had acted contrary to the English interest and 
policy in making the Irish capable of preferment in church 
or state, which was the portion of the conquerors, not of the 10 
conquered and enslaved natives. The bishop said. It was an 
ill principle of policy to keep the Irish still in ignorance, 
which would he bitterness in the later end ; and that it was 
far better policy, to bring them to the Tcnowledge of Jesus 
Christ, which would please God far better, and- prove a 15 
greater security for the present and for the future against 
all attempts founded upon ignorance and blind obedience. 
And being sent to seek the things of Jesus Christ, he 
esteemed this to belong to his care, to cooperate with Christ 
in bringing his people out of the Romish captivity. And if 20 
to help away a poor captive out of Turhy hath been hon- 
ourable to some publick ministers ; what shall it be to help 
many thousand souls out of the bondage of merts traditions, 
and gaining to his majestic so many entire subjects ? as he 
expresseth in his exhortation to the lord deputy. Howsoever 2f 

15. know nor hear. i. lord of Kilmore. 2. persecutors of the 

Christians. P. Brady. 4. calamity ; who afterwards received the 

wages of his apostacy, being slaine in his sinne by our forces at Butler's 
bridge in the parish of Cavan, whose minister's goods he had plundered 
the very first day of the rebellion, neer that place where he fell Now 30 
when this indulgence of my lord of Kilmore. 7. was secretly checkt. 
8. only had. 9. policy all this while, by his endeavouring to make 
the conquered and enslaved Irish. church and state. 11. con- 

quered and depressed Irish natives, which no man did ever so much as 
once attempt before his lordship. He said. 12. policy and carnal in- 35 
terest. still hoodwincked. 13, latter. i3-^4- it would proove 

farr. 14. policy and advance the English interest more then ever 
heerafter, to bring the Irish to the saving. 17. hostile attempts, 

founded meerly. 18. that being. 21. awat/ om. 22. should, 

help to the encouraging of many thousands out. 25. deputy in his 40 


his reply did not please them, more than their speech did 
him ; though ere long they found the sad effects of it, to the 
loss of themselves, as well as of their interest and policy : 
One of them looked down stedfastly with derision upon his 

5 feet, and being asked why lie did so ? said, that he was seeing 
whether my L. of K. wore broges or no; thus j earing his 
Christian affection and compassion towards the poor Irish ; 
whom no man sought after as he did whose feet were shod f. 69 r°. 
with the preparation of the gospel of peace, and thereby 

10 made so beautifull upon the Irish mountains, in bringing 
good tidings of good things and publishing salvation unto 
them by the Scriptures to be read and understood in their 
own language. 

61. For the more vigorous and effectual carrying on of 

15 all those pious and honourable overtures and intentions, he 
resolves upon the translation of the 0. T. into Irish: 
the N. T. being before translated by D. Donelin, arch- 
bishop of Tuam ; and the Common Prayer-book also, and 
both printed by sir William Usher at the bridge foot of 

20 Dublin. He communicates this his purpose to many per- 
sons of quality in church and state ; and by their advice 
(that is to say of D. Usher primate of Armagh, D. Martin 
b. of Meath, my lord Dillon, one of the privy council, sir 
James Ware, sir Morris Eustace, sir William Usher, and 

25 others) there was one Murtach King, or O'Kinga, an Irish 

excellent sermon upon Rev. xviii. 4. However. i. no more. 2. long 

■ the wisest of them found. 3. their earthly interest and carnall policy, 

which prooved to us like that wisdome that discendeth not from above, 

as St. James speaks, cap. iii. 15. One proud and graceless P., that 

30 endeavoured to doe as much hurt and mischeefe as this servant of God 
studdiedto do good in his tyme and place, looked down. 5. my lord 
of Kilmore's feete. 6. lord of Kilmore wore brogues. pro- 

phanelyjeiring. 8. that no. 12. holy Scriptures. 13. language, as 
you shall heare. 15. all these. 16 Old Testament. 17. New 

35 Testament. be/ore om. Dr. 18—19. Twam in the pro- 

vince of Munster (whose brother, judge Donelin, was a worthy states- 
man und loved my lord of Kilmore much upon that account of his desire 
of the salvation of the Irish), the Common Prayer-book also being 
printed in Irish by. 20. this his purpose with. 21. the advice of 

40 the princes of the Irish nation, that is. 22. Dr. (bis). 23. bishop. 25. 
there is. or O'Kinga om. 



native, commeaded unto him for this noble enterprise ; who' 
was fully master of that language, both in prose and meeter, 
by the testimony and approbation of all that knew him. 
He had a good estate in the King's county (I have been in 
his house) and was a convert in K. James his time. My S 
L. of K. sent for him, publickly examined him in all points, 
of the Christian faith in the cathedral church of K. ; and 
though he had no academick accomplishments, yet was 
found fit to do good above many that had these additionalls 
to little purpose. He ordeined him, and conferred upon lo 
him the living of Templeport for his accessory mainteinance 
in this great affair ; and so set him a work with prayer and 
supplication to God, the Author of the Scriptures, for a 
blessing upon his labours ; confining him to turn the last 
translation of the English Bible (read in all churches) into is 
the plainest Irish, most understood of the vulgar. 

62. And surely it was a work agreeable to the mind of 
God, that the poor Irish, being a very numerous nation, be- 
sides the greater half of Scotland, and all those islands called 
Hebrides, that lie in the Irish sea, and many of the Orcades 20 
also that speak Irish, should be enabled to search the Scrip- 
tures (as others) that in them they might find the way that 
leads to everlasting life, which they could never do whiles 
the Scriptures remained a sealed book to them. This brings 
f . 69 v°. to my mind a passage of Fulgentio, (a great divine) preach- 25 
ing at St Mark's in Venice against the pope, before the 
prince and senate, upon these words of Christ to the Jews, . 
Matth. xxi. 42. Have yee never read? When Christ (saith 

I. his noble. 4. county, with his wife and family. 5. house). He was. 
5 — 6. king James' tyme, having beene a priest formerly, as Hiram of 30 
Tyre was iraployed by Solomon about all the Temple work, though a 
heathen before.- My lord of Kilmore. 7. Kilmore. 9. have, addi- 
tionall ornaments. 10. him, being about seventy years of age ; he con- 
ferred upon him the benefice. 1 2. set. follows labours 1. 14 in H. 
1/^. turn om.{Vj 16. and most. 16— 17. vulgar. It beeing as agreeable to 35 
the mynde of God, that the poor blind Irish should search. them 
(as in the text 21 — 24), being., nation, that speake Irish, besides. 19, 
Scotland, specially the northeme parts, and all. 20. called Hebrides 
follows sea in H. 21. that... Irish om. 25. a great divine om. 
26. against the pope om. 27. senate, against the pope Paul the fifth, in 40 


he) shall ask you this question at the great day, Have yee 
never read in the Scriptures? What must we all answer? 
Even this ; No, Lord, perche non sia permesso, for we were 
never permitted to read them. This I had from my lord, that 

,S heard it spoken with great zeal and fervency of spirit in the 
time of the interdict. Therefore this good work was begun, 
continued and ended to the glory of God, and the whole 
O. T. with the Apocriphal books translated into pure Irish, 
without any interruption or noise of hammer, as in the 

lo building of the first temple. But the translator afterwards 
was exceedingly troubled, and my lord of K. also for under- 
taking his just defence, as you shall hear. 

63. That my lord might carry on this great work with 
the greater judgement, lest it might seem strange to any, 

t,S that he should shew himself so eager in adventuring upon 
a work that no man did before him, as to translate the 
Scriptures of the O. T. into a language that he under- 
stood not; for the preventing of this objection, he gave him- 
self as earnestly to learn the Irish tongue in Kilmore, where 

20 his calling lay, as he had done formerly to learn the Italian, 
when his calling lay in Venice ; and he esteemed himself as 
much (if not more) concerned in this, as in that ; and indeed 
he made a progress beyond all expectation in a very short 
time ; in so much that he became a critick in the Irish 

25 tongue, and wrote a completer Irish grammar than was ex- 
tant before him, and delighted so much in the acquisition of 
that tongue, that every Lord's day, at one of the clock in 

the tyme of the interdict, upon, to the Jews om. . 2. in the Scriptures 
cm. 3. Lord quia non sic (?) permisso (?) 4. read the Scriptures, 

30 but prohibited the use of them under highest penaltyes. I received 
from my lord of Kilmore. 5 — 6. spirit, with much more of that nature 
against keeping the people in blindness, without the knowledge of the 
Scriptures, which thing alone pearched the pope and his followers to 
that height of dominion to which they have arrived. Therefore this. 

357. Ood, withotit... temple (as in text 9 — 10). 8 and 17. Old Testa- 
ment. II. was om. Kilmore for. 12. defence, as I shall 
also show you. 18. which objection. 20. Italian tongue. 27. 
tongue (though he could never speake it, Wut read it, write it 
and translate it into English, as Hierome in his old age learned the 

40 Chaldean tongue so that he could legere et intellegere, sed non 


the afternoon, he had the book of Common Prayer read in 
the Irish tongue in the church of K. for the benefit of those 
that he had brought from popery, but understood not the 
English tongue (and a deacon, one Owen O'Sheridene was 
the reader) at which he was constantly present himself. 5 
And for the fitting of the copy of the translation for the 
press, he never rose from the table after dinner and supper 
tiU he had examined a sheet and compared it with the ori- 
ginal Hebrew and the 72 interpreters, together with Diodati 
f. 7or'. his Italian translation (which he prized very much). His lo 
manner was this : his son Ambrose did usually read a chap- 
ter in English, my lord having one copy of the Irish trans- 
lation and A. C. another ; after this he read the first verse 
out of Irish into Latin, and A. C the next, and so to the 
end ; and where was found any mistake of the English 1% 
phrase Or emphasis by the Irish translator, my lord did im- 
mediately correct it. Now these things begot a great in- 
terest in the Irish nation, as if he had been the first and 
only man that ever God sent into Ireland to seek their na- 
tional good, their spiritual and eternal wellfare. 20 

64. But what good thing did ever escape the opposition 
of wicked men, or the scourge of the tongue ? It grieved 
some Jesuited persons exceedingly, that there was a man 
come to seek the wellfare of that captive people : and they 
began to frame false surmises and rase sinister reports of the 25 
work itself, as well as of Murtach King the principal trans- 
lator. As if they had put on the zeal of Saul against the 
Gibeonites, or of Sanballat and Tobiah against the Jews, 
they incense the E. of Strafford the L. lieutenant against the 
work, and what they could not effect by him, they endeavour 30 
by the archbishop of Canterbury ; whose letters to the lord 

«o«ar«, as lie speaks, ep.) that every. 2. Kilmore. 6. better fitting. 
Irish translation. 7. or supper. 9. interpreters, or Diodati. 13. 
[i.e. Alexander Clogy]. 14. the second, and so. 16. Irish ova. 
in his coppy, and A. C. in his. 19. sent out of England to seek. 20. yea 35 
their, well-fare, and began to prefeiT him before St. Patrick, and call him 
their patron and patriarch. But. 22. tongue, that was attempted by 
angells or good men ? It greeved. 24—5. and began. 28. proselyte 
Gibeonites. returned Jews. 29. the lord livetenant, the earl of Strafford. 


lieutenant they procure to that purpose, that he might cause 
the work to cease (that was made fit for the press and come 
to the birth, the stamps being sent for to Holland, and all 
things made ready for the carrying on so good a work meerly 
5 upon his own charge), and to my L. of K. also to the same 
end and purpose. 

65. They informed against Mr King, the translator, that 
he was a person so inconsiderable in the world &c. that 
nothing of his could be worthy of publick use in the church 

10 of God, and some such other things ; whereupon they suborn 
a bold and ambitious young man (that occasioned these sur- 
mizes in others) to pretend a lapse to the K. of his living of 
Templeport, who obteined it under the broad seal, came 
down, and took violent possession. For it was usual in those 

15 dales for any presumptuous or worthless person to beg any 
minister's living, that was aged or sick or had a good parson- 
age, and to procure the broad seal ; and then the fraudulent 
intruder and the incumbent to strive for it, or make a sham- 
full composition. Yea sometimes when the person injured 

20 did present himself before the court of judicature, it was 
scarse believed that he was alive, his living having been be- 
stowed ecclesia plena. This I am occasioned to mention in 
this place, because it was a scandalous part of the iniquity of 
those times, which crushed the poor aged translator after all 

25 his holy labours in that blessed work, and was sadly be- f- 7° ^°- 
moaned, as an injurious usurpation over bishops and others, 

I. they might. 3. into Holland. 4- made now ready. 5. my lord'a 
owne charge and at his owne house). lord of Kilmore. 7. in- 

forme. 8. is a person. 9. can be. 1 1 . with others occasioned those 

30 surmizes. 12. king. 13. Templeport, and obtaines. seale, and 

comes posting downe from Dublin and takes. 16. sickly. 17. then the 
possessor mate ^c;«i, the fraudulent. 21. alive (but some spectrum 
in his name), whose living was bestowed ecclesia plena, as David did 
rashly confer Mephibosheth's living upon Ziba by false information 

35 (2 Sam. xvi. 4), and then at last by right information it came to this 
issue : I have said it, Thou and Ziba divide the land (2 Sam. xix. 
29), as if ministers only had less secular right to their livings then other 
men. This I am. 23. place as not the least inter centum gravamina 
Hiberniae, because it was an ordinary and scandalous. 25. work (to 

40 bring in that other sheepe, that were not as yet of Christ's fold, that 


as well as over our translator and the bishop his patron, who 
had invested him in his living according to the laws of God 
and of the land. 

66. At this ungodly act my L. of K. was so startled 
(who did not use to fear shadows) that he summon'd the in- 5 
truder to appear in his episcopal court at Cavan, and charged 
him to relinquish his unjust intrusion into another man's 
right, seeing he was otherwise also obnoxious ; for the bishop 
had conferred him the parish of Dyn, and had sworn him to 
personal residence and that he should not hold any other 10 
living with it : and yet contrary to his solemn oath he 
marches up to the prerogative office, and for a little money 
gets a dispensation from that most sacred obligation and a 
faculty to retain as many livings as he could catch : all which 
vile practices the b. of K. hated with a perfect hatred. And 15 
therefore finding him stiff and obstinate to persist in his 
abominable iniquity, he excommunicated him after several 
canonical admonitions, and caused the excommunication to 
be published throughout the whole deanry, and deprived 
him of that living, which he justly held, as well as of those 20 
into which he had unjustly intruded himself Hereupon the 
delinquent appeal'd to the prerogative court, and cited the 
bishop to answer ; which he readily did in his own defence 
and in the defence of the translator. But what audience and 
justice he found there in so just a cause, you may be amazed 25 
to hear, but shall evidently see in the 24 articles of his recu- 

they might hear his voyce, that in Ireland there might be one sheepfold 
and one shep-hard) and was sadly. 2. that had. into. 4. which 

ungodly, lord of Kilmore is. 5. that did not feare. sum- 

mons. 6. at his. charges. 7. minister's. 9 confer- 30 

red upon. Dyne. 11. it; but contrary. solemn and 

sacred. 1 2. money to the clerkes he procures and obtaines a mock- 
dispensation. 13. of his oath, and a faculty. 14. could enclose and 
catch in his net : all. 15. my lord of Kilmore. 17 — 18. ini- 

quity, after several canonicall admonitions he excommunicates him, 35 
and causeth. 19. deprives. 20. held by my lord's collation, as. 
31. most unjustly. Whereupon. 22. appeales. cites. 23. doth. 

25. just and good. 26. heare (for it was openly said, that so worthy 
and grave a prelate would have found, if not for Ms sacred profession 
and station, yet for the venerable majesty of his person, more respect 40 


sation, penned and delivered with his own hand into that 
court ; which are as followeth : 

^J. Recusatio 24 articulorum episcopi Kilmorensis. 

Coram vobis, verierabilibus viris Georgia Ryves legum doc- 
5 tore et Gulielmo Hilton artium magistro, reverendissimi in 
Ohristo patris Jacohi provid. D. archiepiscopi Armachani, 
totius Hiherniae primatis, nee non iudicis, praesidis sive com- 
missarii curiae regiae Fraerogativae pro causis ecclesiasticis 
et ad facilitates in et per totum regnum Hiherniae regia aucto- 

10 ritate legitime constituti, suhstitutis sive surrogatis, ut vulgo 
creditur ; Ego, Gulielmus Kilmorens. episcopus, cum debita 
vobis reverentia propono ; Quod licet antehac exceptionem 
quandam declinatoriam iurisdictionis vestrae in quadam prae- 
tensa causa duplicis querelae m,ota a Oulielmo Baily clerico 

IS dioeceseos Kilm. iustis de causis interposuerim, ac nominatim 

propter incompetentiam fori per ahsentiam reverendissimi i. 71 r°. 
praesidis et suspicionem animi vestri in me iniqui, quas etiam 
coram eodem reverendissimo praeside aliisve aequis arhitris 
probandas in me recepi ; ac licet etiam pro parte mea venera-- 

20 bilem virum Edwardum Parry 8. T. professorem elegerim ac 
nominaverim ; vos tamen dictae recusationi meae Iiactenus non 
modo deferre recusastis, sed novis insuper et pluribus indiciis 
animum vestrum mihi infensum, prodidistis ; Ea propter ego 
episcopus antedictus animo non prorogandi, sed expressius et 

25 particularius contra iurisdictionem et personas vestras exci- 
piendi, dico et allege. 

1. In primis quod praetensa querela Gulielmi Baily 
oritur ex sententia quadam in causa correctionis ex officio meo 
episcopali et iussu illu^trissimi proregis; in qua si Tnodum 

30 excesserim, legitima appellatio erat ad synodum provinciae vel 
c onsistorium archiepiscopale. 

2. Quod dictus Baily a sententia praedicta iudicialiter et 
viva voce appellavit; unde servato ordine iurisdictionwm ex 

■ frotn tfisjaiussarys of the great Turk); and this you shall. i. in 

35 that court with his own hand. 6. providentia divina Armachani archi- 
episcopi. II and 15. Kilmorensis. 20. sacrae theologiae. 21. 
Iiactenus om. 


decreto nuperae synodi Bublinensis causae cognitio, omisso 
intermedio archiepiscopali consistorio, devolvi non potuit ad 
hanc curiam. 

3. Quod firmamentum defensionis dicti Baily nititur 
facultate quadam ab hac curia concessa; cum vero nemo sit 5 
idoneus iudex in propria causa, satis inverecunde vos hie 

4. Quod regiae maiestati cognitio abusivarwn facultatum 
in ipsa lege reservatur expressis verbis; ut hoc forum vestrum, 

a quo eiusmodi facultates emanant, huic rei incompetens sit. 10 

5. Quod sub nomine reverendissimi primatis Armachani 
delitescentes tenorem commissionis vestrae non inseritis cita- 
tionibus vestris ; ut nesciatur, nedum quod aut quatenus vobis 
commissum sit, sed an omnino ab ipso subrogati sitis. 

6. Quod iurisdictione vestra non fimdata, illud satis 15 
scitur, homines vere laicos in episcopos ex executione episco- 
palis officii nullam habere potestatem. 

7. Quod litem vestram facitis, dum in citatione vestra 
narratis a me gesta in praeiudicium iurisdictionis curiae 
regiae praerogativae et ad facultates cedere eiusqu£ contemp- 20 
tum; ex quo constat {fatente actore) hanc causam ad com- 
modum et honorem vestrum, spectare. 

8. QuK)d ut quoquo modo processum vestrum defendatis, 
fingitis causam esse duplicis querelae, cum nulla sit hie muixM 
petitio, aut reconventio, aut querela, nisi simplex tantum. 25 

f. 7 1 v". 9. Quod nimium favorem et propensitatem ad partem 

dicti Gulielmi Baily ostenditis, cum eum probum et discretum 
virum appellatis, causa nondum discussa; cum accusatorem 
episcopi sui canones ecclesiastici nee laudandum nee facile 
audiendum et, nisi causam, probaverit, infamem haberi volunt. 30 

10. Quod causa nondum audita, in ea pronuntiastis, dum 
dictum Baily vicarium de Dyn appellatis, qua tamen vicaria 
se a me spoliatum conqueritur. 

11. Qaod vetus mihi litigium est vobiscum super institu- 
tionibus {quas haec curia usurpat), ex quo in admissione Hi- 35 
colai Bernard ad vicariam de Kildromferton protestationem 
interposui; quam tu, Gulielme Hilton, indigne tidisti, eaque 

2. consistorio om. (?) 13. noscatur. 23. quoquo. 26. ac. 

27. disertum. 32. Dyne. 


non obstante et ilium et muUos alios instituisti, reclamantibus 
episcopis ; quo nomine eiero, iniqui estis, non mihi tantum, sed 
aeque omnibus. 

12. Quod cum nuper de prima citations vestra conquestus 
5 essem apud illustrissimum praesidem, in quu maiestas laesa 

videbatur, vos ea de causa haud dissimulanter iratos habui. 

13. Quod comparentem ex ea citatione ad tribunal ves- 
triim expectare et per sesquihoram inambulare, tanquam ex 
infima plebecula, coegistis. 

10 14. Quod cum proximo die iuridico a vobis dimissus 
essem sub hac formula, quod me non moraremini, quod nihil 
haberetis mihi obiciendum; tu tamen, Oulielme Hilton, post 
paulo praedixisti futurum ut denuo citarer, ex quo consiliorum 
communicationem cum dicto Baily prodidisti. 

15 15. Qiiiod cum ea citatio minus succederet, perperam 
facta sub nomine episcopi Lismorensis, tu idem, Oulielme 
Hilton, actorein admonuisti, ut de integro inciperet. 

16. Quod cwm tertio citatus recusationem quandam iuris- 
dictionis vestrae opposuissem, propter incompetentiam et sus- 

20 picionem, quarv/m, causas paratus eram coram arbitris osten- 
dere; vos earn non admisistis, ut oportuit, sed in proocimum 
diem iuridicum super ea deliberastis. 

1 7. Quod quarto citatum ad audiendumi voluntatem ves- 
tram super recusatione praedicta, cum cerneretis ad tribunal 

25 vestrum appropinquantem, surrexistis ilico et quanquam nee 
auditorio egressi eratis nee praeco populum missum fecisset, 
nee hora effluxerat, renuistis me episcopu/m antedictum com- 
parentem audire, ut haberetis aliquem colorem me contumacem 

30 18, Quod cum proximo die iuridico comparuissem etf.yz r°. 
contumaciam mihi f also impositam purgassem, et iterata prae- 
dicta recusatione arbitrum probationis pro parte mea reveren- 
dum virum Edwardum Parry 8. T. professorem nominassem, 
vos haec admittere recusastis, sed me ad libellum accipiendum 

35 et procuratorem constituendum adigere voluistis. 

19. Quod in acta curiae referri curastis me non compa- 

2. nomine ergo iniqui. 15. cum secunda citatio. 33. sacrae 



ruisse, et in iisdem narratis tamen me praesentem admonitum 
fuisse de comparendo de die in diem usque ad finem litis; in 
altera imperite, in altera inepte, in utraque {salva reverentia 
vahis dehita) iniuste. 

20. Quad sigillum officii curiae regiae praeragativae et s 
adfacultates dispensationibus circa pluralitatem beneficiarum 

et residentiam temerariis profusis et interdwn legi divinae 
repugnantibus apponitis. 

21. Quad episcaparum iurisdictianem, et ardinariam, et 
excitatam a supremo magistratu, impedire, ipsos ad tribunal 10 
vestrum pertrahere, vexare, vilipendere, non veremini. 

22. Quod earum iura episcapalia in institutianibus no~ 
torie usurpastis. 

23. Quad rescripta canceditis, in quibus multa quoad 
sensum inepta, quoad verba incongrua, cantinentur ; quibus i; 
idea de iure nulla fides adhibenda sit ; cuius modi sunt, quae 
sub sigilla vestra in hac causa emanarwnt. 

24. Quad nuper in hac eadem causa sigillum, vestrum 
litteris, in quibus regia inaiestas laesa fuerit, apponebatur 
minus discrete, ne quid gravius dicam: iudex autem indis- 20 
cretus, quoad recusationem, iniquo aequiparatur. 

Has ob causas, quas omnes aut earum plurimas ego 
episcopus antedictus coram aequis arbitris verificare 
paratus swm, {adeaque reverendum viru/m Edwardwm 
Parry 8. T. dactorem ex parte mea nomino), vestrum 25 
tribunal, absente reverendo praeside, vestrasque per- 
sonas, tanquam mihi merito in hac cau^sa suspectas, 
declino et recuse ad quemcunque iuris effectum. 

Duhlini A.D. 1638. 

68. By the tenor of this large and learned recusation 30 
you see what a defence this worthy bishop made, which all 
the members of that court could not enervate ; and that it 

3. imperite and inepte transposed. 8. ap- 

penditis. 19. [note in Tanner MS. on regia 'regio nostro nomine']. 

29. An. Dora. 31. yow may cleirly see this righteous man bold as a 35 
lyon, this apostolicall bishop wrestling against the princes of the darknes 


was deservedly said, Solus Kilmorensis novit se gerere ut epi- 
scopum, (which was in. all the good prelates' mouthes). He 
alone had the ingenuitv and courage to be the advocate for 
them all : you see two lay-surrogates, (Ryves and Hilton) 

-5 substituted by the famous D. Usher, to trample one of the 
best of prelates and of men under their feet, and he never 
concerned himself in the least to deliver the oppressed : but 
this was not all ; when the adversary, that was so active to 
dash so good a work, could not satisfy his lusts on the good f. 72 v°. 

10 bishop, he brought the translator into the high-commission- 
court; and how he was there used, ye may see by a letter 
written by my L. of K. to the E. of Strafford the L. lieu- 
tenant about this matter ; which is verbatim as fol- 
loweth : 

15 of this world, against spirituall wickednes in high places, and therefore 
undoubtedly furnished with the whole armour of God to stand his 
ground. The iniquity he. found in his own courts (which he endeavoured 
to-put farr from his tabernacle) he that runns may read in those supe- 
riour courts. You see what a just defence. 31. makes. 32. their court. 

20 enervate (it being of a higher straine than their vulgar brayne could 
reach), and of what litle esteeme true worth and excellency of spirit is 
amongst disingenuous, ignoble and unworthy persons, that are viler 
than the earth they tread upon. And as it was truly said to the king 
by sir H«nry Wotton, that there was not such a man to be found in all 

25 his majesty's dominions etc., so lolus. 2. which om. was now again 

in all good. who alone. 3. courage to stand in the breach and 

become advocate. 4. all, though none of them clave unto him. Here 
you see how two pitifuU lay-surrogates. 5. that were substituted. 

Dr Usher (into whose hand the king had committed the jewel of his 

30 royall prerogative over all persons and causes ecclesiasticall), do trample 
the best. 6. feete (as in this particular), and he. 7. oppressed, 

or to open his mouth in judgement, or to stay the fury of the malignant 
oppressour, or once to say to them, as old Ely said to his sonnes and 
surrogates : TVhi/ do ye such things ? for I heare of your evil doings 

35 hyall this people: nay, my sonnes, for it is no good report that I 
heare;- till the ark of God is violently snatchd from their shoulders 
by the bloody Philistins, with their lives also and of many thowsands 
besides for their impietys ; which suddenly after this became our dolor- 
ous case also and upon the very like account. But this is not 

40 all ; since the adversary. 8. was stirred up and was so bold and 

active. 9. work, as the translation of the Bible into Irish, lust. 
10. bishop, he proceedes further in his malice: he brings. n. 

is. you shall see in. 12. lord of Kilmore. Earl. Lord. 


69. Right honorable my very good lord; That which I 
have sometimes done willingly, I do now necessarily, to make 
my address to your honour by writing. My unfitness for con- 
versation heretofore hath pleaded for me; and now your lord- 
ship's infirmity allows, and in a sort enforces it. The occa- 5 
sion is not my love of contention {which I have committed to 
God) or any other matter of profit, hut God's honor, and {as 
he is witness) your's. I have lately received letters from m/y 
lord of Canterbury, whereby I perceive his grace is informed, 
that Mr King, whom T employed to translate the Bible into 10 
Irish, is a man so ignorant, that the translation cannot be 
worthy publique use in the church ; and besides obnoxious, so 
as the church can receive no credit from any thing that is his. 
And his grace adds, that he is so well acquainted with your 
lordship's disposition, that he assures himself you would not 15 
have given away his living, had you not seen just cause for it. 
I account myself bound to satisfy his grace herein; and desire, 
if I may be so happy, to do it by satisfying you. I subscribe 
to his grace's assured persuasion that your lordship, had you 
not conceived Mr King to he such as he writes, would not have 20 
given away his living ; But, my lord, the greatest, wisest and 
juystest men do and must take many things upon the informa- 
tion of others, who themselves are men, and may sometimes 
out of weakness or some other cause, he deceived. Touching 
Mr King's silliness {which it concerns me the more to clear 25 
him of, that I he not accounted silly myself), I beseech your 
lordship to take information, not by men that never saw him, 
till yesterday, hut by the ancient, either church or statesmen 
of this kingdom, in whose eyes he hath lived these many 
years ; as are the lord primate, the bishop of Meath, the lord 30 
Billon, sir James Ware, and the like. I doubt not hut your 
lordship shall understand, that there is no such danger, that 
the translation should be unworthy because he did it, being a 
man of that known sufficiency for the Irish especially, either 
in prose or verse, as few are his matches in the kingdom. 35 
And shortly, not to argue by conjecture and divination, let the 

I. very om. 12. church 0/ God. 18. do subscribe. 25. seeli- 
ness. 26. seely. 27. by them. 


work itself speak, yea let it he examined rigoroso examine : if 
it be found approveable, let it not suffer disgrace from the 
small boast of the workman ; but let him rather {as old Sopho- f. 73 r°. 
cles accused of dotage) be absolved for the sufficiency of the 

S work. Touching his being obnoxious, it is true that there is 
a scandalous information put in against him in the high-com- 
mission-court by his despoiler, Mr Baily {as my lord of Derry 
told him in my hearing he was), and by an excommunicate 
despoiler, as myself, before the execution of any sentence, de- 

10 clared him in the court to he. And Mr King being cited to 
answer, and not appearing {as by law he was not bound), was 
taken pro confesso, deprived of his ministry and living, and 
fined £100, decreed to be attached and imprisoned. His ad- 
versary, Mr Baily, before he was sentenced, purchased a new 

15 dispensation to hold his benefice, and was the very next day 
after {as appears by the date of the institution) both presented 
in the king's title {though the benefice be of my collation) and 
instituted by my lord primates vicar ; shortly after inducted 
by an archdeacon of another diocese. And within a few daies 

20 he brought down an attachment, and delivered Mr King to the 
pursuivant. He was haled by the head and feet to horseback, 
and brought to Dublin, where he hath been kept and continued 
under arrest these i or 5 monthes, and hath not been suffered 
to purge his supposed contempt by oath and witnesses, that by 

25 reason of his sickness he was hindred, whereby he was brought 
to death's door, and could not appear and prosecute his de- 
fence, and that by the cunning of his adversary he was cir- 
cumvented and secured; entreating that he might be restored 
to liberty, and his cause into the former estate. But it hath 

30 not availed him. My reverend colleagues of the high com- 
mission do some of them pity his case ; others say, the sentence 
past cannot be reversed, lest the credit of the court be intacked. 
They bid him simply submit himself and acknowledge his sen- 
tence just; whereas the bishops of Rome themselves, after most 

35 formal proceeding, do grant restitutionem in integrum and 
acknowledge that sententia Romanae sedis potest in melius 

3. it rather. 4. absolved from. 12, 13. living, jfined a £100, 

16. of the instruments. 17. altlwugh. 24. contiimacp. 28. and 
secured om. 33. his censure. 


commutari. My lord, if I understand what is right, divine 
or human, these he wrongs wpon wrongs, which if they reached 
only to Mr King's person, were of less consideration. But 
when through his side that great work of the translation of 
God's book, so necessary for both his majestic' s kingdoms, is 5 
mortally wounded; pardon me, I beseech your lordship, if I be 
sensible of it. I omitt to consider what feast our adversaries 
make of our rewarding him thus for that service, or what this 
f. 73 v°. example will avail to the alluring of others to conformity. 

What should your lordship have gained, if he had died {as it lo 
was allmost a miracle he did not) under arrest, and had been 
at once deprived of living, liberty and life? God hath re- 
prieved hi'm and given your lordship means upon right in- 
formation to remedy with one word all inconveniences. For 
conclusion {good my lord) give me leave a little to apply the 'S 
parable of Nathan to K. David to this -purpose. If the way- 
faring man that is come to us {for svxih he is, having never 
yet been setled in one place) have so sharp a stomack, that he 
must be provided for with plurality, sith there are heards and 
flocks plenty, suffer him not, I beseech you, under the colour 20 
of the king's name to take the casset ewe of a poor man to 
satisfy his ravenous appetite. So I beseech the heavenly Phy- 
sitian to give your lordship health of soul and body, and rest, 

Dec. I, 1638. 

My lord, 25 

Your lordship's most humble 

servant in Christ Jesu, 


70. By this pious and prudent letter you see what op- 
position the great work of the translation of the Bible met 30 
withall, Hoc Ithacus velit; and that surely the hand of Joab 
was in all this, I mean the heart and hand of the Jesuite ; 
when that which ought to have been the duty of all our 
deputies and prelates (being seriously minded onely by one) 

8. what the. 10. had gained. 16. king. 19. for by plu- 35 

ralityei. 25. my lord om. 28. William. 29. prudent and pious. 
30. Bible into Irish. 32. was there in all this transaction. 


is thus sHglrted, if not opposed by all, that were well con- 
tented to leave the poor L'ish in Egyptian darkness, out of 
which nothing can deliver them but the light of the Scrip- 
tures that delivered us; which to them are yet a sealed 
S book. This iniquity amongst many others was preparatory 
to the rebellion, that followed soon after. 

71. In the mean time the b. of K. slipps no opportunity 
of doing them good ; his heart's desire and prayer to God 
for the Irish, being the same with the apostle's for Israel, 

lo that they might he saved. But untill he could compass the 
work of printing, which he intended speedily to effectuate 
in his own house, at his own charge, he caused some of 
Leo's and Chrysostom's homilies to be translated into Irish : 
namely the 3 first upon Dives and Lazarus, which are all- 

15 most alltogether spent in the highest commendations of the 
Scriptures, that any rhetorical expressions can reach ; and 
these with his little Irish catechism he sent abroad amongst 
them: which the Irish fryars and priests themselves pro- 
fessed they delighted to read. 

20 72. He was zealous for God, not only in his own sphere, 
to propagate the truth; but also to work reconciliation 
amongst the reformed churches abroad. In order whereunto f. 74 r°. 
he allowed Mr Dury, that undertook that negotiation £20 
per annum, which were duly received for him by Mr Hartlib; 

25 who also printed some of his letters, of the matter and man- 
ner of evangelical union, worthy to be seen and read of all 
that are lovers of truth and peace. In so much that when 
the Lutherans of Dublin were cited to the archbishop's con- 
sistory for refusing sacramental communion with our church, 

30 2. darkness still. 3. of Scriptures. 6. soone after; and we being 
farr from England (the spring of our welfare under God) could finde no 
remedy against these prevayling evills or hope of redresse ; wliich hid 
God's face from us, till the flood came that swept us all away. In the 
meane. 7. bishop of Kilmore. 9—10. Irish, that they 

35 might be saved, being the same with the apostle of us gen tills, that 
Israel might be saved. 12. causeth. 15. commendation. 18. 

them, one page English, the other Irish, which. 23. he kept 

correspondence with Mr John Dury.., negotiation, and allowed him 
J20. 24. received by Mr Hartlib at London. 26. which are worthy. 

40 27. peace ; which (God willing) I mynde to set downe heirafter 



and they desired some respite of time, that they might con- 
siilt their teachers in Germany where they were bred; be- 
cause they did believe that Christ was otherwise present in 
the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, than our church did 
hold and teach ; and therefore could not come with a good S 
conscience to participate of that ordinance with us, salva 
doctrina et fide Lutherana. And when the letters came, 
that had in them all that the Lutherans could say in that 
point, and the good old archbishop of Dublin, Dr Buckley, 
was at a stand and knew not what to make of such a 10 
learned piece ; he, with the advice of many learned and un- 
learned men, sent D. Parry, then preacher at St Patrick's, 
with these letters to the bishop of Kilmore, with earnest 
entreaty for the truth's sake and credit of our church, to 
answer them : which he did with that learning, conviction 15 
and success, that when his letters were received in Germany, 
they were commended and delighted in ; so that the Lu- 
theran divines sent letters immediately to all their friends 
and countreymen in Dublin, to require them not to refuse 
communion with our church any longer, but to join with 20 
us in that, and in all other Gospel-ordinances ; which they 
did ever after without scruple. Dr Parry had all those pa- 
pers, and it were fit they should be enquired after, and pub- 
lished for after-generations. 

73. His discretion and moderation was so well known 25 
to all men, as if the Lord had been visibly at his hand, as- 
sisting him in his waies, as well as resisting others in their 

by themselves, because they are long and written in Latin. I remem- 
ber when. I. and om. tyme, till they might acquaint. 
2. bred, that they might have their advice; because. 7. 30 
And om. letters were brought, that. 9, 10. old bishop Buckley 
(that was reported to have preached but one sermon in many yeai-es, 
upon that text, Nolite tangere unctos meos, ' touch not myne anoynted,' 
which once a year he commonly read in Christ's Church upon the king's 
day before the state; the three points being known long before into 35 
which he branched his text; unctos meos, sayth the pope; unctos 
meos, sayth the people; and unctos m,eos, saith God) was at. 11 
therefore he. 12. Dr. Patrick's in Dublin. 15. them speedily, 
learning, piety. 17. were so highly. so om. 21. that sacra- 
ment and. 22. heerafter. Now Dr. these. 25. moderation 40 
and discretion. 27 — ^p. 147 i. him in all his straight wayes. For when. 


waies. For when Adeir, bishop of Killala in the province 
of Connaght, was accused, condemned, deprived of his bishop- 
rick, fined and confined at once by the high-commission- 
court, he would have no hand in it, though he'were a mem- 
5 ber of that court. The occasion was this : in the height of 
the Scottish covenant, amongst many worthy and learned 
men (as ever that nation bred) there was one Mr Corbet a 
minister driven out; who comming to Dublin and printing 
some pamphlet against the Scottish violent proceedings, was 

10 cried up and brought into favour with the bishop of Derry f 74 y". 
and the lord deputy. They understanding that there was a 
living lately vacated in the diocese of Killala, sent him 
thither. But his reception with the bishop (being of that 
nation) was so unpleasing to him, that he conceived great 

15 indignation against him. For the bishop had told him (after 
the Scottish manner of jesting) that lie was a corhy-messen- 
ger, alluding to his name, Corby signifying a raven; and 
that it was an ill bird that defiled his own nest (alluding to 
his book, called Lysimachus Nicanor, which he had pen'd in 

20 gall or bloud against his own countreymen the Scotts). And 
whereas he said in his book, that himself had hardly escaped 
with his life ; but he liad left his wife behind, to try tJie Scotch 
humanity ; the bishop should say, he had left his wife to a 
base office, and some such other stuff as this, which M. C. 

25 gathered up carefully and brought with him to Dublin, and 
delivered all in full tale to those that sent him. They being 
incensed thus against the bishop cited him by a pursuivant 

2. accused, arraygned and condemned, fined and confined and deprived 
of his bishoprick at once. 4. he liad no. sate a member. 6. 

30 covenant, anno 1639. 8. minister of the west of Scotland, out for 
refusing subscription to a violent and bloody imposition. Dublin for 
refuge, and. 9. violent om. 10. with B — D— , and by him with 

the lord lieutenant, the earl of Strafford; who, understanding. 13. 

thither. Now whether the living did belong to the bishop's collation 

35 or no, I dare not positively say, being above fortye years agoe, though 
it was reported so to be. His reception. also of. 18. did de- 

fyle its. 19. he adjudged him to have penned. 20—1. and that he. 
21. that he hardly. 22. A« om. behind him. Scotts.' 24. other om. 
Mr. 26— p. 148 I. him (with several aggravations, which being mustred 

40 .up together and rancked in severall articles, at the first sight overthrew 



to appear immediately at DuHin, to answer at the high- 
commission-court to those things that were alledged against 

him by M. C. 

74. He was allready condemned before he came near 
them, and his bishoprick designed for (as it was afterwards 5 
given to) M. J. Maxwell, sometimes bishop of Boss in Scot- 
land, whence he was excluded. When the sentence was 
given against him, and all that had spoken before the bishop 
of K. had with one consent condemned him, and it came to 
his turn to speak his judgement, he first took the articles 10 
into his hand, that were alleadged against him, and read 
them over, and fetch't the beginning of his speech from the 
description and qualification of a bishop set down by Paul 
to Timothy and Titus, and said, that he could not find hy all 
these articles, that the bishop of Killala (there present) was 15 
guilty of any spiritual enormity, contrary to these apostolical 
qualifications ; or that he is accused of any error in life or 
doctrine or discipline, which may make a bishop censurable 
(&c. And so he went on with such deliberate and weighty 
demonstrations of truth, and quotations of canons of the 20 
Greek and Latin church in like cases, that they that had 
spoken before him were ashamed, having taken their rise no 
higher than from those light expressions ; as if they had 
proceeded from a heart complying rather with the Scottish 
f_ 75 r°. proceedings, than with the episcopal constitution in Ireland. 25 
Those that spake after him were more moderate ; yet there 
being none but he that durst openly profess for him, the 
poor old bishop was cast and deprived and imprisoned (and 

the bishop) ; who being incensed against him with great indignation by 
his adversary's information, cite him and by a pursevant send for him 30 
immediately to appeare at 3 — 4. Mr C. being already, was come near 
imto them. 5. for, and afterwards. " 6. Mr John. 8. against 

this bishop and. 9. Kilmore. 10. takes. 11. reades. 12. 

fetches. 14. sayes. can. 15. those, is. 19. goes. 20 — 21, 

truth from the records that are extant of the Greeke and Latin church 35 
in such like case of censure of a bishop, that those that. 23. higher 
but insisted only upon those pitifuU expressions. 24. Scottish irre- 

gularityes, then. 25. their episcopall. Ireland, which is accounted 
there as ancient as tlieir Christianity. And those. 27. but he om. 

him, but this Micaiah. 28. old, dunny bishop is cast. 28— p. 149 3. 40 


remained so long after) and another possessed his bishoprick 

75. But he had little joy in it; for within a year or two 
at most, he was strip'd naked, sore wounded and left among 
S the dead by the rebells. Yet by the special hand of God his 
life was preserved as Job's, and 'he came as soon as his 
wounds were healed to Dublin, and preached every Lord's 
day in some church or other; whom my L. of Ormond (as 
many others) did delight much to hear. He went after- 

10 wards to the king to Oxford, and returned again incognito. 
He was one day after dinner found dead in his study, having 
heard some sad news from England of the king's defeate. 

y6. But what becomes of this poor, deprived and im- 
prisoned bishop at last? I will tell you. One of his grand- 

ij jury-men, that was fiercest against him, was one D. Adderton, 
sometimes preacher at St John's in Dublin, but then bishop 
of Waterford. This prelate was by the just judgement of 
God accused, arraigned and condemned for iniquities farr 
above all that is left upon record concerning Sodom ; and 

20 executed in the publick place of shamefull death ; the Irish- 
popish-sherif Walsh insulting over him and rejoicing that 
his tree did bear him such desired fruit; adding that he 

imprisoned, and another possesses his bishoprick immediately, that had 
litle. 4. is. 5. rebells in that place. Yet. 6. preserved (by 

25 the earl of Twamond). and his lyfe that went downe from Hiera- 
salem to Jerico and fell among theeves, that robbed him of his rayment 
and wounded him and departed leaving him halfe-dead. For the earl of 
Twamond, like the kind Samaritan, tooke care of him, and, as soone as 
his wounds were healed, he came to Dublin. 8. lord. 9. heare, for 

30 he was a great preacher. 10. incognito. I heard him say, that the 
king never understood rightly what kinde of people the Irish rebells 
were, that had such an innate hatred against the people of God, till he 
told him. He was after dinner. 11. studdy, after some. 12. de- 
feate, anno 1643. But this deprived bishop Adeir remayned not long in 

35 prison, and I giving him a visit, he told me these words : that th^re was 
none that opened their mouthes in his defence hut my most worthy 
bishop; and yet there was none in the court that said a word against 
what my iishop had spoken for him. But. 14. you breifly. 15. 
Dr. 17. prelate is about that very nick of time by. 18. God, who 

40 sees not as man sees. 20. ignominiously executed. 21 Welsh. 

22. desireable. adding that om. 


hoped ere long to have it hear more of the same Icind; to the 
great scandal of religion. But D. Bernard, his confessor, be- 
lieved that God gave him repentance unto life, and preached 
a good sermon at his funeral, which he printed and called 
The penitent death of a wofidl sinner. When he was con- S 
demned, he sent for the bishop of K. but he was gone from 
Dublin homewards, and so saw him not. His poor wife went 
for England to petition for the £800 (her portion) which a 
great courtier had received for procuring that promotion for 
her husband. And at the same time the bishop of Killala, 10 
that was cast out of his bishoprick and deprived of his epi- 
scopal dignity for inconsiderable trifles, made his address 
unto the K. by petition, and had the bishoprick of Waterford 
granted unto him ; which he possessed, till Waterford was 
taken by rebells. iS 

f. 75 v°. 77- On the 26 day of March 1638, it pleased God to 

visit his dear consort Mrs Bedell with a lethargy (of which 
she died), who for humility, vertue and godliness was inferior 
to none of her sex, and in her conjugal relation superior to 

I. hate some more of the same kind from it; to. 2. religion 20 

amongst the professed enemies of it. But. Dr. 6. Kilmore. 

7. homeward. 9. was reported to have received, tragicall promo- 

tion. 1 1, was thought by all sober people to have been cast, and 
degraded from his. 1 3. to the king by petition in the hand of sir 

Robert Stewart, that had been instrumental! in his former advancement, 25 
and had. 14. him ; unto which preeminency in the church he had not 
beene so suddenly advanced again after his dejection and degradation, 
if he had beene found under any originall guilt in his former station ; 
which bishoprick he possessed. 15. by the rebells in '41. There was 
another of the same order and a leading man, if not the sole actor, 30 
against the bishop of Kilalla, that was reported to be guilty of such 
fowle crimes as brought the bishop of Waterford to a shamefull end, and 
was arraigned also for them, and the like condemnation was expected at 
the next session of parliament, they being accounted brethren in will by 
common report and sir George Eatcliffe equally active against them 35 
both. He desyred the bishop of Kilmore to be bayle for himj but he 
refused it and left him to his owne iniquity, that it might be found out to 
be abominable, to stand or fall to his owne master. But the rebellion 
gave him the benefit of absolution, and the restauration in 1660 addi- 
tional! promotion. On the 26th. 17. my lord of Kilmore's. 18. 4° 
that for. 19. sex or age. 


most. It is recorded of Sarah for her commendation to all 
posterity, that she once called her husband Abraham lord: 
but Mrs B. was never heard to speak of her husband, nor 
to him, but she called him, my lord; and never came into 
5 his presence before any persons, but with as respectfull 
reverence as to an honorable stranger. My lord preached 
at her funeral (upon these words of Eccl. vii. i. A good 
Tiame is better than precious ointment &c) with that mode- 
ration of affection, and yet just commendation of her worth, 

lo that there were few drie eyes in the church all the while. 
Happy were all Adam's posterity, if they were so equally 
yoked ! He buried her in the remotest part of the south 
side of the church-yard of the cathedral of Kilmore, that 
she might rest in her grave till the resurrection : for having 

15 observed such thronging and crouding of dead bodies into a 
small patch of ground in church and chancel, and the casting 
up the bones of the dead, often before their flesh was re- 
turned to the dust, sometimes to the annoiance of the hving, 
and allwaies to the disquieting of the dead, before they hear 

20 the voice of Christ to awaken them ; and that meerly out of 
ignorance, pride or superstition : his judgement was there- 
fore alltogether against burial in churches, and he made a 
canon against it, as you may see in his acta synodalia. He 
gave (as in all other things) a good example in choosing this 

25 place of burial, where he intended to be laid himseK, when 
the will of God should be. 

78. Because you may desire perhaps to know his judge- 

I. moat. Her adorning and dress was not that outward, 
but the hidden man of the hart, in things not corruptible, even the 

30 ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, which is in the sight of God of 
great price, as of old tyme the holy women that trusted in God adorned 
themselves. It is. 2. Abraham her husband. 3. BedeL of him 
nor. 4. she om. 5. persons whatsoever, as much. 6. any honourable, 
lord himselfe. S. than good ointment ; and. 12. yoked! I never 

35 saw the least jarr or distaste betweene them in word or deed, in all the 
space of these yeares that I lived with them. He. 14. resur- 

rection; observing. 16. and casting. 17. flesh retume to. 19. 
allwaies to the om. disquieting the dead, till they. 21. his judgement 
was therefore. 23. synodalia, p. 41. 25. buriall (where none was 

40 layd before, save his sonne John) where. 27. may om. 


ment about the publick liturgy of the church of England, 
as his way of publique ministration ; I am persuaded that 
no man could hear nor read (which he often did) the Com- 
mon Prayer with greater reverence and holy affection than 
he did in his own cathedral every Lord's day, and other ap- 5 
pointed daies by act of parhament ; and that with the most 
strickt observation of whatsoever is enjoined in the rubricks, 
f. 76 1-°. without the least addition or diminution. In so much that 
when a curate of another parish was upon the Lord's day in 
the forenoon reading the prayers of the day before him in 10 
his cathedral, and began to add something of his own to the 
short prayers of the book; after the bishop had observed 
him to do so once or twice, he rose hastily out of his seat 
and went to the reader's piew, and snatch't the book out of 
the curate's hand, and pushing him from thence, said these 15 
words in the audience of all the people: Be suspended from 
your office, till you learn to read the 'prayers better ; and so 
went on to read all the rest himself It was his custom 
usually upon the Lord's day to preach both forenoon and 
afternoon, upon those select portions of Scripture commonly 20 
called the epistles and gospells for the day, and to catechize 
the younger sort before the afternoon-sermon. 

79. He followed no man's custom nor example, but the 
rule ; and in special he ordered, that the whole doxology to 
the blessed Trinity, Olory he to the Father &c. should be all- 25 
waies said by the minister alone ; so the Te Deum, Benedic- 
tus, Magnificat, and Nunc Dimittis, &c. The psalms in the 
Bible, that is commanded to be read in all churches, he ap- 
proved much above those of the Common Prayer, which 
leave out all the titles, though they are of the Holy Ghost as 30 
much as the rest of the psalm, and have often the sum and 
substance of the whole psalm in them, and in many particu- 

2. and his. 3. Common Prayer-Booke. 12. after that the. 13. arose. 
16. Beyow. 19. dayes. morning. 21. gospels of the. 22. after- 
noon's. 26. alone, without the respond of the people ; and the 35 
psalmes, as well as the other Scriptures, to be read by the minister alone ; 
so. 27. of the. 29. above that of the Common-Prayers, which leaves. 
30. titles, which are. 31. psalme (wherefore St Jerome calls titulos 
dams), and have. i. sljamefully differ from. 


lars differ much from the original, as being translated out of 
the vulgar Latin in the infancy and minority of the reforma- 
tion. The communion-table was placed by him, not at the 
east end, but in the body of the chancel ; without steps of 

J gradual ascension or circumvallation by railes, though cus- 
tom had prevailed otherwise in most churches ; and all was 
read in one place. And for other innovations elswhere in- 
troduced, he observed them not, as bowing at the name of 
Jesus, bowing to the coriimunion-table and towards the east, 

JO and such like; his judgement being (as D. Bernard well ob- 
serves) that those were as well nonconformists who added of 
their own, as those who came short of what was enjoined ; as 
he that adds an inch to the measure disowns it for a rule, as 
well as he that cuts an inch off. He came often to church 

15 in his episcopal habiliments, but oftner without. The mini- 
string habits of his clergy he looked upon as academick dis- 
tinctions of degrees. He desired no instrumental musick in 
his cathedral (as organ or the like), but vocal and spiritual 

2. Latin and in the very. 3. reformation &c. 4. without any stepps. 

20 5- though the. 6. churches. There was no part of the servise read 
at the communion-table (save on a sacrament day), but in the usuall 
reading-desk, that all the congregation might heare and see. And 
for. 8. word or name Jesus. 10. like all founded 

upon ignorance and superstition; his. Dr. 14. off. His entrance 

2r into the house of God, which is the church of the living God, was 
not like that of the heathenish aedituus into his idol's temple, nor 
the approachings of the Eomish priest unto his popish altar, that, when 
he pronounceth these words, introibo ad altare Dei, by various gesticu- 
lations gives dulian worship to all the petty idoUs in his way, till at 

30 length he arrives at the altar, where the dreadfuU crucifix stands before 
him and the conjuring pix, where thefatidick hoste lies enshryned; and 
then, like Balam's ass, falls downe flatt before it, as if he saw with her 
what her master, the prestigious enchanter, did not : but his entrance 
was grave and reverent, without any incurvation, genuflection, orientall 

■3r adoration or topicall veneration ; so his attention, as his intention, was 
holy and reverent and examplary, whether hearer or speaker, from the 
beginning to the end of God's worship and service, both in publick and 
private, at all tymes and in all places alike ; all thinges being done still 
according to the apostle's rule in order and to edification. He came. 
,Q 15. without, in the aftemoone especially. The. 17. of scholastick 
degrees, rather then ecclesiasticall and evangelicall qualifications for the 
ministery. He. 18. organs, like) no more then in other parochiall 


singing with grace in the heart to the Lord. He was much 
f. 76 v°. displeased with the pompous service at Christ's church in 
Dublin, which was attended and celebrated with all manner 
of instrumental musick, as organs, sackbutts, cornets, violls, 
&c., as if it had been at the dedication of Nebuchadnezar's 5 
golden image in the plain of Dura; and discovered his dislike 
of those things (now in the time of the Gospel) to a leading 
prelate, who told him only this, that they served much to the 
raising of the affections, &c. To whom he replied, that all 
things that are used to work upon the affections ought to tend 10 
to edification under the Gospel, as this did not. 

80. He was a carefull observer of the Lord's day, both 
in publick and in private in his family, according to the 
morality of it (which he did constantly assert and main- 
tain). For, besides his preaching and catechizing, in which 15 
he had a singular faculty above many, he repeated the ser- 
mons before or after supper, sung a psalm, and concluded 
the day (as he had begun it ere he went to church) with 
prayer. His manner of preaching was esteemed most edi- 
fying. For first he did alwaies open the meaning and sense 20 
of the words of the H. Ghost out of the original, whether 
they were few or many, and then raise divine observations 
from them, and make a lively application of them to the 

churches, but. i. Lord. He never went about to set up a qweere 
of quyristers, of singing men or singing women. The psalms of David 25 
were his delight, in privat and in publick. He was much dissatisfyed 
with. 2. service of Christ's. 7. tymes. 9. affection. 16. 

faculty and delight sermon. 1 8. day with prayer, church. 

He did rule his owne house so well, that he was the fitter to rule the 
house of God. 20. always shew the connexion, and open the sense and 30 
meaning. 21. Holy. 23. and powerfuU application. 155 i. auditory, 
concluding still with prayer. He affected not high straines of rhetorick 
to amuse the hearer; his words were easy to be understood as Paul's, 
I have heard him say these words in the pulpit after his entrance upon 
the text: I beseech the Lord to guide my tongus, that I may, as I ^S 
desyre, rather he His instrument to further the imoard profit in 
these holy mysterys, than seeke to please the eares with a fyled speech 
and floorish of words. No, ye shall not looke for it at my hand, if 
I could afford it; title would I care for delighting; if I may teach 
and moove, T desyre to he no hetter a rhetorician, &c. And in his 40 
exhortations to his clergy at his visitation and synods : Let the vaine 


auditory. , As he did thus sanctify the Lord's day at home 
(not allowing visiting, much less sporting or gaming in any 
place of his diocese), so did he also take care to walk with 
God every day. 

5 8 1. In spending the day he regarded three things; the 

beginning, continuing and ending of it. He prayed thrice 
every day in his family, as Daniel did. In the morning 
as soon as he was dressed (and commonly he was first up), 
he rung a little bell that lay in a window in a readiness 

10 to call his people together, and then read the psalms of the 
day in the Hebrew psalter (which he allwaies carried about 
him from a child) to himself alone ; unless his son (that was 
minister of Kinally at the head of Lochearn) were present, 
or some other Hebreician, and then his manner was to read 

15 one verse out of the Hebrew into Latin, and the person 
present the other, to the end. Then he went to his study; 
and when the cloath was laid for dinner, he prayed the 
second time ; and so likewise after supper : using allwaies 
the same form of prayer, which he used before sermon on 

20 the Lord's day. 

82. The Common Prayer was never used in his family 
by himself, nor any body else : for he esteem'd that an 
ecclesiastick and publick, not a domestick aiad private way 
of worship. And thus he did all the dales of his life,. 

25 froth, of humane knowledge, and the garnisht mid painted tewty of 
the entysing eloquence of man's wisdome give place ; preach me Christ 
eriicifyed ; know nothing but Him,; put Him before the eyes of God's 
people ; glory in nothing but Him,, &c. Though his stature was tall, 
his voyce was low and moumfuH, both in praying and preaching, but to 

30 the attentive eare very audible and powerfull, with such evidence and 
demonstration of God's spirit, that the pious hearer wisht every word 
were penned that he uttered in the pulpit, in that heavenly order and 
method in which it was delivered. He preached upon all those Scrip- 
tures that are in the Common Prayer Booke, which are parts of God's' 

, c service, and ought therefore to be familiar and well-understood of the 
people by the very frequency of them, as he was wont to say. He left 
most excellent sermons upon them all. As he. 4. day, like another 

Enoch. In spending. 6. and om. every day thrice. 8. up, and rung. 
II. in his Hebrew. 17. dinner, kneeling downe at the head of the 

40 table he. 20. day, always concluding with the Lord's prayer, the 
people saying after him. 22. for esteeming that. 23. and not. 

24. worship. He did thus all. 


f. 77 r°. having due and religious respect to the church liturgy in 
its own place. He never rose from dinner or supper till 
a chapter was read at his table and some time spent by 
him in opening some difficulties in it, whatsoever company 
were there, whether protestants or papists; each person 5 
having a Bible laid before him, himself either the Hebrew 
or the new Irish translation, &c. He was his own domes- 
tick chaplain : no man ever prayed in his house but him- 
self, when at home; nor craved a blessing at his table 
besides himself; whereas in many prelats' houses aU these 10 
duties are cast upon the chaplain, as in the families of 
secular lords. He took an account of himself, how he spent 
every day, by keeping a journal thereof; a thing that 
imports more than it can merchants for their estate to 
keep their day-book : a Christian must study his own book, 15 
and so did he. 

83. He had sometimes sad fitts of the stone for some 
years before his death (as many great students of a seden- 
tary life have) ; which yet he did endure with a great 
deal of patience. The greatest antidote against it, which 20 
he found by experience to do him most good, was digging 
in his garden. In a morning (lajring aside his gown) he 
would dig for half an houre or thereabouts; and being a 
little heated, he found mitigation of his pain and help to 
bis stomach both in craving and digesting. Upon which 25 
account Calvin is said to be found digging in his garden, 
when one came to kill him ; but he had no heart to do it, 
finding him so emploied. 

I. due and sacred respect. 2. place, that it was designed for. 

3. chapter of God's booke was. S- '''ere present there. 6. had. 30 

Hebrew or Greeke or. 7. new manuscript of the. 8. his 

fiimily but. 9. blessing or gave thanks at. 10. those. 15. 

and as a. 16. and om. he daily. 17. stone (though other- 

wyse of great strength and health of body above many) a few 
years. 19 — 20. a wonderful! patience. 25. stomach in. 26. garden 35 
at Geneva. 27. one was sent, he om. 28. so harmelessly imployed. 
He had brought with him out of Italy such curious instruments for 
racemation, engraffing and inoculating, that I saw him once teach his 
gardner how to use them, and when he put in the graft into the stock 
most neatly, only tye it about with a seare cloth, &c. Lovers of vertue 43 


84. His understanding and judgement in things divine 
was so great, that did you see that trunk of MSS. that he 
left behind him, some in Latin, some in Italian, (in both 
which he did excell) and many in English ; you would 

S conclude, he had kept correspondence with most of the divines 
in Christendom about all points of controverted divinity 
and imposed ceremony. There was a MS. of his writing 
containing 50 sheets of paper, in answer to two questions 
propounded to him in England by one that called himselfe 

10 then Paul Washington a priest, but came after to Dublin 
under the name of Paul Harris. The first Q. was, Where 
was your church before Luther ? The second : What do ye 
think became of our fathers before the reformation? My 
lord primate of Armagh, D. Usher, was very earnest with 

15 him to have published his answer to those questions : which 
had he lived, he had done ; but what is become of it I know 
not, since all his books and papers came into the rebells' 
hands, who to be sure would give no quarter to that 

20 85. I remember that when D. Usher the primate (that f. 77 v°. 
loved him above all of that order) had given him his Im- 
Tnanuel (a holy and learned treatise concerning the mystery 
of the incarnation of the Son of God, which the primate 
had presented to the E. of Strafford the lord deputy for 

25 a new year's gift), the bishop of K. told his grace, that the 
phrase A woman shall compass a man, Jer. xxxi. 22, men- 
tioned pag. S of that noble tract, was not spoken by the pro- 
• phet, nor meant of Christ, but was only a metaphorical allu- 
sion to God's fanner gracious dealings with the people of 

30 will take no exception at ingenuity in any person whatsoever. Cyrus is 
said to glory in trees of his owne planting, more then in. all that he 
found sett before him. His understanding. 5. that he. 

the most of the famous divines of. 10, 11. but... Harris om. ii. 
question. 12. our. 13. r^ormation? old questions that have 

35 beene often answered. This popish fellow came afterwards to 
Dublin, and priested there under the name of Paul Harris, and 
was a very troublesome fellow. My. 14 and 20. Dr. 15. 

published it, which. 18. hands, that would give litle. 21, of 

his order. 24. Earl. 25. gift and now is bound up with his large 

^g body of divinity. Kilraore. 27. prophet, as he thought, nor, 


Israel, whom he had long wooed and courted (as it were) from 
the land of Egypt to that day, with many loving- kindnesses 
and tender mercies, as Ezek. xvi. doth allegorically set it 
forth: But now the Lord will create a new thing in the 
earth ; a woman shall compass a man, ' mulier ambibit 5 
virmn ; they shall begin to seek after the Lord in a most 
serious manner [as the Gentiles shall), as He formerly sought 
after them according to the phrase, Hos: Hi. 5 : Afterwards 
shall the children of Israel return, and seek the Lord their 
God and David their king, and shall fear the Lord and His 10 
goodness in the later daies ; and chap. ii. 1 6 : Thou shalt call 
me Ishi (i. my dear and loving Husband) and shalt call me 
no more Baali,i.e. Lord and Master; and verse 7: Then shall 
she say, I will go and return to my first Husband, for then 
was it better with me then now, &c. And within 5 or 6 15 
lines in the same verse speaking of Christ, he hath this 
expression : That Christ was the immediate fruit of the womb, 
and not of the loins. But the bishop of K. affirmed that 
Christ was the fruit of the loins as properly as the fruit of the 
womb, as being descended from the loins of His progenitors, 20 
and properly the seed of the woman Gen. Hi. 1 5 ; the seed of 
Abraham Heb. ii. 16; and made of the seed of David accord- 
ing to the flesh Rom. i. 3 ; in the womb of the B. V. that was 
of the house and lineage of Bavid Luc. i. 27 ; otherwise Christ 
had not been of the stock nor the son of David. My lord 25 
primate approved his judgement in both these particulars 
with a great deal of humility and ingenuity and thanks; 
which are peculiar to ingenuous and gracious spirits of the ■ 
highest attainments. 

6. virum (ecclesia Christum Sponsum) ; they. 12. i.e. 13. verse 7: 30 
Thou shalt say. 15. it was. 16. lines of the same page. Christ, 

is this. 17. that He was. 18. But om. Kilmore. 20. 0/ all 

His. 22. ii. 16. was made. 23. Rom. i. 3 om. blessed 

Virgin. 25. David, &c. 27. humility, ingenuity. 29. attain- 

ments. He was orthodox and sound in the fayth once given to the 35 
saints. He did hate vain thoughts (with David), but did love God's 
law. The conclusion of a letter of his to Dr Samuel Warde, head of 
Sidney colledge in Cambridge (betweene whom and him many letters 
past in England, Italy and Ireland) doth evidence this : / am gory that 
Arniinianisme Jindes such favour in the Low Countreys and among 40- 


86. His humility was the highest ornament of all his 
other gifts and graces. And this appear'd in his gate and 

ourselves, and glad that my lord of Sartim {whom I truly love and 
honour) came off so well in the husines of his sermon. And of another 

5 letter to Dr Richardson, bishop of Ardagh, in these words : For Pela- 
gianisme, Serni-Pelagianisme, Arminianisine (to all which I say ana- 
thema), if in your owne judgement yow do absolve me from such not 
only worthless but wicked opinions, do not, I beseech yow, by accum,u- 
lating testimonies against them (the controversy betweene them being 

10 about 'the efficiency of grace,' which yow may see in due tyme) rayse a 
suspition in the mindes of those, to whose tiands soever these papers do 
come, that my lips speahe wickednes and my tongue uttereth deceit, 
that secretly at least I nourish such monsters, to the quelling of which 
your labour is intended. So that with all thanks for your love and 

ji good opinion (which I am desirous to retayne and answer with the 
like) I comnfiend you to the grace of God and the peace, which now 
and evermore, according to the apostle's rule, be moderator in our 
harts and keep them in Jesus Christ. Amen. His humility was his. 
I. ornament and splendor. 2. graces ; having well observed 

20 that general charge of the apostle : Let the same mind be in yow that 
was in Jesus Christ; which appeared as well in his countenance, appa- 
rell, gate, gesture, words and deeds, as in his hart and mynde; in which, 
as an Israelite indeed, there was no guyle, as our Lord sayd of Natha^ 
niel. One memorable passage of his humility I had almost forgot, but 

25 that a person of honor and of greatest learning and authority in the 
church helped me to it. It was this : at a visitation in the remotest 
part of his diocesse, neer Manner-Hamilton, sir Frederick Hamilton 
invited him after sermon to dinner with much earnestness ; but my lord 
of Kilmore having thanked him for his respects, told him he was resolved 
. 30 to dyne with his clergy, and would wait upon him afterwards ; but 
although the place was meane where they were to dyne, at a poore inne, 
and the provision course and homely, yet he was contented to stay with 
them, then feast without them. When afterwards he was approaching to 
the gates of this knight's house, the gates that stood open before were 

35 suddenly dasht together and shut up. He and those with him wonder- 
ing what the matter meant, he stood knocking a pretty while, and none 
would answer. Those that were with him desired his lordship to come 
away and not to take this base effront ; but he walked up and dovme 
before the gate a good while (above a quarter of an hour) and said only 

40 this to his servants and those with him : They will heare ere long. At 
length the gates that were bolted with pride, by humility are unlockt 
and flee open, and out comes this proud Sir, and with a hypooriticall 
hart embraces his lordship and brings him into his house and with many 
complementall and fawning expressions intertaines him, where he abode 

45 a very short space. He never met with such a peece of uncivility. 


deportment amongst men, in his apparel, iii his converse 
and house-keeping. When others of his order were either 
f. 78 r". galloping in their coaches, or prancing upon their stone- 
horses through the streetes of Dublin in parliament time ; 
he was never seen in a coach in city or countrey, nor on S 
horsback in the city, but walking with his servant after 
him ; save when he rode in his scarlet-robes to parliament, 
or attended the lord deputy to church on the Lord's day, 
as the manner of all the prelates was, in their pontificalls, 
with all the temporal lords. His habit was grave, a long 10 
stuff-gown, not costly, but comely: his converse was plea- 
sant and profitable to all sorts that had to do with him : 
his castle furnished with things necessary, not superfluous 
nor gaudy ; his table with plenty of good provision at all 
times, whereunto there was great resort. At Christmas ij 
he had the poor Irish to feast and sit about him, both men 
and women that dwelt next unto him, that scarse had any 
whole cloathes on their backs, or could understand a word ^ 

amongst the civilized papists in Italy, nor the barbarous papi.sts in 
Ireland, but had a honorable reception wheresoever he came, as an 20 
angel of God. His deportment amongst men of all sorts and converse 
with them was not light and complementall, verbose, morose and frothy, 
alwayes more prone and ready to heare what others said, then to vent his 
owne judgement in anything, unless it were seriously desired : he let few 
of his words fall to the ground, like another Samuel. This putts me in 25 
mynde of what the archbishop of Cashil told me of him, that being at 
the earl of Strafford's table with many others of the clergy, one sayd : 
We are all talking, hut my lord of Kilmore sayth nothing; to whom 
Dr Usher, the lord primate, sayd : Broach him, and yow willfinde good 
liquor in him. So the party asked him some question about fayth, 30 
wherin the bishop of Kilmore so puzld him, that all fell a-laughing, 
saving himselfe. And no man did aske him any more questions. When 
others. 3. vaporing stone-horses. 6. a-horseback. 7. rode 

paludaius in his. in parliament. 8. upon. 9. all prelates. 10. in 
along. II. comely; his stockins woollen ; his shoes not much higher be- 35 
hind than before : his converse pleasant. 12. all those that. 13. thiuges 
not superfluous, ornamentall and splendid, but good and necessary for 
common use ; his table. 15. resort, as to a place of greatest hospitality 
in all that county, halfe an Irish beefe a-weeke, besides other provision 
a great part whereof was given to poore Irish familyes. 16. Irish, as 40 

well as the rich Brittish (like another Nehemiah) to sit and feast. 18. 


of English : ^nd often the blessing of those that were ready 
to perish came upon him, and he made the widow's heart 
to sing for joy. 

87. Though he did allwaies triumph in Christ, who 
-. S made manifest the savour of his knowledge by him in every 

place, without making merchandise of the word of God (as 
many do), yet he did never stretch himself beyond his line 
{aXKoTpia eTTLcrKOTrelv) to take upon him the performance of 
any ministerial or episcopal duty in another's diocese without 

10 licence first had and obteined. And therefore when his 
wive's daughter, Leah, was to be married in Dublin to Alex. 
Cloghy, minister of Cavan (the author of this life), and they 
desired the marriage might be blessed by him; for his better 
defence against malevolent tongues, that it might be with 

15 the approbation of the archbishop of Dublin, he wrote to. 
D. Parry for a licence out of the consistory, Nov. 23, 1637. : 

88. As my lord primate had engraven on his episcopal 
seal Vae mihi, nisi evangelizavero ; so the bishop of K. had 
it engraven upon his heart, with this motto on his seal 

20 *7i"i^ "^2 ^J23 T'Dn Aasermiwwi coZ6e&7i, Is. i. 25,'take away 
all my tin,' over a ilaming crucible or refining pot; alluding 
piously and humbly unto the Hebr. word hedil (that corns 
so near his surname), which signifies 'tin;' whereas his good 
name was like good ointment that did perfume the air of 

25 report, and himself like the man whom God hath said He 
will make more precious than fine gold, even such a man, than 
the -golden wedges of Ophir. Is. xiii. 12. Apparent rari 
nantes in gurgite vasto. 

89. As he was holy and humble, just and merciful above 
30 many, so he was wise and valiant, stout and couragious for 

the truth. The righteous are bold as a lion : he feared no 

I. English, and were strangers to such civill and plentiMl 
entertainment, and often. 3. joy, like another Job. 4. ch. 87 is 

inserted in H after ch. 90. 6. cauponizing or making. 7. lyne, 

35 as the apostle speakes. n. Leah, his wyve's daughter. A. C. 

the minister. 12. the author... life om. 14. by the. 16. Dr. 18. 
Kilmore. 19. it written on his hart with the finger of God, with this. 
20. Is. i. 25 om. away from me all. 22. piously and humbly alluding. 
Hebrew, sounds. 24. like that good. 25. report, in which it now lyes 

4.0 embalmed. 27. wedge. Is. xiii. 12. cm. 

1 62 


i. 7& y. man's greatness ; he feared no man's wickedness. His great- 
Nonvul- est foes were those of his own house, I mean some false 
brethren of his own order, that bred him all his stirr; yet he 







never shrunk from keeping faith and a good conscience, 

saying was often, Fiat iustitia, et ruat caelwn. 5 

90. When a minister came unto him for a licence for 
four monthes liberty, to give a visit to his friends in Scot- 
land; together with the licence he gave him an Irish New 
Testament (to carry with him into those parts where the 
Irish tongue was used) upon which he wrote these words, 10 
Oidielmus Episcopus Kilmorensis, and said : certe me non 
pudet huius cognominis : which he might very well say, being 
esteemed one of the greatest ornaments of that order. His 
licence began thus : GuUelmus providentia divina Kilm. epi- 
scopus A. B. dilecto nobis in Christo fratri et synpreshytero ij 
salutem &c. : which when it was shown to Mr John Adam- 
son, primare of the colledge of Edinburrough, in the company 
of many ministers that had been great sticklers for the 
Scottish covenant and active in driving them out of their 
bishopricks; they were amazed at his Latin style (though it 20 
were but 5 or 6 hnes) and that antiquated phrase of fratri 
and synpreshytero : but when they heard with great delight 
the description of him (according to this paper), they said 
with one mouth : What have we done ? If the king will give 
us such bishops as this, we will beg them upon our knees of 25 
him and receive them with all our hearts. A. B. said unto 
them again : Be ye yourselves such, and questionless the king 
will advance you in the room of those that you have so fu- 
riously driven out. Or as D. Bernard (that was his dean) 

2. marg. n. om. 3. order (that entered not In by the doore into 30 

the sheepfold, as he did, but did climb up another way), that bred 
him all his hurt, because their owne works were evill and his good, 
like another Habel; yet he. 4. conscience in the sight of God 

and of all men. His. 13. order, since its advancement above 

its fellows. His. 15. mihi. 16. shewed. Adamson, provost. 35 

1 9, 20. driving out their bishops, they. 2 1 . lines upon a bitt of parch- 
ment) and. 26. and receive them om. 28. into. 29. out. He further 
said unto them : Your bishops were learned men, great and constant 
preachers in all places of their residence amongst yow; they exercised 
no jurisdiction over yow nor over the people; kept no consistory courU 4° 
by lay-chancellours to enslave yow; had no power qf ordination any 


more then any other minister in that dassis or presbytery where their 
episcopall seate was; they were only presidents in your synods, which 
ye have twise a yeir in course; they never received penny of money 
for presentation, institution, induction or visitation or any orders 
5 whatsoever, nor any from or for them ; they know of no procurations 
nor synodalh from the clergy, no more than the apostolich church 
did ; they did you m,uch good in parliament; they often rescued your 
persons and tithes out of the pawes of your lords and layrds, that 
otherwyse had beene too hard for yow, &c. And yet ye have delt 

10 with them in a rage that reacheth up to heaven, and with all that tooke 
their part in church and state, in city and countrey, &c. All that they 
did reply was this : that they had introduced a new forme of publick 
worship amongst them,, which was never knowne since the reforma- 
tion, and that without a synod or generall assembly; and had urged 

15 and enforced it on a sudden {under the greatest penaltyes) to be 
received and practised ; and that they were af rayed it would take them 
off from the sim.plicity of the Gospel and become a dead letter (as it was 
to many in England, that had nothing else to trust to, in many places, 
for the word of reconciliation in the ministration of the Gospel); and 

20 that they knew not what might follow, when so many offices for the 
dead saints were advanced upon holy dayes, which had not beene 
sounded in their eares above a hundred yeares and upwards. And 
the zeale of the comm,on m,ultitude of all sorts was vehement against 
it at the very fi,rst, like a mighty torrent and irresistible, that carry es 

25 all before it; which easily drew in the greater and better sort after- 
wards, though some might have other designes and prefects before them 
{as in all such impetuous and tumultuous proceedings is unavoidable, 
when then {they?'] are stript [.*'] with popularity and Christianity) 
about the bishop^ lands, as they have gotten possession of almost all the 

30 crowne-lands since king James catne into England: and that the 
reception of that hooke and conformity to it would hardly m,ake them 
better Christians or more loyall subjects, or contribute anything to the 
king's honour and profit or their wellfare, &c. ' Quae nos Deo neque 
digniores neque indigniores possunt reddere,' sayth Augtcstin of cere- 

35 monys. This was the sum of all they said. A. B. asked them : But 
then why doe ye medle with England and Ireland, to promote your 
reformation by your covenant ? since there is no countrey under 
heaven this day that stands in need of evangelicall, nay ofcivill refor- 
mation, more then the far greater part of your owns countrey, that 

40 hath not as yet heard the sound of the Gospel ; as namely a great part 
ofArgyle's country, Bodinoch, Lochabber, Knodard, Modard, Ferrin- 
domill, Stranaver, most of all the isles of the Hebrides and Orcades, 
which are large territoryes, and many more then thsse of the most 
savage and barbarous Highlanders, that if at any time they come to hear 

45 a sermon {which is very seldom), they come in their armes, with their e 
swords and targetts, with their bowes and derlachs (« rough goat's skin 



Concludes his short character of him; If the moderation of 

this bishop had been dbserv'd elsewhere, I believe episcopacy 

might have been kept upon his wheels. For when he heard of 

Anno the tumults of Scotland and the outrage against bishops, he 

said these words (which were uttered by Athanasius long be- 5 
fore in a tumult at Alexandria between him and his clergy) : 
If for our sakes this great tempest is risen, take us up and 
cast us forth into the sea, that so there may be a calm, like 
another Jonas. 

with all the long hayre upon it), or quivers full of barbed arrotces lo 
itwenty or thirty arrowes a peece), or with a great lung gun in his 
hand, a great powder-home about his neck, and none witliout a durk 
or dagger {such as Ehud's) at his side, a short destroying weapon, if 
they fall out within doores or anywhere. Doth this array become 
Christians on the Lord's day? And a hundred to one hut they shed I5 
some Mood ere they part. To say nothing of their immodest and 
unseemly liahit, and Irish, or rather Indian, manner of living and 
continuall spoyle and talcing away the cattell of the civilized Scotts 
that live in the lowlands, without regard to the lawes of God or man. 
Is this forsooth the church of Scotland that men call ' the perfection 20 
cfbewty?' Is this nothing to all you that pass by, or rather swallow 
diiwne, these Scottish catnells, and sadly strayne at our English gnats f 
Doe not these things cry lowder in the ears of your presbitery, nay 
in the eares of God Himselfe {think ye) for reformation, or for wrath 
and vengeance, then a few English distinguishing-ceremonies, that 25 
no man putts any stress of religion upon, or would once think of 
them, if they were commanded off and cashired by that parliament 
authority that enjoy nes them, as things merely indifferent, and not 
so much for spirituall as politick ends? To all this discourse Mr 
John Adamson said nothing materiall, only sighed and said: The truth 30 
is, our first over-zealous reformers overthrew the churches; and that 
there was not a church in Scotland {save in some cityes and townes) 
hut was erected within these fifty yeares; and that in Ardgyle and 
other places the great men held all the tithes and left the people to 
'perish; for where there was neyther church nor maintenance, they 35 
ould not expect the setting up of the Gospel of Christ's kingdome to 
bring in all that incultivate people out of the dungeon of darknes 
into his marvellous light, that had not the Scriptures in their own 
Irish language; and so concluded his speach with the high commenda- 
tion of that most worthy and renowned prelate Dr Bedel, bishop of 40 
Kilmore, and desyre of his long continuance and florishing in the church 
of God, that was so singular a bright starr, shining so eminently in it, 
and famous in his generation. As Dr Bernard. i. him in these 

words. 3. its. 4. Scotland (in '39). the bishops in that hurrycane, he 
said S — 6. which... clergy, inserted after jOT?fl[«l. 9. %. forth om. 45 


91. Thus having given you some briefe account' of his 
life, which was the life of the righteous, it remains that I 
give you some satisfaction about his later end, which was the 
death of the Hghteous, and therefore so precious in the sight 

5 of the Lord. To this the grand and horrid rebellion 'and 
massacre was antecedent and preparatory many waies. It 
began on Saturday the 23 rd day of Octob. 1641, after a 
morning's mass. And here I confess I am at a stand what 
to write or how to express any thing of it without tears off- 79 r°. 

10 bloud, or a quis talia fando ? or quis cladem illius noctis ? 
or rather with Jeremiah, Quis dahit capiti meo lymphas et 
oculis meis scaUiriginem aquarum, ut defleam nodes atque 
dies confossos filiae populi mei? Certainly had he been raised 
from the dead, he had seen before him as ample matter of 

:i5 writing a second book of Lamentations; onely with this ma- 
terial difference, that the people of God had warning from 
God and man of their approaching danger (as the people of 
Nineve also had, by which they might have prevented and 
avoided it) but we had none; no more than the cities that 

.29 God overthrew, and no man pitch'd tents against them ; as 
it was in the Sicilian vespers or the massacre of Paris A. 
1572, by the same hand of Doeg. One dale's warning might 
have saved thousands of lives of poor innocents. 

25 3. some om. latter end and death. 4. righteous also, so om. 5. of 
God, to which. horrid Irish rebellion. 6. and in many wayes 

preparatory; which began. 1.8. mass that bloody and unparallelled 
inasacre. commenced, confess my frailty. I am at, a stand like a man 
astonished and^ like a man that wyne hath overcome, how to write or 

30 express. 9. of it, that is so [beyond.all expression[;(that was written 

in such large bloody characters in one instant, tanquam signo dato, 
through all parts of the ^kingdome of jlreland) without.. 10. noctis? 
(ubiqtie luctus, uMque gemitus et plurima mortis imago) or rather. 
12. nieisfontem aquarum,. 15. Lamentations in all the particulars 

■yr thereof, as in his first for the desolation and destruction of God's 
people' by the old Caldeans land Babilonians, that were but types and 
shadowes of the new, only. 18. also om. 19. it from the old, but we 
had none to rescue us from the 'new Babilonians, no more. 21. it 

was in om. Vespers and the. 22. anno 1573. Doeg the Edomito. 

40 23. innocents that l^khew not the right hand'.from the' left. That 
bloody harlot, the mistriss of witchcrafts, was so drunck with the blood 
of saints and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus, that she maden« 

1 66 


tis causa 
quae om- 

92. There were no people under heaven lived in a more 
flourishing state and condition for peace and plenty of all 
things desirable in this life; when on a sudden they were 
turned out of house and hold, and stript of all outward en- 
joiments and left naked and bare in the winter, and on the S 
Sabbath-day put to flight, and yet had no place to flee to. 
The land that a little before was as the garden of Eden, was 
speedily turn'd into a desolate wilderness; Horresco ref evens: 
atque animus meminisse horret, &g. You will say, certeinly 
our sins were very great, that opened the bottomless pit 10 
against us, and brought in the frogs of Egypt upon us. 
Truly upon diligent search and inquisition into our waies 
the iniquity of Sodom might be found in Ireland; pride, 
fullness of bread and abundance of idleness in her and in 
her daughters ; neither did she strengthen the heart or hand 15 
of the poor and needy Irish by using any means for their 
conversion and reduction from the error of their way; but 
rather indulging them by cursed tolerations in their abomi- 
nable idolatries, barbarities and filthiness to their destruction 
(which proved ours also at the last). 20 

discovery of her design, as Delilah did often to Sampson ere he lost his 
eye; but surprized us (whilest our watchmen and sentinells were 
buryed in sleep and security, or wrangling together and sadly falling 
out upon the main guard) with swift destruction by rapine, fire and 
sword, without the sound of a trumpet or alarum of war ; destruction 25 
upon destruction was cryed; for the whole land was spoyled ; suddenly 
were our tents spoyled, and our curtains in a moment! There were. 
3. we were. 6. flight, that had. flee to for refuge. 7. 

was like the. 9. quod animus. horret luetuque rtfugit. 

We soone forgate prosperity when we fell into the hands of brutish 30 
men and skilfull to destroy. the multitude of cryes that went up to 
heaven, that are joyned with the lowd cryes of the soules under the 
altar (Rev. vi. 9, lo)! Yow. 10. very om. 11. brought up 

the. us, the old barbarous Irish and the old degenerate English 

of the Pale. Truly sin and sin only hath a great influence upon the 35 
ruine of persons, countreys and kingdomes ; and if God did not over- 
looke it sometymes, no person nor kingdome could stand one moment, 
as all persons and kingdomes do know by comfortable experience. And 
by diligent. 13. Ireland (as in the very letter of it it was found in 
some of our leading watchmen), with pride. 17. conversion and 40 
om. way, and conversion to Jesus Christ ; but. 19. barbarity. 

20, ours at last ; when every. 3. fryars and of all orders of 


93. In those dales every parish was allow'd a popish 
priest, every diocese a titular bishop, every city and county 
coUedges and convents of Jesultes and fryars of Roman colo- 
nies of all orders ; as if they had been kept up of purpose to 

S plant England and Scotland with such strange slipps when 
time and opportunity should serve them, which they made 
no doubt was then comming. It hath been observ'd that 
wheresoever the Roman-paganish yoke came of old, and was 
received or submitted unto, it left still the ancient Roman 

10 civility in habit, life, laws, language and religion behind it ; 

and so filing off the rudeness of the nations, made way to f. 79 v". 
the present admission of, and chearfull submission to, the 
sweet and easy yoke of Jesus Christ. And is it not strange 
that in 600 years (and especially since the glorious reforma- 

I s tion) nothing should be done for the poor Irish ? Their 
being thus neglected and given over to vile affections and 
strong delusions, animates them once in 40 years to rebell 
and destroy all the English plantations. And though I be no 
prophet nor prophet's son, in that sense that Amos was ; yet 

20 I have too much reason to believe, that about the expiring 
of 40 years after the late rebellion of 41, they will be as 
ready and every way fitted to rebell again, and to destroy 
all our labours, colonies and people, as ever they were, unless 
there be some more effectual course taken by the English 

25 policy to prevent it; all our victories over them hitherto 

Roman colonies. 4. of set purpose. 7. doubt of. 7, 8. 

come. Whereas wheresoever. 13. is. ..strange om. 14. years 

(specially. 15. Irish, and these old ragged Gibeonites have no 

benefit by our plentifuU and rich clothing under the Gospel of Christ's 

30 righteousnes, but given over. 17. and om. delusions and a repro- 
bate sense, to animate. 18. plantations. Of all calamityes and dark- 
nesses the most fearfull is that of the raynde, and in the destination of 
the church produceth saddest effects, to make men reape whatsoever 
they sow, and to eate the fruit of their doings. And though. 19. 

35 yet, God having given me my lyfe for a prey, that hath beene in 
innumerable dangers and hazards, as a brand pluckt out of the burning, 
and delivered me from the mouth of the lyon, I have. 21. yeares 
(which is their constant Irish jubile, wherin they kill and take pos- 
session, till by a new conquest they are dispossessed) after the 

40 date '41. 22. again om. 24. by our. 25. it, then hitherto 

1 68 LIFE AND DEATH -:;. 

being but "like those of Hercules over the moilster Hydra; 
when be cut off one head, two did spring up in the place of 
it. The saying of old Pontius, the prince of the Samnites, to 
his son (who having got his enemies the Romans into a 
pound in furcis Caudinis, dismissed them) is very remarkable ; "5 
Turpis victoria, quae nee facit ainicos, nee tollit inimicos ; 
none of our English victories have ever yet diminished our 
Irish enemies, nor made them our friends to this day. Oli- 
ver Cromwell the usurper transplanted the heads of the 
rebells into the province of Connaght for a little while lo 
(whence they have issued since into all parts of the kingdom, 
tanquam ex equo Troiano, to watch their opportunity): but 
though that was more than all that were before him ever 
did, yet they never attempted the sending of the Gospel 
unto them in their own language, or the setting up any is 
English schooles amongst them for the education of their 
children, to translate them from darkness to hght. 

94. And as our sins were great in this and many more 
particulars, that might justly open the cataracts of heaven 
and bring down the sad deluge of God's wrath upon us ; so ~o 
there was a sad concurrence of strange passages of divine 

hath beene made apparent to the world ; all our former victories, 
hitherto om. i. like Hercules his fightings with the. Hydra, who 

when. 4. Sonne is very remarkeable. 5. Caudinis, where they could 
neyther fight nor flee, dismissed them sub iugo) : Turpis. -6. inimicos; 25 
having advysed his Sonne eyther to kill them all, or dismisse them honor- 
ably (as the king of Israel did the Syrians by EUsha's advice, when he 
had them at his mercy): who doing "neyther, but taking a midle course, 
ruined himselfe and his countrey. None of 7. victories, that our 

chronicles swell with, have. 8. Irish and popish, or. day, any more 30 
then when the lord Strongbow, earl of Chepstow, invaded Ireland anno 
1 169. The late usurper Oliver Cromwell. 11. have swarmed and issued 
forth since. 12. opportunity and to take the first advantage. But. 

13. all the lavrful princes that. 14. yet even then, when in their 

proud swelling words of vanity, they would advance Christ's kingdoms 35 
to the gates of Rome, as St. Peter's was wont to bragg (as the duke of 
Bourbon once did, anno 1526, when he led the pope in triumph through 
the streetes with his face towards an ass's tayle), they never. 15. 
them (in their divided notions) translated into their. 15 — 6. of any 

schooles. 1 8. But though our. 20. us, yet our Saviour tells us 40 

jn the destruction of the Galilseans by Herod, and of the inhabitants 


providencS, which did seem to portend and prognostica,te our 
unavoidable ruine. For first our vice-roy, the earl of Straf- 
ford, was committed to the tow'r of London and executed a 
little before : his deputy Cristopher Wandesford (to whom he 

.5 had delegated his authority in his absence) after he had 
torne a leafe out of the parliament book, found dead sud- 
denly in his chamber: our king taken up with his Scottish; 
affairs at Edinburrough, and endeavouring to gratify the,f. 80 r". 
Scots in any thing they could reasonably desire, if ^ they- 

10 would but keep within their own sphere and not intermeddle, 
with the English concernments in church or state : the par- 
liament of England very high in carrying on an universal 
reformation of all orders of men, that were thought to have 
corrupted their waies: sed excessit medicina modum: over 

IS Ireland two justices (aged gentlemen, that had served Q. E/ 
in her warrs with the E. of Tyrone and Tireconnill) sir Wil- 
liam Parsons and sir John Burlacey: and (which is sadder 
than all these) most, if not all, the high-sherifs in Ireland at- 
that time Irisb-Jesuited-papists. I am sure the high-sherif 

20 of the county of Cavan was so, Mulmore O'Relly (a desperate 
young fellow, of a small fortune, and of the parish of Kil- 
more),- and the high-sherif of the next county to it, viz. of 
Monaghan, one Mr Fitzgerald. 

of Jerushalem by the fall of an old tower (both which were sudden 

25 accidents), that none of these unexpectedly and suddenly ruined ones 
were greater sinners then others that were free from thera. But 
besides all this, there was a sadder conjunction of planets, I ineane 
a concurrence of stranger acts of divine providence, than ever was 
observed before in our skye or horizon, or I hope shal be again to the 

30 end of the world ; all which sad aspects did seeme. 2. imminent, 

unavoidable ruine and at once, as it were, to conspyre against pooro 
Ireland. For first (quod caput est) our vigilant viceroy. Strafford, 

being called away and committed. 3. London, was executed. 4.- 
before (May nth). 5 — 6. after... booke follows found. . .chamber (6, 7). 

35 7. wholly taken. 8. affayrs and state concernes at. endeavouring wiotos- 
componerejluctus, and ready to. 9. that they could rationally. 10. not 
to pass their owne border in intermedling. 14. ways before them ; sed. 
15. aged and decrepit. Queen Elizabeth. 16. Earl. 18. these, many 
justices of peace, more then ever before, and most. 19. papists, and 

40 the whole posse comitatus put in their bloody hands. I am. 22. 
namely of the county of. 23. Fitzgerald, who married a widow, one 


95. So that in this conspiracy, as it were, of so many- 
sad emergencies in that juncture of time and hour of 
temptation for poor Ireland, if the Lord had not left us a 
very small remnant, we had been as Sodom, we had been 
made like unto Gomorrah. For how easy a matter was it S 
for 60 armed men to have surprized the castle of Dublin at 
any time, the gate whereof was kept by one old poor fellow 
alone, and where Q. Elizabeth's magazine for 40,000 men 
was, after Tyrone's rebellion quasht, laid up and kept. 
And indeed all the strength and hope of the rebells lay in 10 


Mistriss Killet, of the parish of Kilmore. This widow was left by her 
husband in money and goods worth £2000, and had as many suiters 
from city and countrey as was ever knowne in those parts ; but she 
chose this man (to her destruction), being a proper person (though of 
vilest inwards of any in the countrey), and promised to marry him upon 15 
condition of forsaking his popery and coming to church with her; both 
which he did, and made an open confession of the fayth of Christ in 
opposition to the faction of Antichrist, in the cathedrall of Kilmore, 
where the bishop marryed them and administred the sacrament unto 
them, and made them dyne with him, a few weekes before the rebellion. 20 
But this Sagamore before that tyme had driven away all her cattell and 
forsaken her and returned to his vomit ; and then, having seized upon 
all that she had in the field and in the house, turned her away stript 
and her three children (that she had by her first husband) without any 
pitty or compassion ; and he and his old squa lived together afterwards, 25 
as they had done in filthines before ; and his poore wyfe, having gott 
to Dublin in much misery, dyed of famine (with all her children), as 
thousands did there, that had escaped with the skin of their teeth from 
all parts of the kingdome. This dolorous story I mention, because 
I knew all this, ut crimine ex uno yow may know what these bruitish 30 
men will do for the advancement of "the catholick cause" (as they call 
it), to whom nothing is unlawfuU, that Sathan or their owne lusts and 
interests can suggest; as their congregatio de propaganda fide doth 
dayly declare, quod volumus sanctum est; and according to that jesuiti- 
call and atheisticall maxim of theirs, yrow« vulgi, cor privati. So that 35 
by this. I, 2. of all those sad. 3. Ireland, the little flock of 
Jesus Christ was left as sheepe in the middest of these ravening 
woolves, to be woorried and destroyed at the first snap; and if the 
Lord (that in wrath remembreth mercy) had. 5. made om. 

7. an old. 8. and om. Queen Elizabeth's magazine 40 

(since Tyrone's rebellion was quasht) for 40,000 men was kept; but 
that the Lord rebuked them and the seed of the woman crusht the 
serpent's head the very day before the intended massacre, in stirring 


the surprizal of this place, without which they had neither 
aims for horse nor foot, nor ammunition. And in full 
assurance of obteining this place, they had persuaded and 
prevailed with the old degenerate English of the Pale to 

S join with them ; which they never did before in any former 
rebellion, but by long continuance amongst them, they were 
now become Irish in their habit, language, rude manner of 
living and religion; and at last became Irish also in their 
affections and actions with the old barbarous Irish, and as 

lo merciless enemies as any the English found. But the very day 
before the castle should have been surpriz'd, God stirr'd up 
the spirit of a renegado, one O'Conelly, to acquaint the 
justices with the great and imminent danger of themselves 
and all the kingdom. And tho' they scarce believ'd a 

15 drunken fellow (as speaking rather out of some discontent 

than love to them), yet they gave order to draw up the 

•bridge, and sent to the major to take a band of men with 

him, and to search the Globe tavern near the castle gate, 

where he found all the conspirators against the castle; and 

20 brought in Mac Guyer and Mac Mahune, the two leaders of 
the Ulster rebells, and laid them in irons, and sent them to 
London by Capt. Corby, where they received the first part of 
their torments. 

up the spirit of a renegado [etc. as p. 171 1. 12]. All tlieir strength. 

25 10. of the rebells om. 1. ammunition. For in the earl of Strafford's 

tyme no man in Ireland, of whatsoever degree, could have above 10 lbs. 

weight of powder at once, and that out of the castle by order in writing. 

And in. 3. of their attacking of this place of strength, they. 

6. them and conjugal affinity with them becoming Irish. 8. re- 

30 ligion ; at last. 10 — 23. given in H after p. 170 1. 8. 12. O'Conelly 

(whom I knew). 13. the lords justices, their great. danger 

and of all the kingdom's. 14. And om. ij. as om. some 

om. 17. bridge before the castle gate and let downe the port-culUses. 

major of the city. 18. taberne over against the. 20. Mc Guirir. 
35 22. Cozby of the parish of Cavan. 23. their judgement, that some- 

tymes goes before the finall torment of presumptuous murtherers and 

malefactors. [After /oMWcJl. 10 H proceeds] : They gave out at first 

that they had orders from the Ung to medle only with the English; 

whereunto Sir James Craig replyed : that lie would never beleeve, nor 
40 any Christian man, that the king will command his left hand to ciitt 

off his right. Sometymes they sayd, they had orders long before from 


■their imprisoned deputy to cause a diversion for his releife and 
enlargement. But nobody regarded what they sayd, that (by divine 
permission) did what they pleased against God and man. Indeede the 
deputy's hand was esteemed heavy upon them, when he caused twelve 
of the principall men of the English Pale to stand upon a scaffold with 5 
papers upon their heads in the streets of Dublin, for not concurring (as 
it was said) to some desyred and expected verdict. But so it was 
esteemed also upon the English, as the earl of Cork, the lord Mount 
Norris, the lord chancellor Loftus and others felt; but his wrath was 
greatest against the Scotts, especially after their confederacy against lo 
prelacy and invading of England with their armies. In detestation of 
whose presumptuous proceedings he caused a declaration to be penned 
very sharply and severely, and to be sent throughout the whole king- 
dome of Ireland; wherin certain commissioners were named that 
should administer an oath of abjuration to all the Scotts, to cause 15 
them renounce all correspondence with their brethren in Scotland, 
or desire or intension of conjunction with them in their oath of con- 
juration, in reference to their nationall league and covenant. For 
the refusing of which oath Mr James Stewart (brother to the long- 
imprisoned lord Ockiltry in the castle of Blackness) with his wyfe and. 20 
three daughters were brought up from Ulster and imprisoned in Dublin, 
where I gave them a visit and they shewed me letters from Mr Samuel 
Rutherford and other cheefe sticklers in their covenant, to comfort them 
in their durance and strengthen them against the abjuration; as if, 
with the primitive martyrs, they had suffered for the word of God and 25 
testimony of Jesu under the paganish and persecuting emperours. It 
was sad in the church of God, when they were sworne to one thing on 
the one side of the water of division that parts Scotland and Ireland, 
and the quit contrary on the other, under the same God and king and 
profession of the same religion; as of old, altare contra altare, and 30 
synods and anti-synods in the Greeke church, for a long tyme, till they 
were all ruined as at this day. But the title the rebells stuck to at last 
was this, that they were the queen's catholick arm,y. But they behaved 
themselves so cruelly, that it was more likely they had had their com- 
mission from Athaliah or Jezabel ; or rather from her that sitts upon a 35 
scarlet-coloured beast, that sayth in her hart : I sit as a queene and 
am no widow and shall see no sorrow ; whose paramour is the angel 
of the bottomless pit, whose name is Abaddon and Apollyon (Rev. ix. 
11). And for a whole month's time, or thereabouts, they meddled not 
with the Scotts, though they had driven out all the English that were in 40 
the fields or in un walled villages, that had no retyring place ; as thinck- 
ing it too hazardous to ingage two such potent nations at once, till they 
Tiad first dispatcht one. In our county of Cavan there was no fortifica- 
tion at all ; nor in the county of Leitrim, Monachen, Longford and 
Permanach (save only the island of Enniskellin, where sir William Cole 45 
secured himselfe); though my lord Lambert was bound by his patent 


from king James to build a sitadell at Cavan and a wall of defence 
against a sudden storme ; yet, so great was the carelessnes and security 
of those dayes (as in the days of Noah and Lot) that nothing was done ; 
only two Scottish knights, sir James Craig and sir Francis Hamilten, 

5 being mooved with feare and prudence, had built themselves two arkes, 
or small castles, for the safety of their respective famylies, upon their 
severall proportions of lands ; which being within view and neer to each 
other (within a myle) preserved above a thowsand English and Scotts 
from the present fury and rage of those wild beasts that were skilfuU to 

!o destroy. But when Antrim sent and fetcht his cozen, col. Kiltach, from 
the isles of Scotland, with his McDonills, being of the same family of 
Soarlybwy with him, the vizard of partition betweene English and Scotts 
was quite removed; for col. Kitach ('the left-handed Colin') his bloody 
two-handed sword made no difference. Yea, those English and Scottish 

1 5 papists that were fled into Ireland, that they might have popery to the 
full of their lusts, till they surfeited upon it and untill it came out at 
their nostrills again, and became loathsome unto them while it was yet 
betweene their teeth (as sweet as the qwayles were to the lustfuU 
Israelits), ere it was well chewed, the wrath of God fell upon them also, 

2o as well as upon the protestants at first; for they found no favour at last, 
like the answer which the duke of Medina Sydonia gave in this case in 
'88 : that his sword knew no difference ietweene a catholick and a 
haretick; but that lis came to make way for his m.aster. To evidence 
this, there was a pretty gentleman of a good family in England, called 

25 Mr Pooley, that brought a good stock of money and other goodes with 
him a yeir or two before the rebellion (when God seemed to begin to 
make inquisition for blood and to disclose bloody popery, that she might 
no more cover her slayne in these three kingdomes), and a Scottish 
gentleman called the layrd of Eorsythe, that was forced out of Scotland 

30 upon that account, that lived not farr from Kilmore; yet they were 
turned out of all, they, their wives and children, for all their popery; 
tlie Irish hatred being greater against the English nation than their 
religion. This Mr Forsythe was upon the point of renouncing popeiy 
a litle before the rebellion; for many papers in matters of religion had 

35 passed betweene the bishop of Kilmore and him, which had given him 
full satisfaction; and he was perswaded not only almost but altogether 
to become a Christian. But being prevented by that sudden storme, he 
durst not make so fayre a retreate out of the camp of Antichrist into 
the camp of Jesus Christ, as he intended, till the storme were over that 

40 was compassed with many terrours, for feare of his lyfe and unavoydable 
ruine of his whole family, that was now brought to beg a morsell of 
bread of the enemy. The Scotts then throughout all the province of 
Ulster, where they were most numerous, betooke themselves to holds, 
leaving all the open country to the enemy ; for the first attempt of col. 

45 Kiltach had so frighted them, that they thought no man was able to 
stand before that son of Anak. In his first incounter with a few Irish 


Highlanders and some of Antrim's Irish rebells (that were brethren in 
evill) against eight hundred English and Scotts, having commanded his 
murderers to lay downe all their fyre-arms, he fell in amongst them 
(with swords and durcks or scanes) in such a furious and irresistible 
manner, that it was reported that not a man of them escaped of all the S 
eight hundred; the first and greatest losse in battell that we sustained 
in all that war, save one in Munster, under the unhappy conduct of 
sir Charles Vavasor; whereupon the rebells rode in triumph with their 
swords drawne through the streetes of Kilkeny, as if they had conquered 
aU England. After this sad blow the English and Scotts in Ulster had lo 
ten thowsand men sent them from Scotland by order of the parliament 
of England, imder the conduct of major generaU Robert Monro, an old 
officer of the king of Swedes in Germany, who lay in Carrigfergus, Bel- 
fast, Munsyne, Colerayne, the Newry, Dundalk and other townes upon 
the sea coast; but litle or nothing worth the mentioning was ever done 15 
or attempted by them (though in a plentifull countrey, they were well 
nigh famished) save of a few men that my lord Moore borrowed from 
the garrison of Dundalk, under the command of captain Boniman, in his 
last exployt against the rebells at Fortlester, where he was slaine by a 
cannon-bullet of six pound weight, which beat him from his horse and beat 20 
off the back peice of his armour and I saw taken out of his body, being 
much spent (by grasing) ere it came thither, Sept. 11, 1643. This lord 
Moore was a most noble and worthy person, vaUent for the truth, and 
exceeding bountiful! to the souldiers for their encouragement, and long 
bemoaned by all that knew him. We buryed his bowells in that place; 25 
and though we had lost our commander-in-cheefe and col. Lawrence 
Crawford (that afterwards was slaine before Hereford in '45), being the 
eldest field officer, tooke the command of our forces and immediately 
faced the enemy, yet they kept their fastnes and would not ingage; so 
we marcht off next day with my lord Moore's body to his house at Melli- 30 
font, within two miles of Drohida. 

When the game turned, and our freinds became our foes and our 
foes our freinds, this Monro was surprized in his garrison of Carrig- 
ferg^ and bed with his ladye by col. George Monck (after his conjunc- 
tion with Owen Row O'Neale, the generall of the rebells, by order of 35 
the juncto at Westminster) and sent to the Tower of London, where he 
had tyme enough allowed him to learne more vigilancy, till the king's 
restauration enlarged him. 

This col. Kiltach, having done as much mischeefe as he could in 
Ulster, was afterwards with his bloody followers the greatest part of 40 
Mountrose his strength in all his first expeditions, and the greatest 
bloodshedders ; who having revolted from the covenanters (as was sup- 
posed and reported), because he was not chosen livet. general under 
Lesly in his second expedition into England in 1644, he began strenu- 
ously to destroy that which he had not long before pretended to build 4c 
up under the victorious banner of the covenant. This col. Kiltach, with 


96. But 'tis not my business to write the history of the f- 80 v°. 
rebellion. To return then to the point whence I digressed. 
What is become of our good bishop in this storm ? What is 
the faithful! shepheard doing when his sheep are scattered 

S from their pastures and torn in pieces, and their flesh given 
to be meat to the fowls of the au: and to the beasts of the 
field, and none to deliver ? Surely what Jeremiah did in the 
like case of the destruction of God's people by old Babylon : 
he spends his time in prayers and tears before the Lord with 

10 that little remnant that had escaped, tho' poor and desolate. 
He receives all that come unto him for refuge, and tells 
them, as David said to Abiathar, when he fled from Saul's 
massacre of the priests of the Lord: Ahide with me, fear iSam. 
not ; for he that seeketh my life, seeketh your life : with me ye ^^"" ^^' 

15 shall be in safeguard, as long as I am safe. And indeed 
God was a little sanctuary to him, and caused the enemy to 
treat him well in the day of his calamity and desolation of 
God's people: for the Lord protected him and all his family, 
children and servants, from all personal violence ; and none 

20 was ever suffered to do his person any wrong or to touch 
any of his for their hurt. He was mediis tranquillus in 
undis, as Noah in his ark; as if that of the apostle had been 
immediately spoken of him: and who is he that will harm you, i Pet. iii. 
if ye follow that which is good? Or as if the slaughter- '3- 

25 master had given order concerning him, as Nebuchadnezar 

his couzin sir Alexander McDonill, brother to the earl of Antrim, was 
afterwards slain in Munster by the English forces under the happy 
conduct of my lord Brockill and Inshiquin (if I mistake not) at the 
battell of LyskarroU. 

3° I — 3. But to retume to the point whence my pen hath digress- 

ed after these things that lay in my way, least I should forgett the thing 
that yow desyred principally to know : What. 3. in all this storme 

and heavy tempest that fell upon us and tooke away from us (as once 
from Paul) all hope that we should be saved, in causing our sun to 

35 goe downe while it was yet day ? For if the righteous scarcely be saved 
from such evills, that are snared in an evill tyme, when it falleth sud- 
denly upon them, what is the faythfull. 6. meat for. 7. bury or 
deliver them. Jeremiah the prophet. 11. refuge, as another Geda- 
liah, and. 17. intreat. 18. a^^om. 19. violence, and did so still 

40 the enemy and avenger that none. 20. any harme, or to. 23. unto 
him. 24. befoUotcers of. 25. speciall order, i. Chaldean destroyer. 


the Chaldean did to Nebuzaradan concerning Jeremiah in 
the like case, Jer. xxxix. 1 2. Take him, and hole well unto 
Mm, and do him no harm. He trusted in the name of the 
Lord and staled himself upon his God, in nothing terrified 
by his adversaries ; but that, as allwaies, so Christ should be s 
magnified in his body, whether by life or death. The rebells 
told him that he should he the last Englishman that should be 
put out of Ireland; such is the praise and reward of vertue, 
even amongst the very enemies of it. 

■ 97. He was the onely Englishman in all the county that 10 
was permitted to stay under his own roof. There was but 
little spare room in his castle, which was no waies fensible 
against the least violent assault, and the poor strip't people 
that had plenty of all earthly accommodations but a little 
before, were now content to lodge in the out-buildings, in the iS 
church or churchyard, in heaps of straw or hay, and to feed 
upon boil'd wheat or whatsoever the enemy had left ; for 
they could not so suddenly consume so great plenty, as was 
every where to be found. When Mrs. Moigne, that was his 
predecessour's widow, a venerable matron, came thither in the 20 
habit of the poorest beggar; and a worthy divine, one Mr. 
Hudson, that was rector of Belturbet, now bishop of Elphin, 
with his wife, stript out of all; he could not look upon them 
with dry eyes, but fetch'd them all the cloathes he had in 
the world (save what was on his back) and gave it them. 25 

2. Jer. xxxix. 12. oni. him (Heb. ''set thine eyes 

upon him') and. 3. harm ; but do to him as he shall say to thee. 

4. God, as David did, when after the spoyle of Ziklag by the Amalek- 
ites they spake of stoniug him. He was in nothing. 5. so now also. 

6. by death. 9. it, and in the worst of times ; his episcopacy being 30 

iiccompanied not only with those general! and common good advantages 
of charity, meeknes, integrity, good example in all things; but with 
the speciall furtherance which his calling and place in church or state 
or family could give it ; whereby this holy man of God being precious in 
God's sight, he became honourable amongst the worst of men, as an 35 
fingel of God, who sought the things of Jesus Christ above many. He 
was. 10. county of Cavan. 17. left ; that could. 19. Mistrisse. 

21. begger (where she had lived many yeares in great state before) and 
one. 22. noio...Elphin om. 23. and his. 25. [home 1st hand 

in Tanner MS., world 2nd hand], them. This Mr Hudson is now bishop 40 
of Blphin, as I am informed. The Scripture. 


98. The Scripture he preached upon in that saddest f. 8 1 r^. 
Lord's day that ever Ireland saw, was the whole third ^P*' ^4; 
psalm, penned by David, when there was a general con- 
spiracy and insurrection of his people with his unnatural 

S son Absolon against him, vfhen he least dreamt of if: th6 
next Lord's day on Mic. vii. v. 8, 9, 10 : Rejoice not against 
me, mine enemy; when I fall, I shall arise; when I sit in 
darkness, the Lord shall be a light unto me. I will hear the 
indignation of the Lord, because I have sinned against Him, 

10 untill He plead my cause and execute judgement for me. He 
will bring me forth to His light, and I shall behold His righte- 
ousness. Then she that is mine enemy shall see it, and shame 
shall cover her, which said unto me, ' Where is the Lord thy 
God?' All these verses he preached upon in those dafk and 

Is gloomy dales. Thus he continued, like a man standing in 
the breach between the living and the dead ; and like the 
man Jeremiah calls for, or him that Ezekiel seeks for in the j^j. v. i. 
same case; uMill the 18 day of December following; -where E2ek.ix.4. 
though we got our bread daily with the hazard of our lives, 

20 yet (by the blessing of God) we had liberty without interinip- 
tion in all the publick and private duties of religion. 

2. sabbath. 3. psalme, which was. 4, 5. people against him, 
under the command of his. 5. against him om. dreamed it. 
7. sfmll ryse again. 11. the light. 15. dayes and the sabbath 

25 following, to an afflicted and poore people, that with Rachel, weeping 
for her children, refused to be comforted ; that after sermon used to 
returne to their habitations with joy and comfort to eat the fatt and 
drinck the sweet, and now had no place (with our Saviour) to lay 
their head on; whom God began to feed with the bread of tenresj 

■30 and to give them teares to drinck in great measure, whiles the blas- 
phemous enemy sayd insultingly. Where is now your protestant God ? 
Thus he. 16. the dead and the Uving, to make an atonement for 
them, like another Aron. 17. for in the like case, or. 18. case ; 

one that sighes and cryes for all the abominations that were done in the 

35 midst of Ireland, untiU the 1 8th. 19. perills. lives, and were pressed 
out of measure above strength, insomuch that we despayred even of 
lyfe, and had the sentence of death in ourselves, that we should not 
trust in ourselves, but in God who rayseth the dead, and did deliver us 
from so great a death ; yet. 21. rehgion, to converse with God, and 

40 in every thing by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving to make our 
case and requests knowne unto Him, that can speake a word in due 



99. While we enjoyed this little halcion-tranquillity 
amongst these surges and proud waves, all the rebells were 
at a stand and began to repent of what they had so rashly 
begun, when they understood that the castle of Dublin had 
taken the two Ulster lords M^Guivir and M'Mahun, that 5 
were entrusted to take it, where all their armory was, and 
that they had as yet received neither commanders nor arms 
from Spain (according to their agreement) nor had any other 
but what they found amongst the train-bands and scattered 
troops, whom they had surprized in most places. The heads 10 
of them in the county of Cavan and Monaghan made their 
addresses to my L. of K., humbly entreating him to mediate 
a reconciliation for them, promising immediately to lay down 
their arms and to restore the remnant of the surviving Eng- 
lish to their possessions and goods, as much as in them lay. ij 
And indeed it was more than probable that their intention 
was real, there being no hopes left them in heaven or earth, 
but in the fatal divisions between K. and P., which was all 
their stay and strength to the end of the warr. They knew 
also that a thousand horse and dragoons might have marched 20 
through the length and bredth of Ireland without interrup- 
f. 81 y. tion, they having for the most part but clubbs and staves and 
unfixed arms, without powder or match. Wherefore my L. 
of K. wrote their words, and sent them by a special messen- 
ger of their own, a chief rebell, to the lords justices. Parsons 25 
and Burlacy, the true copy whereof is as foUoweth : 

100. The humble remonstrance made by the gentry and 
commonalty of the county of Cavan, of their griev- 

season to a weary soule and turne Him to the prayers of tLe destitute 
at last. Then began we to prize Gospel-ordinaiices when we enjoyed 30 
them in peace and plenty, wheras now we waited upon God in them in 
great danger and want of all things. Whyles we enjoyed. 2. waves 

of iniquity. 4. begun, and knew not what to do. 8. agreement 

and daily expectation. 10. surprized in their quarters in. 12. lord 
ofKilmore. 15. former possessions. 17. real, having no. 18. 35 

betwixt the king and parliament. 23. match, and no shipping at all. 
lord of Kilmore. 27. remonstrance of the. 


ances common with other parts of this kingdom of 

To the right honorable the LL. justices and council : 

Whereas we, his majestic' s loyal subjects of his highness' s 

S Icingdom, of Ireland, have a long time groand under many 
grievous pressures occasioned by the rigorous government of 
such placed over us, as respected more the advancement of their 
own private fortunes, than the honour of his majestic or the 
wellfare of us his subjects; whereof we in humble m,anner de- 

lo clar'd ourselves to his highness by our agents sent from the 
parliament, the representative body of this kingdom; notwith- 
standing which we find ourselves of late threatned with farr 
greater and more grievous vexa.tions, either with captivity of 
our consciences or loosing of our lawfull liberties or utter ex- 

15 pulsion from our native seats, witliout any just ground given 
on our parts to alter his majestie's goodness so long continued 
unto us, of all which we find great cause of fear in the pro- 
ceeding of our neighbour nations, and do see it allready at- 
tempted upon by certein petitioners for the like course to be 

20 taken in this kingdom, for the effecting whereof in a compul- 
sory way, so as rumours have caused fears of invasion from 
^ther parts, to the dissolving of the bonds of mutual agreement 
which hitherto hath been kept inviolable between the several 
subjects of this kingdom, and whereby all other his majestic' s 

25 dominions have been linked in one. 

For the preventing therefore of such evils growing upon us 
in this kingdom, we have, for the preservation of his majestic' s 
honour and our own liberties, thought fit to take into our hands 
for his highness's use and service such forts and other places 

30 of strength, as comming to the possession of others might prove 
disadvantageous and tend to the utter undoing the kingdom. 
And we do hereby declare, that herein we harbour not the 
least thought of disloyalty towards his majestic, or purpose 
any hurt to any of his highness's subjects in their possessions, 

35 goods, or liberties; onely we humbly desire, that your lordships f- 82 : 
will be pleased to make remonstrance to his majestie for us, of 

S. have of long. ly. feares. 20. a om. 22. of om. bond. 
2%. heene held. 35. liberty. humbly om. 



all our grievances and just fears, that they may ie removed 
and such a course setled by the advice of the parliament of 
Ireland, whereby the liberty of our consciences may be secur'd 
unto us and we eased of our other burdens in the civil govern- 
ment. As for the mischiefs and inconveniences that have all- s 
ready hapned through the disorder of the common sort of 
■p)eople against the English inhabitants, or any other, wee, with 
the noblemen and gentlemen and such others of the several 
counties of this kingdom are most willing and ready to use 
ours and their best endeavours in causing restitution and satis- lo 
faction to be made, as in part we have allready done. An 
answer hereunto is most humbly desired with such present ex- 
pedition as may by your lordships be thought most convenient, 
for avoiding the inconveniences of barbarousness and wncivility 
of the commonalty, who have committed many outrages without iS 
any order, consenting or privity of ours. All which we leave 
to your lordships' most grave wisedom, 

And we shall humbly pray &c. 

This remonstrance was subscribed by many chief leaders 
of the Irish, as namely by Philip O'Rely, that married the E. 20 
of Ormond's mother and commanded the county in chiefe; 
by Mulmore O'Rely the high sherif, by Edmond O'Rely his 
father, and Philip brother to Edmond and the most cunning 
artificer of theift all, and by many others. By which you see 
what their present desperate condition did suggest, and what 25 
account they made of the bishop of K., whom they kept for a 
reserve, or the last bit, having seized upon all his horses at 
the very first. 

loi. Mean time the titular bishop, D. Swiveney (whose 
brother the bishop of K. had long enterteined in his house 30 
and at his table, and had converted him from the error of his 

8. other. 10. our. 14. inconveniency. 20. Earl. 23. 

Edmond, that was the. 24. others that I did see subscribe to it, 

whose names have long agoe perished with them out of my memory. 
By all tliis you see. 26. of my lord bishop of Kilmore. 27. reserve 35 
or intercessour in time of need, and for the last. 28. first, and a 

hundred of his sheepe. 29. Dr. 30. Kilmore. 


way, from Jesuitism to Christianity, and preferred to a way 
of livelihood) intends to put a Jesuitical trick upon my L. of 
K., by offering himself to become his protector, his keeper 
and defender from all violence in person and goods ; that 

5 thus he might attain to a peaceable possession of the bishop's 
house and all belonging to him, ere it were scatter'd by the 
rebells; and that he might drive away the poor, afflicted 
souls that were about him in great number, that knew not 
whether to go in the depth of winter for refuge, and withall 

lo that he might set up the abomination of desolation in the 
church of K. next Lord's day. But my lord understanding 
his wicked designe, declin'd it by this Latin epistle that 
follows : 

Severendo in Christo fratri Eugenia Gulielmus Kihnor. f. 82 v°. 
IS ecclesiae minister S. P. 

Benigne tii quidem (reverende frater) qui tua praesentia 
te mihi offers in hoc tumultu praesidio fore. Nee ego in re 
simili impar tihi in hoc caritatis officio deprehenderer. Bed 
quo minus hoc tuo henefi,cio utar in praesentia multis impe- 

20 dior. In primis loci angustiis, turn calamitosorii/m omnis or- 
dinis, sexus, aetatis, numero, qui hue tanquam ad asylum 
confugerunt. A ocedit quorundam, et inter hos filii mei, in- 
valetudo. Quod caput est, nan religionis inter nos [unica 
enim ea est et communis Christiana, quod ego semper sensi et 

25 scriptis professus sum) sed cultus disparitas; nos enim in 
eiusmodi miseriis lectione sacrarum Scripturarum, precihus 
assiduis lingua vernacula ad Deum fusis, psalmodia nos ipsos 
solamur; et quando in humanis tarn parum fidei est, fidem et 
opem divinam imploramus. Ea res, si non te, at comites tuos 

30 offenderet, nee prohiberi possent, qui te hie commorantem visi- 
tare se velle dicerent : quo praetextu circumcelliones isti irrum- 
perent, qui cum cetera omnia nostra diripuerunt, ad extremum 
se nece nostr-a cultum Deo gratum exhihituros opinantur. 

2. lord of Kilmore. 3. protector, keeper. 4. hostility and 

35 violence. 6. of all. 8. numbers. 9. go for refuge, for refuge 

om. II. Kilmore. 12, 13. declined it <io\as% ^ii^T folloicB. this 

excellent epistle. 23. mm teas nempe. 24. et sensi. 25. nos nempe. 

32 nostra omnia. 


Mihi igitur certum est in divino praesidio acquiescere. Chris- 
tiana homini, et quidem episcopo iam paene septuagenario, 
Ghristi causa nidla mors acerha esse potest, nulla non oppe- 
tenda. Interea si quid tibi visum fiierit interdicere apud po- 
pvlum sub anathemate, ne deinceps concussis, spoliatis, toties S 
exutis, vim adfei^ant [mihi enim soli nihil posco), rem fades 
Deo gratam, tibi honorificam, populo isti {si tibi obtempera- 
verit) salutarem; sin minus, at sperate JDeum memorem; cui 
te (reverende frater) ex animo commendo. 

Tuus in Ghristo, lo 

Nov. II, 1641. 

To my reverend and loving brother, D. Swiney, deliver 
these at Cavan. 

6. mihi nempe. 13. Dr. Cavan. Did ever Polycarpios at Smyrna, ij 
or Ignatius of Antioch, or any other of the famous bishops and martyrs 
of the primitive churcb,^ who had their Father's name written in their 
foreheads, i.e. that made an open and cleir confession of the fayth of 
Christ crucifyed, come neerer to Him, who before Pontius Pilate wit- 
nessed a good confession, and shew a greater contempt of the world and 20 
of death itselfe under the cruell persecution of the pagans, then this 
our magnanimous confessor and blessed martyr of Jesus declares in 
this short and pithy epistle under the cruelty of the bloody papists ? 
whose hatred of, and cruelty of all sorts against, the people of God, 
doth as farr exceede that of their elder brother the pagan, as they may 25 
finde one day (if God be true), that the torments of hell and those ever- 
lasting burnings prepared for doggs and sorcerers and whoremongers 
and murderers and for idolators and for whosoever loveth and maketh a 
lye (for popery is nothing else but a great and presumptuous lye against 
the true God and truth of God, contained in the Scriptures of truth, and 30 
every particular of it), are above these of their popish purgatory ; and 
they that follow him that was a murderer from the beginning and abode 
not in the truth, may justly expect to be ranged with him and to suffer 
as murderers, unless they repent of the works of their hands, that wor- 
ship devills and idoUs of gold and silver and brass and stone and wood, 35 
which neyther can see nor heare nor walke; and of their murthers, of 
their sorceries and of their fornication and of their thefts. Nee turha 
deormn talis, ut est hodie. The loud cry of all the saints under the 
tyranny of the damnable hierarchy of Antichrist, being that of Jere- 
miah : / have heard a voyee as of a woman in travel and tlie anguish 40 
qf her that bringeth forth her first cheild, the voyce of the daughter 


This rational and religious epistle (being the last that 
ever he wrote) staled the titular from intruding upon him 
in that hour of temptation, or giving him or any of his any- 
farther disturbance till the 1 8 day of December following. 

5 of Sion that hewayleth herself and spreadelh forth her hands, sayhig, 
' Woe is me now, my soule is wearied because of the tnurderers' ; which 
was as sadly and truly verifyed of poore Ireland (that no man seekes 
after for her present consolation — whose breach is wjde like the sea — or 
future preservation) as ever it was of afaicted Sion, when she was tossed 

10 with tempests and not comforted. Dr Bernard writes that there were 
154,000 murdered in the province of Ulster only by the enemyes owne 
confession and gloriation; so that the expression of Daniel may be used 
here, that under the whole heaven hath not beene done, as Jtath beene 
done upon Ireland (Dan. ix. 12). Now this rationall. 2. my lord of 

15 Kilmore wrote. for that time from. 4. i8th. follow- 

ing. In this interim one mistrisse Dillon, a worthy gentlewoman (wife 
to Luke Dillon Esquire, a justice of the peace for the county of Cavan), 
that was of the parish of Kilmore and a constant hearer of my lord's, 
sent to him for some spirituall support in her great affliction, her 

20 husband being a popish rebell. This mistrisse Dillon had been the 
wyfe and widow of a rich London merchant, whose name was Hartleb, 
and was found out by Mr Dillon a younger sonne of the Earl of Ros- 
comen in Ireland, a proper gentleman and bred at the innes of court. 
She never once questioned his religion (being at the innes of court, and 

25 his elder brother my lord Dillon having openly renounced popery and 
being a privy councillour, and sometymes one of the two justices that 
ruled all), which he had craft enough to conceale till he had caught the 
bird; but marryes him according to the booke in her owne parish by 
her owne minister. In all these things for his owne ends this Jesuited 

30 gentleman condiscends unto her, but was never ia church before vnth 
her nor after; at which surprizall she was sore dejected and afflicted 
and never saw a good day afterwards, that without mature delibera- 
tion or inquisition was thus rashly circumvented to her undoing, and 
that by a popish Irishman. This I mention, that Christian women may 

35 learne to aske what religion their love is off before their espousalls. 
This gentleman, after he had disposed of all that she had at his plea- 
sure, brings her unto a very small estate in a litle island, called Trinity 
island, and builds a house within a myle and a halfe of Kilmore, and 
gives her full liberty to goe to church with her two daughters by 

40 her first husband, that were good women and marryed to two Scotts 
that were brothers, Penelope the elder to major Bayly that commanded 
the standing foote company of Scotts that lay at Cavan before the 
warrs ; the other, to his brother William that was a minister in the 
diocese of Kilmore and afterwards bishop of Clonfort. 


But when she was brought to bed of her first cheild to Mr Dillon, 
if the women had not bestirred themselves that were then present 
about her, the poore infant had beene tome in peeces betweene the 
hands of the Christian mother and Antichristian father; the mother 
desyring that her cheild might be baptized into Christ by a minister S 
of the GospcU, and crying out that she would kill herselfe and her 
cheild also, ere ever she would suffer the fruite of her body to be de- 
dicated to Antichrist by a popish and idolatrous priest &c. 

But notwithstanding all her preposterous zeale and too late repent- 
ance for that which could not be reversed, he, being stronger then lo 
her, forced the cheild from her with such popish violenge, as if he had 
intended to have dasht them both in peeces (as Jacob feared of rough- 
handed Esau), and so carryed it away to the kyte, tlje priest, that was 
in the next roome waiting for the prey, when some thought it had 
beene dead by the sharp strughng and conflict about the sacramentaU iS 
seale of the new birth of it. But she never offered the breast any 
more to it, then if it had beene none of her's, nor strove with him 
any more about any of his children ; but suffered him (though with 
continuall regrate and sadnes of hart) to do with his children as it seemed 
good to him in his owne eyes; so they were all brought up in idolatry, 20 
and marryed to the children of Belial ; so that which Rebeccah feared 
about the match of her sonne Jacob, was reaUy her lott, she became 
weary of her lyfe and sayd often : What good shall my life do to me ? 
she being thus^ so unequally yoked, so directly contrary to that matri- 
moniall institution given by the apostle at large, 2 Cor. vi. }|. 25 

Now having the affliction of her husband's treasonable rebellion 
against God and man superadded "to the gi;eat heap of her former con- 
jugall afflictions, s'.ie knew not what to doe nor whether to goe for com- 
fort, her house being now a den of theeves and murtherers, whither they 
resorted from all places; and in this extremity she sends to my lord 30 
of Kilmore, her faithfuU pastor, whose constant hearer she was, for a 
word of consolation in her hour of temptation, to asswage her griefe 
and deliver her from her sorrow that was now ready to swallow her 
up with desperation, unless the Lord came in with speedy releefe to 
a sincking and weary soule. 35 

The suitable rtturn that my Lord makes to this pious request, to 
save her from succumbing under so great a burden, I will heere set 
downe, because it was the last rich cordiall that this spirituall phisi- 
tian ever sent or administrod in writing to any afflicted soule, being 
the abbreviate of many excellent sermons that she heard him preach 40 
before, in the publick assemblyes of the church at Kilmore : 

Y010 desyre, as I am informed {deare sister in Christ Jesus), that 
I would send you sorne slwrt m,emoriall, to put yom in m,ynde how 
to carry yourself e in this sorromfull tyme. I will doe it willingly ; 
the more because with one and the same labour I shall both satisfie 45 
you: and recollect myne owne thoughts also to the like performance 


of myne own duty ; and bethinking myselfe how I might best ac- 
complish it, there came to my m,ynde that short rule of our lyfe, 
which the apostle mentions in his epistle to Titus, and whereof yow 
have beene a diligent hearer in the schoole of grace, where he reduceth 
5 the whole practise of Christianity unto three heads, of living soberly, 
justly, and godly ; this last directing our carriage towards God, the 
midlemost towards our neighbour, and the foremost towards ourselves. 
Now since this is a direction for our whole lyfe, it to me that 
we have no more to doe at any tyme, hut to cun this lesson more 
lo perfectly, with some particular application of such parts of it as 
are most suitable to the present occasions. 

A?id as to sobriety first {under which the virtues of humility, 

modesty, tem,perance, chastity and contentednes are contayned), since 

this is a tyme wherin, as tlie prophet sayth. The Lord of Hosts calleth 

15 to weeping an,d mourning and pulling of the hayre and girding 

with sackcloth, yow shall by my advice conforme yourself to these, 

that by the hand of God suffer such things. Let your apparell and 

dress be mournfi4l, as I doubt not but that your myndejs ; your 

dyet sparing and coarse, rather than full and liberall ; frame your- 

20 selfe to the indifferency whereof the apostle spedketh, in whatsoever 

state you shal be, therewith to be content ; to be full and to be hungry; 

to abound and to want. Rememper now what is the lot of others, 

you know not how soone it may be your owne. Learne to despise 

and defye the vaine and falsely-called wealth of this world, whereof 

25 yoic now see we have s.q casuall Ofiid uncertaine a possession. 

This for sobriety, the first part of the lesson pertaining to 
your selfe. 

Now f Kir justice, which respects others {and containeth the vertues 
of honor to superiours, discreet and equall government of inferiours, 
20 peacedblenes to all, meeknes, mercy, just dealing in matters of get- 
ting and spending, gratitude, liberality, just speech and desyres). 
God'' s judgements being in the earth, the inhabitants of the world 
should learne righteousnes, as the prophet speaketh : ' Call to mynde 
therefore and hethinke yow, if in any of these you havefaylcd, and 
35 'turne your feete to God's testimonyes' : certainly these tymes are 
such, wherin yow may be afflicted, and say with the psalmist : ' Horror 
' hath taken hold of me, and rivers of teares run down tnine eyes, 
' because they keepe not thy laws' Rebelling against superiours, mis- 
leading not only by example, but by compulsion, inferiours, laying 
40 their hand on them that were at peace with them, unjustly spoyling, 
unthankfully requiting those that had shewed them, kindnes, nofayth 
nor truth in their promises ; judge by the way of the schoole that 
teacheth Christ thus; are these His doings ? As for those that suffer, 
I am, well assured, I shall not need to informs yow or stir yow up 
AC to mercy and compassion. That which is done in this kynde, is 
done to Christ Himselfe, and shal be putt upon account in youK 


reckoning and rewarded accordingly at His glorious appearance. 
Math X. 42 ; Mar. ix. 41. 

The last and principall part of our lesson remaynes, which teacheth 
how to behave ourselves godly or religiously {to this belongs first the 
dutyes of God's inward worship, as fear e, love and fay th in God; S 
then outward, as invocation, the holy use of His word and sacra- 
ments, name and sabbaths). The apostle malces it the whole end and 
worke for which we were set in this world, to seeks the Lord; yet in 
pvhliek affliction we are specially invited thereto, as it is written of 
Jehoshaphat, when a great multitude came to invade him : '■he set 10 
his face to seeke .the Lord, and called the people to a solemne fast.' 
2 Chr. XX. 3. So the church professeth in the prophet Isaiah : ' In the 
' way of Thy judgements, Lord, we have waited for Thee, the desyre of 
' our soule is to Thy name and to the remembrance of Thee. With 
' my soule have I desired Thee in the night, yea with my spirit within 'S 
' me will I seeke Thee early ^ In this publick calamity therefore it is 
our duty to turne to Him, that smiteth us, and to humble ourselves 
under His mighty hand : to conceive a reverend and religious feare 
towards Him, that not only by turning away His countenance can 
thus trouble us, against that of man, which can no m,ore than kill 20 
the body. 

Againe, to renew our love to our hea'eenh) Father, that now offereth 
Himselfe to us as to children, and to give a proof e of that love that 
we beare to our Saviour in the keeping of His sayings, hating in com- 
parison of Him and com,petition with Him, father, mother, children, 25 
goods and lyfe itselfe, which is the condition and proofe of His dis- 
ciples; above all to revive and to reinforce ourfayth and affiance, which 
is now brought unto the tryal of the fiery furnace and of the lyoris 
den : that it might be found to- oier honour, prayse and glory, at the 
appearing of Jesus Christ / In the meane space, even now let us be 30 
partakers qf Chrisfs sufferings; and heare Him from heaven encou- 
raging us: ' Be thou faythfull unto death, and I will give thee the 
' crowne of lyfe.' 

Toitching prayer we have the gracious invitation, ' Call upon Me 
' in the day of trouble, and I will hear thee]; the example of all God's 3S 
saints and of our Saviour in His agony ; to this belong the humble 
confession of our sinnes with earnest request of pardon; the complaint 
of our misery and danger with request of succour and protection. 
We have besides the intercession of our Advocate with the Father, the 
cry of the innocent blood that hath been cruelly shed, and the Lord's 40 
own interesting cause, so as we may say with the psalmist : 'Aryse, O 
' God ; plead Thine own cause, remember how ths foolish man {yea 
' the man of sin) reproacheth Thee dayly. Forget not the voyce of 
' Thine enemies; the tumult of those that rise against Thee, increaseth 
' continually.' That psalme and many others, as the vi, xiii, xxxv, 45 
■scliii, Ixxi, Ixxiv, Ixxix, Ixxx, Ixxxvi, Ixxxviii, xci, xcii, xciv, cii, 


cxv, cxxiii, ciexx, cool, cxlii, do give presidents of prayers in such 
tymes as these; and the prayer of Daniel and Ezra the ix, of Asa 
and Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. xiv. and xx. 1 2. The storys of David's 
flight before Absalom, and Jehoshaphat's behaviour when his enemys 
5 came against him, of Hezekiah in Sennacherib's invasion, Isa. xxxvii, 
and the whole booke of Esther, are fit Scriptures now to be redd, that 
through patience and comfort of them we might have hope. 

Now because we know not how soone we may be called to sanctifie 
God's name by profession thereof, yow may perhaps desyre to 
10 knoio lohat to say in that day. You may openly profess your not 
doubting of any article of the Catholick fayth, shortly layd downe in 
the Creed, or more largely layd downe in the Holy Scriptures, but 
that you consent not to certayne opinions, which are no points of 
fayth, which have beene brought into common beliefe, without war- 
15 rant of Scriptures or pure antiquity, as namely : 

That it is of necessity to salvation to be under the pope. 
That the Scriptures ought not to be redd of the common people. 
That the doctrine of Holy Scripture is not sufficient to salvation. 
That the servise of God ought to be in a language not understood 
20 of the people. 

That the communion should not be administred to them in 
both Mndes. 

That the bread in the .Lord's Supper is transubstantiated into 
His body. 
25 That He is there sacrificed for the quick and the dead. 

That there is any purgatory besides His blood. 
That our good workes can merit heaven. 
That the saints heare our prayers and know our harts. 
That images are to be worshipped. 
30 That the pope is infallible and can command angells. 
That we ought to pray to the dead and for the dead. 
In all these notwithstanding yow inay profess your teachdblenes, 
if by sound reasons out of God's wm'd you shal be convinced of the 
truth of them : And because we know not howfarr it will please God 
3S to call v/S to make resistance against sin, whether unto blood itself e or 
no; it shall be vnsdomefor us to prepare ourselves to the last care of a 
godly lyfe, which is to dye godly. This the apostle Paid caUeth 
sleeping in Jesus, implying thereby our fayth in Him, or being found 
in His work and our committing our souls into His hands with 
4° peace ; such a sweet and heavenly sleep that was of Stephen, whose last 
' words for himselfe were. Lord Jesus, receive my spirit, and for his 
tormentors, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge; wherewith I will 
end this writing, and wish to end my lyfe when the will of God 
shall be; to whose gracious protection (deare sister) I do hereby com- 
45 mitt yow. 

November ■23. 1641. 


102. It came to pass after this, that the rebells having 

often desired my lord to put away the poor, stript people, 

that had escaped with the skin of their teeth from the fury 

f. 83 r°. of the adversary that was ready to destroy them, and had 

for the space of allmost two months been safe as with Lot 5 
in Zoar : they told him, that it crossed their designe to main- 
tein such a multitude, whom they intended to destroy, that 
what he had in the house or field might he for the mainteinance 
of their soldiers. His lordship refusing to cast them into the 
fire out of which they had been taken as so many firebrands 10 
plucked out of the burning, resolves like a good shepheard, 
to lay down his life for his flock; or with them rather, as 
Zwinglius did ; than thus to expose them or hide his eyes 
from his own flesh, in suffering them to lack any thing, 
whiles he had yet any thing left. At last they resolve upon 15 
another speedy and inhuman course, and tell him, that tho' 
they loved and honoured him above all the English that ever 
came into Ireland, because he had never done wrong to any, 
but good to many ; yet they had receiv'd orders from their 

This poore afBicted lady received this divine instruction and conso- 20 
lation in the midst of her evills with such gratulation, that her soule 
began to magnify the Lord and her spirit (with the blessed Virgin) to 
rejoyce in God her Saviour; that she was no more sad in such a high 
degree as before, but her hart (with Hannaih) rejoiced in the Lord, and 
her mouth was so enlarged over her enemyes that were now round 25 
about her, that she did earnestly contend for the fayth once given to 
the saints, with the popish Jesuits and priests ; and delighted so much 
in this heavenly meditation, that she gott it all by hart ; and so having 
fought the good fight of f;iyth, finished Jier course and kept the fayth, 
and eujoyeth now the reward of the faythfuU, the crowne of life, 30 
amongst the blessed confessors that hold fast Christ's name and had not 
denyed His fayth, though tliey dwelt (as He did) even where Sathan's 
throne is now, yet loved not their lives unto death. 
2. often cm. lord of Kilmore. 3. had so hardly escaped from. 

4. so ready. 9, 10. into the lyon's mouth to be devoured, out of 35 

which they had beene taken, as the shepherd talceth out of the mouth of ■ 
the lyon two leggs or a peece of an eare, as the prophet Amos speaketh, 
or as so many. 12. flock (as the great Shepherd did), or with them 

rather t,a dye, 9,^ Zuyigjius the reformer did, then thiis. 14. to take (?). 
15. left him ; for he sayd with Esther : How can I endure to see the evill 4° 
that shall come upon my people? or how can I endure to see the de- 
struction of my kindred? At last. 1^. strict orders, i.councell of state. 


council at Kilkenny, that if he would not put away the dis- 
tressed people from him, they must take him from them. He 
said no more but that of David, when he was forced to flee 
for his life. Here am I, let the Lord do unto me as it seems 

S good to Him ; and the will of the Lord he done. 

103. Hereupon they immediately seiz'd upon and drove 
away all his cattell, whereof he had good store of small and 
great, having a whole Irish mile of good and fruitful! grounds 
round about his castle well stockt. And taking possession 

10 of the castle and all that was within it, upon the 18 day of 
December, they took my lord bishop with his two sons and 
A. C. the minister of Cavan prisoners, and brought them to 
a castle in the midst of a lough within 2 miles of K. the 
onely place of strength in the whole county, called Cloch- 

15 water. There was of old a little iland about it, but it was 
worn all away to the bare stone walls, and not one foot of 
ground was to be seen onely a tall, round tower, like a 
pidgeon-house, standing in the midst of the waters, and above 
a musquet-shot from it to each shear. Hither they brought 

20 this blessed servant of God, as John the beloved disciple unto 
the isle called Patmos ; and that upon the same account, 
for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ, 
who in that respect may well be called his brother and com- 
panion in tribulation and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus 

25 Christ. And then the titular priest took peaceable possession 

I. Kilkeny, which was the metropolis of the rebells. 2. must imme- 
diately without any more adoe. from, them,, to whom he. 4. seem,eth. 
and that of Paul's freinds: the. 6. Whereupon, seize, drive. 

8. grounds lying. 9. stockt. He had a great husbandry, kept two 

30 teemes and many servants, most of whom were Irish. And albeit he 
might justly say with Samuel before the Lord and all the people : 
Whose ox have I taken, or whose ass have I taken, or whom have 
I defrauded, whom have I oppressed, or of whose hands have I 
received any bribe to blinds myne eyes therewith, and I will restore 

35 it? and might as justly expect and receive the like answer with 
him : Thou liast not defrauded us nor oppressed us, neyther hast 
thou taken aught of any man's hand: yet upon the i8th day of 
December, taking possession of the castle and of all that was within 
it, they tooke. 11. and his. 12. with Alexander Clogy. 13. 

40 Kilmore. 14. Clochwoter. i5. ground now to be seene above 

water; enly. 19. Thither they bring. 21. that is called. 2^. then om. 


of all, as haYing all this while been wrongfully kept out (as 
he said) ; who the next Sabbath day set up the image of 
jealousy that provokes to jealousy in the cathedral church, 
f. 83 t". 104. They would not suffer his sons' wives to go with 

their husbands ; but these obtein'd favour to abide with an S 
honest Irish minister, whose name was Denis O'Sheridan, 
whose wife was an English woman. They were a blessed 
couple, and did much good and reliev'd many. They did 
not suffer them to carry away with them any thing out of 
the castle for their present accommodation and natural iQ 
necessity ; but as they stood they took them away with them 
on foot. Unto this sad goale they were conveyed by a colt or 
trough made of one piece of timber ; and there they found a 
justice of the peace, that had deservedly taken possession of 
this dungeon the first day of the rebellion, one Mr Arthur 15 
Cullum and his wife ; whose father Sir Hugh being a captain 
under the Q. in Tyrone's warrs, had that fort committed to 
his trust, for the keeping of which he had a large proportion 
of lands given him: but his son, that knew nothing of the 
warrs of the Lord, neglected the place so much, where the 20 
magazine ought to have been kept for the defence of the 
countrey against sudden insurrections, that tho' he said, he 
had in his house (when he was taken prisoner) ten pounds 
worth of sugar and plums, yet he had not one pound of powder, 
nor one fixt musquet for the defence of it. 25 

105. The young men they put in irons, lest they should 
surprize the fort at any time : for sometimes they would all 
be drunk, and sometimes but one keeper left to look to six 
prisoners. But God gave them such favour in the eyes of 

I. whyle (as he sayd) beene...oufc. as he said om. 2, 3. Lord's day 30 
set up in the cathedrall church the image of jealousy. And thus the 
shepherd being smitten (or taken away) in conformity to and congruity 
with the great Shepherd in this also, the sheepe of the litle flock were 
scattered abroad and became a prey. They would not suffer. 5. those. 
6 minister, one Denis O'Sheridine who was marryed to an. 8. many 35 

of God's outcasts. 11. away a-fo6te with them (as the people of God 
to Babilon) ; only they mounted my lord upon a little Irish gearran. 
Unto. 12, 13. cott or troch. 14. theom. 15. very first. 

17. queene. 19. land allowed him. this his son. 20. Lord 

with these Canaanites. 25. it. And therefore it was the first 40 

place they seized upon, and he the first that was clapt up into it. The 


the keeper of the prison, that he abated much of the rigorous 
commands that were given him, and did ease them of their 
irons, and gave them leave to use divine exercises of God's 
worship, as to pray, preach and sing the songs of Sion in 

5 a strange land ; though in the next room the priest were 
at his Babylonish mass sometimes. In this pit there was 
neither door nor window of glass or wood to keep out snow 
or rain, and the boards of the floors so rotten and broken 
with rain, that it seemed not very safe to walk upon them : 

lo but God's providence in this mount of extreamity was marvel- 
lously seen towards them ; else they might have perished 
with cold in the height of winter and in the midst of the caelum, 
waters in that desolate place. For the rebells had brought '"■'^Aiqite 
one Mr Richard Castledine prisoner, who had been a car- quepon- 

iS penter, but for many years before had not touch'd a tool, ^'^• 
being become one of the wealthiest men in those parts. But 
now he was not asham'd to return to his old trade : he pro- 
cured some tools and boards, and made shutts for the large 
windows, that were very dangerous to them and himself. 

20 young. I. prison (as to Joseph of old). 4. pray, read, preach. 5. 
land, as the three children; though, were acting his. 6. sometimes ova. 
13. that unconfortable and, marg. n. om. 14 — 17. carpenter many yeares 
before, and he procured. 19. to the prisoners before. This Richard 
Castledyne was brought over into Ireland (with his carpenter's tooles on 

25 his back) by gir Richard Waldron, who had a large plantation in the 
parish of Cavan, where he began to build a castle, called Pernham 
castle from the name of his place in England. All the carpenter's 
worke was contrived and performed by this Richard Castledyne, that 
by his diligence and sobriety in the feare of the Lord had gott a 

30 considerable estate under his master ; who, playing the ill-husband 
and being corrupted by the Irish commessations, never finished his 
begun woorke, but gave way to this his servant to purchase his mas- 
ter's castle and aU the lands belonging to it in less space then thirty 
yeares; and withall being exceedingly discouraged by the death of 

35 esquire Waldrone his eldest son, whom sadly overcome with drinck, 
major Trafford (that commanded the Welsh company that lay at Bel- 
turbet) slew for speaking some rash words (as was pretended), he left 
Ireland and returned to England long before the rebellion. This in- 
dustrious and thriving carpenter had no sonne, only two daughters ; 

40 the one of which he had married to his master, sir Richard Waldron 
his youngest sonne, with a full intention to leave him all his father's 
lands that he had purchased of him, if the rebellion had not inter- 


f. 84 r°. 106. But to return to the prison ; What entertainment had 

this man of God there ? Without doubt sorry entertainment 
in such a desolate place, where no son of man had lodged in 
40 years before; even much like that which Elijah found, 
when he hid himself from Ahab and Jezebel by the brook S 
Cherith that is before Jordan : the occasion being the same, 
the place not much unlike ; for it was said to him, Thou 
shalt drink of the brook, and I have commanded the ravens to 
feed tliee there ; and the ravens brought him bread and flesh 
in the morning, and bread and flesh in the evening, and he ^° 
did drink of the brook. Even so at God's command these 
ravenous beasts brought him flesh and bread enough, and 
bid him and the other five prisoners with him to dress it 
as they would, for they were no cooks, but keepers ; nor 
would they allow any of his servants to attend him in this iJ 
extremity. So they got a pot and boil'd some, and upon the 
coals roasted or broiled some part, as in the camp or leaguer 
soldiers are glad to do. His lodging was little better than 
that Jacob was fain to take up with (when he fled from his 

posed. Now this Richard Castledyne was esteemed one of the most 20 
religious men in all the countrey ; could exactly take notes of sermons 
and giye a good account of them to his family when he came home ; 
a devout man and one that feared God with all his house ; which 
gave much almes to the people, and like another Cornelius prayed to 
God alway, being under a greater- effusion of the spirit of grace and 25 
supplication then many. He, being accounted the best monyed man 
in all the country, was brought to this prison, that his enemyes might 
finde out where his great strength lay (I mean his wealth), for he was 
very rich in all things towards God and men ; and, being outed of all 
that' was above ground, was brought by God's providence to be help- 30 
full to the other five prisoners that were there before him ; and 
though he had hardly tooched a toole (in such a way) for many yeares 
before, yet he was not ashamed in his old age to retume to his 
former architecture that he was bred up in, to do us and himselfe 
good in that extremity. That Trafford fled to the German warrs, and 35 
after many yeares was an unfortunate popish colonel in the king's 
army, and at last a reformado in sir William Vaughan's troope at the 
battell of York and Nazby. But to. 3. such a ruinous and empty place. 
^.whichova. 12. bread and flesh. i3.^»«om. 14. keepers. They would 
not allow. . 18. do : so the allowance of this good soldier and champion 40 
of Jesus Christ was bread of affliction and water of affliction. His. 


angry brother Esau) in the fields of Bethel, which afterwards 
lost its name and was called Bethaven, the house of iniquity. 

107. Thus these prisoners of hope, turning themselves 
continually to the strong hold by prayers and supplications, in 

S faith and patience possessed their souls, being made partakers 
of Christ's sufferings ; not suffering as evil doers, but as Chris- 
tians, were not ashamed, but glorified God on this behalf 
with boldness, as allwaies, so now also, that Christ should be 
magnified in their bodies, whether it were by life or death, 

10 as the apostle speaks. Yea with all the apostles, they re- 
joiced that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for 
Christ's name. Whosoever had known this worthy patriarch 
in his afflictions, might have thought him to have been the 
angel of the church of Smyrna, to whom our Lord writes thus 

15 from heaven, / hnow thy works and tribulation and poverty ; 
hut thou art rich ; for he was rich indeed in faith and good 
works, and took joyfully the spoiling of his goods, knowing 
in himself that he had in heaven a better and continuing 
substance, where his treasure was, and might truly say with 

20 the man after God's own heart, the hands of wicked men have 
robhed me, hut I have not forgot Thy law ; and again : trouble 
and anguish have taken hold upon me, yet Thy commandments 
are my delight ; and therefore Christ proceeds in saying to 
him ; Fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer ; he- t. 84 v°. 

25 hold the devil shall cast some of you into prison, that ye may 
he tried, and ye shaU have tribulation ten dates. This was full- 
filled to him and his fellow-prisoners allmost in the very 
letter of it ; for he continued no longer in durance but till 
the 7th of January, being committed the i8th day of 

30 December. 

108. On the gunpowd«r-treason-day he preached on the 
whole 1 24 psalm : on which day he read every year in the 

I. Esau, that purposed to murther him. 4. rolling themselves upon 
God's arm, by faith. 7. ashamed of the crosse t)f Christ (which all that 
35 follow Him must take up). 8. all boldness. 9. or by. 12. name, 
and to be made partakers of the afflictions of the Gospel according to 
the power of God. Whosoever. 1 3. might well. 16. towards God in, 
18. better and enduring. 21. forgotten. 26. All this. 28 — 9. till 7th. 
30. December before. 32 — 1^4.1. ^ on which., -Sic. om. The sabbath- 


pulpit the letter that came to him in St Edmund's Bury- 
about the discovery of that horrid plot ; and in his house to 
all that were with him a poetical dialogue written by him 
upon that occasion, betwixt certain shepheards, Perkin, 
Thenot &c. The Lords-day next after his commitment 5 
(which was the 19th of Decemb.) he preached upon Phil. iv. 
4. 5. 6. 7. verses, being the epistle for the day. Upon Christ- 
mas day upon Galat. iv. 4. and 5. verses, and administred the 
sacrament of the Lord's Supper to his little flock (being one 
less than was in Noah's ai-k) the keeper having provided la 
bread and wine. Upon the next Lord's-day (which was the 
26 of Decemb.) Mr Bedel, my lord's eldest son who was 
minister of Kinally, preached upon Acts vii. 59. 60. being 
St Stephen's the protomartyr's day ; and upon the Lord's- 
day followiug (being the 2nd of Jan.) the minister of Cavan i; 
preached upon Luc. ii. 33. 34. 35. the last sermon that was 
preacht there. So that you may see the goodness of God, as 
to Paul the prisoner and also the aged, so to this aged and 
reverend father, that tho' he were now an ambassador in 
bonds for Christ, yet the word of God was not bound. God 20 
had put such a restraint upon his enemies, that they did 
allwaies reverence and honour his person; that though he 
were (with Daniel) in the lions' den, yet he suffered none to 
disturb him nor to come near in the time of divine worship ; 
as if God had sent his angel, and had stopped those lions' 25 
mouthes, that they should not hurt him nor his ; forasmuch 
as before Him innocency was found in him, and before these 
men he had done no hurt,*but more good than any of his 
place had ever done before him ; which his very enemies of 
all orders did still profess unto him, that they had no personal 30 
exception against him, nor hatred to him, hut meerly national. 
109. The way of God's enlarging him was this. About 
this time the Scotts of the county of Cavan, having got to- 
day next. 6. 19th day of December. 7. verses om. 7. and om. verses 
om. 10. were, ark), as he alwayes did in his prosperity to his greater 35 
flock upon that day; the keeper. 12. 26th of December. 13. vii. 5. 59. 
60, on St. Stephen's day, which men call the. 14, and om. 1 5. January. 
18. Luke. 1 9. though he suffered trouble as an evill doer, even unto bonds, 
and were. 21. they om. 23. now in. 24. us in tyme. 25, these. 


gether at the very beginning of the rebellion, made head for 
their own defence against the murderers under the command 
of sir James Craig (that married the daughter of sir Moses 
Hill an old capt. of the Q.) and sir Francis Hamilton (that f. 85 : 
5 married a daughter of that most famous and valiant knight, 
sir Charles Coot, who was slain by the rebells at the storming 
of Trim within 20 miles of DubHn). They had also another 
young Scottish knight called sir Arthur Forbes, son of that 
stout and gallant S. A. F. that was slain in Germany by sir 

10 Fred. Hamilton upon a petty difference about quarters: 
These had fortified, as well as they could in such a sudden 
straight, the castles of Tecrohen, where S. J. C. dwelt, and 
the castle of Keilach, where S. F. H. dwelt ; there being but 
one mile of wooddy ground between them, and both within 

15 two miles of Cloch water-castle, where my L. of K. was pri- 
soner; so that he could hear the report of any gun from 
either easily. The Scotts, having made hutts and cabins 
within and without the bain-walls and covered them with 
cow-hides, were safe from the present shock for a month or 

20 six weeks, but then straightly besieged. Whereupon they 
fixed all their sithes upon long poles, and being scarse of am- 
munition (tho' they had guns enough), they resolved to sally 
forth out of both their castles, and to make a resolute assault 
upon the enemies' camp in the night : which they did with 

25 such irresistible courage, that they made such foul work and 
havock amongst the enemies, that such persons as were not 
mangled with these terrible weapons or cut in pieces, were 
either taken alive, or forc'd to run away and leave their 
camp as it was. This valiant exploit and successfull adven- 
30- ture frightned the rebells so much, though they were ten to 

2. defence and preservation. 3. a daughter. 4. captain of queen 
Elizabeth's. 6. Coote, that was. 9. sir Arthur Forbes. 10. Frederick, 
in a duel upon. 11. fortifyed for their lives, as. 12, Crocken. sir James 
Craig, and that of Keilah. 13. sir Frederick [?] Hamilton. 15. Cloch- 

35 woter. lord of Kilmore. 16. that we. 17. Scotts and English. 

20. but afterwards strictly. 2.1. fix. 21. very scarce. 24. ene- 

my's camp in a frosty night. 24. did perfornie. 25. courage and 
good successe. 26. their enemies, not cutt in peses or mangled... 
weapons, were. 28. taken prisoners or. 29. and prosperous 

40 adventure. 30. frighted. 



one, that they never offer'd to besiege them any more till the 
1 5 day of June following ; all the county being clearly theirs 
save these two small castles. 

no. Now in this assault there were four principal 
leaders of the O'Roruicks taken prisoners, that had brought 5 
their forces out of the province of Connacht to this siege ; 
whom the rebells desired to be exchanged for my L. of K., 
his two sons, and the minister of Cavan, which was accord- 
ingly performed the 7th day of Jan. The Scotts dismissed 
the four rebells, and they enlarged the four prisoners, and 10 
let them go free. Their promise was to send them safe to 
Dublin, but there was no faithfullness in their lips ; they 
kept them in the countrey to make farther merchandize of 
them. Thus it pleased God to enlarge them, that never 
expected to be brought alive from that Tophet. But Mr ij 
CuUum and the good, rich carpenter were left there still, till 
the Scotts got them also off (as you shall hear). How sadly 
did they weep in parting with my lord, as Elisha was loath 
to part with his Elijah ; the prison they esteemed a Paradise 
£ 85 v°. while he was with them ; fearing that they should see his 20 
face no more, nor hear a word of consolation from his mouth, 
whose heavenly doctrine did drop as the rain, whose speech 
did distill as the dew upon them, as the small rain upon 
the tender herb, as the showers upon the grass, as another 
•Moses. And so it came to pass indeed ; for they saw his 25 
face no more. My L. came to the house of the honest Irish 
minister, Donoch (in English Dennis) 0-Sheridan, where his 
sons' wives were all the while of his imprisonment, that lived 
within a mile of K. and was my lord's tenant. There they 
were no better than free prisoners ; they never durst be seen 30 

III. This is now the last station between this faithfull 

2. 15th. countrfiy. 3. saving, small holds. 5. men of. 7. lord of 
Kilmore. 9. on the. January, dismiss. 10. grand leading rebells. 
enlarge. 12. and they. 13. further. 17. Oh, how. i8. lord of Kil- 
more, as Paul's friends of Ephesus; as Blisha. 19. his dear. 24. like 3S 
another. 25. indeed (as they feared). 26. lord. 27. minister 
where his sonnes' wives remayned all the while of his imprisonment. 
His name is Denis O'Sheridin, that lived... Kilmore... tenant. There 
were they, no. 30. seene farr from the house, unles it were for recrea- 


Servant of the Lord in all his house and the land of pro- 
mise : this is to him as mount Nebo, as the top of Pisgah 
was to Moses, whence he takes a full view of all that is be- 
neath him in this world, of all things past, of all round about 
S him and to be left behind him, and of all things that are 
above, where Christ sits at His Father's right hand; and 
with all speed makes hast to be dissolv'd and to be with 
Christ. Never man spent his small remnant of time better 
in holy meditations and heavenly preparations for death, in 

10 reference to himself and his few hearers. On the 9th day 
of Jan., being the Lord's day, he preached upon psalm xliv. 
a great part of the psalm. Next Lord's day, being the i6th, 
on psalm Ixxix. ^er totum; and the next, being the 23rd, on 
psalm Ixxi. from v. 1$ ad finem : God thou hast taught me 

15 from my youth up <fec. insisting long on v. 17. And the last 
Lord's day of his pilgrimage save one on psalm cxliv. per 
totum, to usher him into his everlasting Sabbath that re- 
mains for the people of God. All these psalms were the 
first for their several appointed dales in the calendar, except 

20 the 71 psalm, from the 15 th vers whereof he preached unto 
the end, observing a great fitness in it to express his present 

112. But in his last sermon that he preached on psalm 
cxliv., when he came to these words in the 7th v.. Send Thy 

25 tion. This. 3. /mW om. was. 1? 4, 5. past in the whole course of his 
pilgrimage, of all things present and to be. 5. were. 6. hand, ready to 
embrace him and to say unto him : Well done, thou good and faythfull 
servant, &c. and with all. 8. Christ, as a bright starr in His right 

hand or shining in a golden candlestick, then to be clapt heere any more 

30 under a bushell. Never. 10. hearers in this his last mouth. 9th 

of January. 12. of the day. Next Sabbath. 13. toiawi; next 

, Sabbath. 14. verse. finem, observing a great fitnes in it to 

express his present condition : My mouth shall shew forth Thy righte- 

ousnes and Thy salvation all the day, for I know not the numbers 

35 thereof. I mil goe in the strength of the Lord God, Itoill make men- 
tion of thy righteousnes, even of Thyne only : O Lord, Thou hast 
taught me from my youth, and hitherto have I declared Thy wondrous- 
workes; now also when I am old and gray-headed, forsake^me not&o. 
14, 15. O God... v.. 17 om. 19. in the rubrick. 19 — 23. seventy-first. 

40 AH the prayers of the church and appointed scriptures he read himselfe, 
though there were three ministers present with him, Eut. 24. verse. 


hand from above, rid me and deliver me out of great waters, 
from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh 
vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falshood; 
(which is repeated agaiu v. ii. for the greater emphasis to 
enforce the former request) : O with what ardency of spirit - s 
and heavenly affection did he send up these petitions -to the 
God of his salvation, as if they had breathed from the soul 
of the first author of them; as "if he had seen God's hand 
stretched forth, as Noah's towards the dove that found no 
rest for the sole of her foot, till he took her and pulled her lo 
(as it is in the Heb. caused her to come in) unto him into the 
ark; or with Paul he had been raptured into the third 
heaven allready, and had heard and seen appi^ra prj/j-ara 
things unutterable; or with St Stephen, he had seen the hea- 
vens opened, and the Son of Man standing at the right hand 15 
of God ready to receive his spirit ; or as if with the two wit- 
nesses he had heard a voice from heaven, saying unto him 
(as to them upon the like account) : Come up hither. His 
dwelling upon these words something longer than any other 
part of the psalm, with such holy- expressions, sighes and 20 
groans, dissolv'd the eyes of all his hearers into a flood of 
tears; and all there took this extraordinary impulse of his 
spirit as a presage and signe of his approaching dissolution, 
as indeed it prov'd to be. 

.113. For the very next day after, it pleased the God of 25 
the spirits of all flesh to visit him with sickness (occasioned 
and contracted by a cold that he had taken in that sad 
prison), which upon Tuseday, being the first of Febr., ap- 
peared to be an ague, and his feet began to fail him. He 
took some physick, which brought a loosness. On the 4th 30 
day apprehending some symptoms of his sudden change, he 

Thine. 4. verse. 8. them by a supernaturall metemp.sychosis ; or as if. 
II. or as. 13. allready om. 15. on the. 22. teares; amongst whom 
Mrs Dillon (whom I mentioned before) was one, who loved him unto death 
and had rather dyed with him then to abide (as she did now) in the tents 35 
of Kedar and tabernacle of wickednes and idolatry, as her house was 
at this tyme. She and all those present tooke. 23. infallible signe. 

27. that om. 28. February. 30. physick (wherin also he had 

great knowledge) which. 31. change that would make him for ever 


calls his children and their wives together unto him, and 
thus he began to speak unto them. I am going the way of 
all flesh; I am now ready to he offered, and the time of my 
departure is at hand. Knowing therefore that I must sJwrtly 
5 put off this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath 
shew'd me, I know also that if this my earthly house of this 
tabernacle were dissolved, I have a building of God, an house 
not made with hands, eternal in the heavens, a fair mansion 
in the new Jerusalem, which cometh down out of heaven from 

10 my God. Therefore to me to live is Christ and to die is gain, 
which encreaseth my desire even now to depart and to be with 
Christ, which is far better than to continue here in all the tran- 
sitory, vain and false pleasures of this world, of ivhich I have 
seen an end. Hearken therefore to the last words of your 

I S dying father : I am no more in this world, but ye are in the 
world ; I ascend to my Father and your Father, to my God 
and your God, through the allsufficient merits of Jesus Christ 
my Redeemer, who ever liveth to make intercession for me, 
who is a propitiation for all my sins, and luashed fne from 

20 them all in His own bloud; who is worthy to receive glory 
and honour and power, who hath created all things, and for 
whose pleasure they are and were created. My witness is in 
heaven and my record on high, that I have endeavoured to 
glorify God on earth in the 'ministry of the Gospel of His 

25 dear Son, which was committed to m,y trust. I have finished 
the works which He gave me to do, as a faithfidl ambassadour 
of Christ and steward of the mysteries of God. I have not 
concealed the words of the Holy One; hut th-e words that He f. 86 v°. 
gave to m,e, I have given to you and you have received them. 

30 / had a desire and resolution to walk before God (in every 
station of my pilgrimage from my youth up to this day) in 

unchangeable. i. together ova. 2. thus from his sick bed he. 

7. that I. 8. inade om. 14. unto. 26. work. 27. God. I have 
preached righteousnes in the great congregation : lo I have not re- 
35 frayned my lips, Lord, Thou knowest. I have not hid Thy righte- 
ousnes within my hart, I have declared Thy faythfulnes and Thy salva- 
tion; I have not concealed Thy loving-kindnes and Thy truth from 
the great congregation of mankind. He is neer that justifyeth me, that 
I have not. 29. ye have. 


truth and with an upright heart, and to' do that which was 
upright in His eies ta the utmost of my power. And what 
things were gain to me formerly, these things I count n&w loss 
for Christ: yea doubtless and I count all things hut loss for 
the excellency of the knowledge of Jesus Christ my Lord, fof- 5 
whom I have suffered the loss of all things, and do cowit them 
but dung, that I may win Christ and be found in Him,, not 
having mine own righteousness which is of the law; but that 
which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is 
of God by faith; that I may know Him and the power of His lo 
resurrection and tike fellowship of His sufferings, being made 
conformable unto His death. I press therefore towards the 
mark for the price of the high calling of God in Jesus Christ. 
Let nothing separate you from the love of Christ, neither tribu- 
lation, nor distress, nor persecution, nor famine, oior naked- 15 
ness, nor peril, nor sword.. Though {as ye see and hear) for 
His sake tve are killed all the day lon,g, we core counted as 
sheep for the slaughter; yet in all these things we are more 
than conquerours through Him that loved us. For I am per- 
suaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels,, nor pHncipali- 20 
ties, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor 
height, nor depth, nor any creature shall be able to separate 
me from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus my Lord. 
Therefore love not the world, nor the Hdngs of the. world; but 
prepare daily and hourly, for death {that now besiegeth us on 25 
every side) and be faithfull unto death; that we may meet to- 
gether joyfully on the nght hand of Christ at the last day, and 
follow the Lamb whethersoever he goeth, with all those that are 
cloathed with white robes in signe of innocency, and palms in 
their hands in signe of victory ; which came out of great tribu- 30 
lation, and have washed their robes and made them white in 
the blond of the Lamb. They shall hunger no more, nor 
thirst; neither shall the sun light on them, nor any heat; for 
the Lamb that is in the midst of the throne shall feed them, 
and shall lead them unto living fountains of waters, and shall 35 
wipe away all tears from their eies. Choose rather with Mo- 
ses to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the 
pleasures of sin for a season, which luill be bitterness in the 

8. nij'. 9. of the fayth. 16. yow lieare and see. 20. angel. 

23. Jcsu. 25. besiedges. 33. or. .^ 


later end. Look ilierefore for sufferings and to be made par^ 
takers of the suff'erings of Christ, to fill up that which is be-- 
hind of the affliction of Christ in your flesh for His hodie's 
sake, which is the church What can you look for hut one woe f. 87 f. 
S after another, while the man of sin is suffer'd to rage and to 
make havock of God's people at his pleasure? while men are 
divided about trifles, that ought to have been more vigilant over 
tis, and carefull of those whose bloud is precious in God's 
. sight, iho' now shed everywhere like water? If ye suffer 
10 for righteousness, happy are ye. Be not affraid of their ter- 
rors, neither he ye troubled; in nothing terrified by your adver- 
saries, luhich is to them an evident token of perdition, but to 
you of salvation, and that of God. For to you it is given in 
the behalf of Christ not onely to believe on Sim, but also to 
15 suffer for His sake. Rejoice therefore, in as much as ye are 
partakers of Chrises sufferings, that when His glory shall be 
revealed, ye may he glad also with exceeding joy. And if ye 
be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye; the spirit 
of glory and of Christ resteth on you. On their part He is 
20 evil-spoken of, but on your part He is glorified. God will 
surely visit you in due time, and return you/r captivity as the 
rivers of the south, and bring you back again unto your pos- 
sessions in this land; tho' now for a season {if need he) ye are 
in heaviness through manifold temptations; though now ye sow 
25 in tears, yet ye shall reap in joy; all your losses shall be re- 
compensed with abundant advantages ; for my God will supply 
all your needs according to His riches in glory by Jesus 
Christ, who is able to do exceeding abundantly for us above all 
that we are able to ask or think. 
30 114. Having thus spoken from the Spirit of God within 

him, he blessed all his children and those that stood by him 
with an audible voice in these words: God of His infinite- 
mercy bless you all, and present you holy and unblameahle 
and unreproovahle in His sight, tJtat we may meet together at 
35 the right hand of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ with joy 
unspeakable and full of glory. Amen. Afterwards he utter'd 
these words : / have fought a good fight, I have finished the 

I. latter, dayly made. 5, is thus. 11. and in. 13. i7om. 24,25, 
thouffh...tearsio\\ 27. need. 35. Lord and Saviour. 


course of my ministery and life together. Though grievous 
wolves have entred in among us, not sparing the flock, yet I 
trust the great Shepheard of His flock will save His flock, and 
deliver them out of all places where they have been scattered in 
this cloudy and dark day; that they shall no more he a prey S 
to the heathen, neither shall the beasts of the land devour them; 
but they shall dwell safely and none shall make them affraid. 
Lord, I have waited for Thy salvation. Afterwards these 
words : J have kept the faith once given to the saints; for the . 
which cause I have also suffered these things: but I am not ip 
f. 87 v°. ashamed, for I know whom I have believed, and am persuaded 
that He is able to keep that which I have committed to Him 
against that day. 
Febr. 7, 115. As his weakness increased, his speech failed; he 

taking little or no food till the 7th day of Febr.: yet he con- 15 
tinned well composed in his spirit, being full of serenity of 
spirit in all his trialls and temptations that befell him; as 
assur'd of God's love and resolving silently to submit unto 
the good pleasure of God. He was much inclined to sleep, 
and slumbred out the most of his time, till about midnight, 20 
when he fell asleep in Jesus, with whom he is now in glory, 
with all the holy ones and blessed martyrs of Jesus. And 
thus you see how within one week after his last heavenly 
sermon, having shewed invincible courage under so sad and 
great a change in church and state, he departs in peace from 25 
the tumultuous uproars of this turbulent world, and accord- 
ing to his desire and expectation enters into his Master's 
joy more than conquerour, to receive the crown of immortality 
and eternal felicity with all those that die in the Lord. No 
man hved more desired, nor died more lamented, by all that 3° 
knew him in the Lord. We esteemed him the breath of 
our nostrils in our captivity; and had a greater desire to 
have died with him (as the disciples with Lazarus) than to 
have lived without him: who being deliver'd so lately, as 
Jeremiah out of the dungeon, and as Daniel out of the lions' 35 

4. will deliver. 5. be no more. 11. I am. 14. failed, and. 

15. February, he continued. 17. him and assurances of. 18. and 

om. 19. muck om. 20. the om. 22. Jesus ; where we leave 

Mm, till God fitt us to come where he is. And thus. 24. great 

and sad. 27. earnest expectation. 32. as great. 33. then 40 


den, was so suddenly snatcht away from us; of whom the 
world was not worthy at the best. As Augustine died in 
the 3rd month of the siege of Hippo by the Vandalls, that 
had overun all Africk with Arrian cruelty, as the poor Akel- 
5 dama of Ireland is now with popish cruelty ; so this worthy 
angel of the church was taken away in the 3rd month of our 

116. What was said of Moses, Caleb, and Joshua was 
true of him: Ms eie was not dim, nor his natural force abated; 

10 having never used spectacle, nor lost one tooth, nor any de- 
cay of his hair, save in the colour (his gray hairs, being 
found in the way of righteousness, were as a crown to him), 
and a little deafness in his left ear, occasion'd by a hurt in 
his childhood. His judgement was not decaied in the least, 

IS but rather authorized with age, having allwaies in readiness 
wonderfuU ability to discourse, to pray, to preach, to write, 
to dispute, to comfort, and at last to die. He was never 
languishing, and mouldy or reasty through want of emploi- 
ment, but allwaies active and bringing forth something for 

20 the common good of the church of God. 

to live. I. from the evil to come and caught up into heaven from 

us. 2. And as St. 4. who had overrun. 5. worthy om. 

6. church of Ireland. 10. only he had some kind of deafnes in his left 
eare, occasioned by a fall downe stayres in his cheildhood. I remember 

25 that walking abroad with him and his two sonnes, the weeke before 
he sickncd, in retui'ning back he leapt so nimbly and vigurously over a 
broad ditch, that amazed us all and putt us to a stand to follow him. He 
never. 13, 14. and... childhood om. his beard long and broad : I 
nevei* knew any razor to pass upon his face, which was bewtifyed with 

30 more majesty and gravity then my tongue can expresse. His. 16. dis- 
course in any argument of things divine or humane ; to pray (which 
he alwayes did in his house without booke); to preach (which he al- 
wayes did without notes, charging his memory with his meditations 
and afterwards discharging them into writting); to write. 19. active in. 

35 20. God. Answerable to his profound judgement was his great zeal for 
the truth against popery. The letter that came to him from London, 
when he was preacher at St Bdmondsbury in Suffolk, about the dis- 
covery of the hellish powder-plott with all the circumstances of it, he 
read annually upon that day (being the fifth of November) all the yeares 

40 of his lyfe in the pulpit before sermon, ere ever he read his text. It was 
well penned ; if I had it, I would set it downe heere. And after sup- 
per he constantly read on the same day an excellent poem which he 


f. 88r». 117. We obteined leave (with much aJo) to bury him 

in his own church-yard by his wife, which was denied awhile 
by his popish (or rather paganish) intruder and despoiler; 
who said, the church-yard was no more to he polluted with 
hereticks' bodies. Thus did these barbarous and ungratefuH 5 
miscreants requite this dear servant of the Lord, who sought 
their good, and did them more good (even to the hazard of 
his own quiet and reputation) than all that ever were before 
him in that see. They would scarce allow him a place to 
lay his head on when he was alive, and now they will hardly 10 
allow him a place for his dead body to lie in, (as right offi- 
cers of that great city which is spiritually called Sodom and 
Egypt, where our Lord is daily crucified, that would not 

Apoc. II. suffer the dead bodies of the two witnesses to be put in 

^' grave for 3 dales and a half): who, even as Abraham ij 

amongst the sons of Heth, would have received this answer 

Gen. 23. 6. to such a request : Hear us, my lord, thou art a mighty 
prince am,ongst ms; in the choice of our sepulchres bury thy 
dead; none of us shall withold from thee his sepulchre, but 
that thou maiest bury thy dead. 20 

118. Mr Sheridan and I went to Kilmore about my 
lord's burial, to speak with the popish usurper, bishop Swyny. 
As his name is, so is he. We found him lying upon a bolster 
so drunk with usque-bagh (having defiled all the room with 
his swinishness), that when Mr Dillon came in and kneeled 25 
before him for his blessing (as the popish manner is) he was 
not able to stretch forth his hand towards him; but a friar 
that stood by took up his drunken hand and laid it upon the 
popish head that came to assist us in our request, being per- 

wrote at that tyme upon that discovery, and called The Shepherd's 30 
Tale, being a poeticall dialogue betweene certayne shepherds concern- 
ing that plott. It is conceived in the old dialect of Tusser and Chauser, 
beeing two or three sheets of paper. I have no tyme to set it downe 
now; but heorafter yow may see it with his Latin letters to Mr 
John Dury, about the pacification of the reformed churches, which are 35 
learned and large. [Then follows in H. ch. n8]. 2. his deir consort. 
4. said to us at first, defyled. 5. and om. 6. dear om^ Lord 
evill for good, who. %. were om.. ii.AJmoai. 15. that, even with. 
17. pious request. iS.withus. 21. Minister Sheridin (the minister in 
whose house he dyed) and I. 24. usque-bea. 25. his fllthines. 26. /or 40 


suaded thereunto by his good wife. Quantum rmitatus ah 
illo, that was there before him ! as Jehoram, from Jehoshaphat 
and Manasseh from Hezekiah. There was nothing now to be 
seen in this our Elijah's school of the prophets, but ziim, 

5 iim, and ochim, those doleful! creatures which Isaiah foretells 
should be inhabitants of Babylon, after all the evil they had 
done in Zion. This is the man that offered himself for our 
guard, as before. The admittance of this filthy beast had 
been like the conjunction of Mezentius the tyrant of the 

^° living and the dead. He had a name to be alive but was 
dead. His licence we obteined at last for my lord's burial. 
So on the 9th day of Febr. he was laid in grave according to 
his desire in his last will and testament, hard by his wife's 

15 119. The chief of the rebells assembled their forces to- 

gether and accompanied the corps from Mr Sheridan's house 
to the churchyard in a great solemnity, and desired A. C. the 
minister of Cavan to perform the office for the dead accord- 
ing to our manner in former times, and promised not to in- 

20 terrupt in the least. But we being surrounded with armed f. 
men, esteemed it more prudent to bury him as all the patri- 
archs, prophets, Christ and His apostles, and all the saints 
and martjrrs in former ages were, than to attempt such a 
hazardous and needless office at such a time (and sacrifice 

25 for the dead as they call it) in the presence of these Egyp- 
tians. But instead thereof they gave him a volley of shot 
and said: Requiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum! For they 
had told him at their first rising, that he should he the last 
English man that should he put out of Ireland; because he 

30 Ms Uessing om. as their. i . thereto. 2. Jehoshaphat or. 4. 
[Tanner MS. reads or for owr]. Elijah's om. 6. be the. that they. 
7. Zion. This house of prayer is now become a den of theeyes, a 
cage of every unclean and hatefttll bird. This. 8. guard ; that had 

a name to be alive, but was dead ; the admittance. 10. with the 

35 dead ; whose licence we obtained at last for my lord's buriall (though 
with much adoe), to bury [as in oh. 117]. 12. February 1644. 14- 

coffin, that had been layd there four yeares before. 15. Irish 

rebells gathered. 16. Sheridin's. 17. of Kilmore in. Alexander 
Clogy. 22. the om. 23. to om. 24—25. hazardous office 

40 (and sacrifice for the dead, as they caU it) and needless at such 
a tyme in the. 25. those. 27. said with a loud voice. 


was styled ultimus et optimus episcorum by men of un- 

1 20. In his desk his last will and testament was found 
(which he wrote over once a year). Wherein, after a divine 
preface and short confession of his faith, referring himself to 5 
'tis preaching and writings, he concludes with that of Paul 
to Timothy : / know whom I have believed, and I am per- 
suaded that He is able to keep that which I have committed 
to Him against that day. And then having disposed of his 
estate in England and Ireland, he leaves to the library of 'o 
Immanuel colledge in Cambridge (where he was bred) the 
rare Hebrew MS. mentioned before; and to Dr Usher, bishop 
<«tf Armagh, the primate of Ireland, a Latin psalter written 
500 years before, in the Saxon character, which is the pre- 

I. ultimus. ..episcoporum follows understanding. As he gave many 15 
evidences of rare gifts and graces bestowed upon him above ordinary 
measure, so his humility wherewith he was clothed was apparent in this, 
touching the desyre he had about his funerall (had he dyed in prosperity), 
of remooval of all superfluous apparences, as even to the entombing of 
his body In the church-yard, whether he would exercise modesty or 20 
moderation, not in his lyfe only, but in (yea after) his death ; as he 
would taxe a somewhat great fbrwardnes or weake, if not superstitious, 
desyre, some have that way; as if it concerned the dead anywhit 
whether they be layd in church or chancel! or church-yard. Verily as 
for them it is all one; and as soone shall the bodies ryse that be in 25 
the sea as the land, and of them that be in the land, that are in one 
place, as another : and as for those that are left alive, perhaps it were 
more wholesome and convenient, if (as in some places which this 
worthy father had scene beyond sea) sepulchres were all utterly re- 
mooved out of churches and townes too, then by their frequency and 30 
often opening the earth (where great congregations are, as in many 
places) to bring annoyance to the living ; yea and somewhat more then 
that, to discover and teare up by the streightnes sometymes the dead 
corps of our dearest relations, ere they be returned to their dust. 
Allow me, I beseech yow (whosoever readeth this narrative) this much 35 
j)lea, because this noble patriarch was resolved and contented to take 
-up his dodging for his body where none had beene layd before, till the 
■heavens be no more, and till he heare the voyce of the Son of Man, 
making his corruptible to put on incorruption, and his mortall to put 
on immortality, and what is sowne in dishonour and weaknes to be 40 
raysed in power and glory. 5. and referring. 12. Hebrew manu- 
script of the Old Testament before mentioned, and. 13. arch- 
bishop of Ardmach. 14. above five hundred yeares agoe. 


"Sent Irish character in all their prints and writings at this 
day. It was as fair and legible as it was at first; the first 
letter of each psalm being gold of an inch and a halfe square, 
the goodliest that had been seen in any elder age. He ap- 

5 pointed his body to be laid, where by God's providence it 
now lies waiting for a joifull resurrection, and on his grave- 
stone these words to be written: DeposituTn Guliehni quon- 
dam episcopi Kilmorensis; which (if ever God grant peace) 
will be performed. These particulars onely I can call to 

lo mind, having never seen it but once, but if I had it, I would 
set it down verbatim, it being one of the most Christian ac- 
counts given of the world that ever I did see in any former 
wiU and testament. 

121. His library, which was of greatest value of all his 

15 goods, the rebells had with all the rest, wherein were many 
monuments of great antiquity; amongst the rest, the records 
of the abbey of St Edmunds-Bury, and many manuscripts 
that he had brought out of Italy. But the greatest loss 
(next to that of himself) was of his own writings upon the 

20 Scriptures; which any man of understanding would have 
chosen before all the commentaries of the fathers or most of 
their children that followed them. The Greekes having no 
Hebrew, and the Latins neither Hebrew nor Greek, have 
made sad expositions of Scriptures, following a false vulgar 

25 out of a false 72; which this learned and great divine did 

easily discover; for being fully acquainted with the originals f. 89 r°. 
(as any in our age), he did never need a spectacle to look 
through into the true and genuine sense and meaning of the 
H. Ghost in the Scriptures; but went still to the fountain 

30 I ■ writtings and prints. 3. psalme of an inch square and guilded with 
gold, the goodliest. 4. older. He ordered. 7. engraven. 8—9 which I 
doubtnot but is performed by his sonnes. 12. I saw. 18. Italy. He had 
bought Mr William Perkins his studdy of bookes, and to the publishing 
of some of his workes after his death he was very instrumentall, as I 

35 have seene in the severall letters betweene him and Dr Warde concern- 
ing them; in one of which, dedicated to the king and presented to 
Ms majesty by Dr Ward, is a desyre that the king would be pleased 
to set some divines apart for controversyes. But the. 19. that of his. 
20. a man. 21. preferred to and chosen. 22. their sonnes. 26. for 

40 om. 27. he om. 27. use a. 29. Holy. 29. fountayne of Israel, 


<ii truth, to draw water for the sanctuary to refresh the city 
of God, non ex caeno, sed ex fonte Israel. It's a true say- 
ing of Beza and Mercerus: Hebraismorum ignorantiam hor- 
rendos errores in ecclesiam invexisse. 

122. There is a learned sermon of his extant upon 5 
Eevel. xviii. 4: And I heard another voice from heaven say- 
ing, Come out of her, my people, that ye he not partakers of 
her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues. Tliis sermon 
was preached in Christ Church, Dublin, 1634, before sir 
Thomas Wentworth the L. deputy and parliament. The 10 
occasion of his giving a copy of it was at the request of a 
great papist, to shew it to some learned men of his own re- 
ligion, because it demonstrates and maintains unanswerably, 
that the present monarchy, which the church of Rome claims 

to exercise over the Christian world, is the mystical Babilon, 15 
out of which God's people are called. D. Bernard meeting 
with some imperfect copy (whereof there were many in 
Essex) published it im the year 1659 with the concurrent 
judgement of the most learned primate of Armach in that 
point. It's pity it was not riglitly printed, having in it such 20 
evidence of truth, which all the popish adversaries are not 
able to gainsay or resist. He had got such knowledge of the 
methods and stratagems of the church of Rome, by being so 
long in Italy with the English ambassadour sir H. W., and 
conversing so intimately with P. Paulo that great divine 25 
and polititian, that no man living could give an exactor ac- 
count of their damnable and destructive waies ; which he and 
this poor kingdom of Ireland hath now found true by sad 

123. He was wont to say to those that knew nothing of 30 
their religion but the mass (of which most understood not a 

the living spring of. 2. Israel, as Padre Paulo said and wrote of 

him. Its... Mercerus ovx. Ignorantiam Hebraismorum. ^.invexisse, 
sayth Beza and Mercerus. 9. Christ's. anno 1634. the lord 

deputy, sir Thomas Wentworth, and parliament. 12. have showne. 35 
16. called. But they never medled with it, to say anything against 
it, to this day. Dr. 18. Essex and elsewhere. 20. great pitty. 
34. Henry Wotton. 25. Padre Paulo. 27. destructive and 

damnable wayes towards mankind. 31. most of them understand. 


word), "That the mass was no more the worship of God 
then the barking of 'doggs ; " and of their innumerable and 
phantasticall ceremonyes, which they so much gloryed in, 
"That they were not worthy one cup of cold water given to a 
disciple in the name of a disciple, which shall not loose its 
reward (much less one drop of blood to be shed for them) ; " 
therefore is he now drinking of the water of lyfe freely. 
That saying of Augustine was much in his mouth, when he 
heard of any violent proceedings for or against ceremonyes: 
Hmc sunt folia, fructus qucero ; and therefore is now eating 
of the fruit of the tree of lyfe, that is in the midst of the 
Paradise of God. As the land of Zabulon and Napthaly, 
that were most oppressed by Jabin and the Midianites were 
most rude and ignorant when Christ came, insomuch that it 
was no small imputation to Christ to have beene of Galilee, 
" whence arose no prophet," the calamity by Ashur never 
thoroughly outworne untill Christ came to bring spirituall 
light ; so of all the parts of the Christian territoryes, Ireland 
being most rude and ignorant, it was the greatest imputation 
to this His dear servant, that in imitation of his Lord and 
Master, he sought by the Scriptures translated into Irish, to 
open their eyes and awake them, to come to this light, and 
to walke in it, and that speedily, least the darkoes come 
wherin no man can walke. As Christ, the true light, did 
choose to teach and to do His mighty workes in Galilee of 
the Gentills, and to deliver them, as they were of old from 
Jabin and the Midianits ; so the cicuration and reformation 
of the wild Irish, and their deliverance from the tyranny of 
popery, was the cheefe desire and designe of this His faythfull 
servant, all the dayes of his lyfe amongst them. 

124. That which Tacitus relates of Thraseas, dictus 
lumen Romani imperii orbis, et ipsa virtus, when Nero (the 
Pope's predicessor) sent to murther him, that he was found 
discoursing with Demetrius, a philosopher, de natura animce, 
et dissociatione spiritus inquirebat, may well be applyed to 
this holy father and blessed bishop: That he was lumen 
christiani orbis, et ipsa religio, in all his tryalls and tempta- 
tions that befell him, former actings and present sufferings ; 
for whom the very Irish rebells, the worst of men, had such 

14 ' 


veneration at last as to sollemnize his exequies, which they 
never did to any other person of God's religion ; as if they 
had ifso facto acknowledged, that he was learnder then all 
their fathers, holyer then all their popish saints, chaster 
then all their muncks and nuns, more beneficiall to them 
then all their idolized patrons, more to be desyred by them 
then all their confessours, and to be loved and lamented 
then all their teachers and leaders. 

125. If I durst vent my thoughts concerning this man 
of God, without offence of God and good men, I would for 
conclusion say this of him, that if God had spoken to Sathan 
concerning him, as once He did concerning Job, He would 
or might have used the same expression : " Hast thou con- 
sidered {or, hast thou set thine hart on) this My servant, that 
there is none like him in all the earth, a perfect and upright 
man, one thatfeareth God and escheweth evill?" 

126. This faythfull and afifectionate account (though 
infinitely beneath his merit) I hope may be taken in good 
part from one, that (under God) oweth more to his sacred 
memory then to all the world besides, yea, himselfe also, as 
St. Paul speaks to Philemon, whom therefore I have men- 
tioned with honor and thankfulnes. 

127. You may perhaps desyre also to know what became 
of his children after his death, and that litle flock and small 
remnant that had escaped the fury of the adversary. As to 
their bodyes, though they had nothing left besides their 
lives, which God alwayes preserved as sacred and unviolable 
(as He did Job's) after his departure, as before : Indeede, 
they were mervellously sanctuaryed in the midst of their 
enemyes ; for they continued at Mr. Sheridin's house untill 
the 15th day of June following, waiting for the Lord's 
deliverance and the service of God was kept up in that 
family by Mr. Bedel, who preached on Psalm xxx, and 
by Alexander Clogy, the minister of Cavan, who preached 
on Psalm cii, all that wearisome tyme. We hoped still, that 
if there were any English or Scotts in the world we might 
have beene relieved by that tyme ; but nothing was done for 
us; the inraging and cruel jealousyes betweene the king and 
Parliament of England, tristia condere bella, breaking out 
into open warrs (in all parts) mcestos hahitura triumphos. 


128. The way of God's enlarging of us at last was this : 
The Scotts that had stood upon their owne defence in two 
small castles (as I told yow before) being wearyed with vain 
expectation of reliefe from England or Scotland (that began 
to ruine themselves apace, as we in Ireland, by the common 
enemy of both, were ruined already), their small store of 
ammunition being drained, were at length begirt by all the 
forces the enemy could draw together from the provinces of 
Ulster and Conaght ; so that all theiT forrage was cutt off, 
and possibility of making any sallyes into the enemy's camp, 
as they had done prosperously in the former siedge. They 
were sore straitened with famine and sicknes for want of 
roome and outward accommodation (for nine score dyed 
in one castle in a few weekes, Sir James Craig and his lady 
both dyed and left no issue behind them), at last were 
necessitated to submit to such termes as they could obtayne 
from an absurd and merciless enemy, whom they could resist 
no longer, unless upon a desperate sally to hazard all that 
remnant that had escaped for eight monthes to that day. 
So the faythless enemy, that never gave quarter to any 
before that had made any resistance unto them, but had 
used all manner of cruelty towards them, gave quarter to 
the Scotts and English (for feare more than love), to march 
out of their castles and hutts with some armes, and with all 
their mooveable goods that they could conveniently carry 
away with them, by horse or cart towards Dublin, that was 
fifty miles distant, and nothing left by the way, but destruc- 
tion and desolation ; Cavan, Virginia, Kells, Navan, Dun- 
sh-ocklin, " Slany, Tarah, Swords, all ruinous heaps, and no 
inhabitant left in that rich tract of land, which was a woeful 

1 29. In this transaction, my Lord of Kilmore's children, 
with the minister of Cavan, Mr. Arthur CuUum, with 
Mr. Castledyne (that were prisoners with my Lord of 
Kilmore in Clockwoter Castle) and others, were particularly 

* included and named. So, on the I5th day of June, 1642, in 
the eighth month after the Rebellion, we marched away 
above 1200 men, women, and children, after they had eaten 
the cowes' hydes that had covered their cabbins and hutts, 



from Christmas till June : A sad company of poore people 
we were, as ever were seene together ; some loaden with 
children, some great with cheild, some two children on their 
backs, many with two little ones in their armes, yet all 
rejoycing in the Lord for our enlargement at last. About 
2000 rebells accompanying us for our lyfe-guard, according 
to the articles of our agreement, which were written by 
Archdeacon Pryce (before mentioned), but now Archbishop 
of Cashill. The Scotts had about 300 horse, some of them 
well appointed, for our guard also, under the conduct of 
Sir Francis Hamilton and Sir Arthur Forbes. Major Bayly 
had his foote-company of Scotts, that lay at Cavan, and had 
made their escape in the night to those two .castles, with all 
their armes of the trayned-band with them. 

130. The countey had orders to bring us provision for 
money, as was artickled, which they did in great plenty. 
Though there were many plotts to cutt us off by the way 
(as against the 10,000 Greekes in Zenophon, that retreated 
into their owne countrey through many barbarous nations, 
after the overthrow of Cyrus), yet the Lord of Hostes was 
with ns, and his glory did shyne over us, as in a cloud by 
day and a fyre by night, for our defence, and restrayned 
their malice, and brought forth this little flock, as his great 
flock under the conduct of the Great Shepherd out of Egipt 
of old, through scorpions and fiery-flying serpents with his 
mighty hand and outstretched arm : To Him be glory for 

131. The first day, being Wednesday June the 15th, we 
marched to Cavan, seven miles ; the 16th day we encamped 
at Lara 5 miles ; the I7th at Corinary 7 miles ; the 18th to 
a mountaine beyond Pierce four miles; the 19th we pitched 
at Mr. Dilwin's house, three miles ; on the 20th day we lay 
in the same place ; the 21st day we marched six miles ; on 
the 22nd day of June, Sir Henry Titchborne, the governor 
of Drogheda, with Captain Gibson met us with a party 
of horse and foote within ten myles of his garison of 
Drogheda, and conducted us safely thither by the good hand 
of our God upon us. 

132. The rebells that conducted us tooke soUemne leave 


of us, being sore afrayed at the sight of our English forces ; 
they hasted away, having kept us seven nights in the open 
fields, without anything under or over us, but what each of 
us carryed about us ; yet they offered us no violence, save in 
the night, when our men were weary without continuall 
watchings, they would steale away a good horse and run 
away, but were very civill to us all the way, and many of 
them wept at our parting from them that had lived so long 
peaceably amongst them, as if we had beene one people with 

133. From Drogheda some tooke shipping and went for 
England, as my Lord of Kiimore's sonnes, and others that 
had freinds there. His eldest sonne, Mr. Bedell, was made 
minister of Rattlesden, in Suffolk; his younger son, Mr. Am-, 
brose Bedell, returned speedily into Ireland, and was a 
captaine in Col. Hill's regiment, who was his wyve's uncle, 
for whom my lord, his father, purchased a good estate of 
one Mr. Baxter, a minister, where he now lives a justice 
of peace. 

1 34. Most of our poore pillaged company came towards 
Dublin, a poore exhausted city of refuge, which was neytheir 
able to lodge us, nor to relieve us with things necessary, 
thowsands dying every weeke, being pierced through for 
want of the fruits of the earth, as is at large set forth in^the 
booke of Dr. Jones, Deane of Kilmore, who wrote the history 
of the horrid Rebellion ; and also by Sir John Temple, a 
worthy and honorable privy councillor, before and after that 




W. Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward\ justifying his theoretical 
teaching in the matter of ceremonies ; Oct. 16, 1604. 

[Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 126.] 

Salutem in Christo. Mr Warde, I receiued the last weeke your letters, 
though I differred mine answer, till I should receiue those sheetes of 
myue answer which you promised to retourne by Sir Edw. Lewknors 
man : but as it seemes you altered your purpose he deliuered nie the 
money 3li. 10s. As for having the copy, I cannot satisfie your desire, for 
it must be his that wrote it out of my first draught, which is Mr Bulwer 
one of our Ministers. For your censure, I desire to haue it, though by 
reason of your delay it will come too late to correct aught in my copy, 
to be giuen thera except there be very great cause. I could none other- 
wise choose but write so discoursingly, if I would not leaue the matters 
raw and undigested, and yet if I had beene sure of answer I would haue 
rather dealt in propositions. But I purpose to make this ofifer, that if 
they will contract their reply, I will contract my answer. Indeede I am 
much more large in the other demandes then this, and therfore if you 
blame this for too long, 1 am affrayd you will say that they are too too 
long. For the pointes necessary to salvation, I think they be all in the 
Creede, though perhaps there be more than are necessary, if euery worde 
that hath a distinct notion must constitute a distinct proposition : for 
example Pontius Pilate, if it must make this sence he suffered to be 
particularized againe vnto the very president wider whom, which is no 
way of necessity to salvation but of fulnes of the narration. I think with 
you that fundainentall pointes since Christs coming are the same, and 
cannot be changed : of this point I doe in few wordes speake in the 2d 
Demande. For your objection of the Apostles ignorance qf tiie death and 

' Samuel Ward, D.D., a fellow of Emmanuel College, and afterwards Master 
of Sidney Sussex, from 1623 to his death in 1643, Lady Margaret Professor 
of Divinity. He was one of the Eevisers to whom the Authorised Version of the 
Bible (1611) is due, and was one of the English representatives at the Synod of 


resurrection of Christ, it was before the perfect instruction which they 
receiued concerning the Payth to be published in the world, till which 
tyme I thinke the same were not of absolute necessity to salvation. 
And euen then I doubt also, whether such as Cornelius or those that 
were baptized by John's Baptisme, as they in Acts 19 (1 — 5) were, had 
died in state of damnation, if they had not so beleeued. 

Touching Mr Baynes his place, I doe not desire it in many respectes ; 
besides, the vncertainty of Stipend, a new subscription would be vrged, 
and I should haue I feare as litle tyrae as now to goe to my booke. I 
confesse only the desire of the society which, you and I were wont to 
haue, and the vniuersity, doth somewhat mooue me. Concerning the 
ceremonies I viewed Vrsinus, pag. 150 and 151 of Parous edition^, and 
I perceiue how he makes human civill lawes to binde the conscience, 
extra casum, scandali, but not Ecclesiasticall. I confesse I doubt of the 
difference and of both the partes, for example whether if a magistrate 
doe forbid wearing amies he sinnes that does it without scaildall. And 
againe why more than he that weares not a surplice being so com- 
manded. But in our case that matters not at all, sith the same thing 
is commanded by the Bishopes and the Magistrate ; so now the Cere- 
monyes have force from them both. In which case, me thinkes, if this 
commandement be not contrary to the Law of God, there is obedience 
to be yielded, nor only for feare but for conscience sake, as the Apostle 
speakes. Where you say that if good order be kept it is lawfull for a 
man to use his liberty, I demand who shall judge whether good order 
be kept or no? And if the Magistrates authority restraine not the use 
of liberty what doth worke upon thiuges indifferent at all ? I confesse, 
if there were forgetfulnes or any just and sufficient morall reason which 
should draw me to breake that law, I haue not sinned against God, — 
wherein I take their not binding of the conscience to consist, — be they 
Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill, in thinges indifferent I meane ; but that some 
will take exception to such obedience can not be such a reason, since 
they know the pleasure of the Magistrate is such : and the curing of 
their opinion is that which the Magistrate' intendes. As for relinquishing 
the Ministry, if nothing impious be required at our handes, I dare not 
approve it for all tlie inconveniencies in the world : sith both to Minister 
and- people that which is so necessary should methinkes swallow all 
inexpediencies. As for scandali, it shalbe taken not given if I doe by 
virtue of the authority of another, and under the obedience of the 5th 
comandement, that which he is grieved at, and (which he knoweth right 
well) with no minde so to doe, nor proude cover of my knowledge and 
liberty. And thus I write to you in private. But as for my publicke 
preaching it hath bene never of these matters: save in one sentence as 

- 1 Zachary Ursinus, Breslau (1534—1583), p. 514 (ed. 1616). lubet deus 

oboedire .praeceptis politicis ex hominum authoritate pendentibus , nan quidem 

eultius divini causa sed tamen propter conscientiam, ecclesiasticis sive caeremoni- 
dlibus, neque eultus, neque conscientiae, sed scandali vitandi cau?a. 


I will shewe by and by. I haue not willingly entered into these pointes, 
but haue beene enforced by the Scripture which I handled, — 2 Col.: 
why are ye hurthened with traditions^. Where the Apostle seeming to 
make it lawfuU for the Colossians to reject such burthens, I resolved 
that doubt if they might. And answered that this might be intended 
to the rulers of that Church which were too remisse and too ready to 
receiue such ceremonyes. But if it be meant of euery inferiour, then 
it is to be rememberred he speakes of such Traditions as were ' will 
worships^,' wherin holynes (at least), if not part of Justification, was put. 
Otherwise if they were not taynted with superstition, as opinion of 
worship, meritt, satisfaction, necessity, (whether to the kingdome of 
heauen, or the being of such partes of Gods worship wherin they were 
used) they might be, yea ought to be, yielded vnto if the Magistrate 
and Church governors commanded them by those rules Ohey those t/iat 
haue the oversight of you : Let euery soule be subject to the higher 
powers^ ; yet might the inferior by all lawfuU meanes seeke to enjoy his 
liberty. And amongest other protesting for it that he doth desire to doe 
otherwise rather then so, but for obedience sake, &c. And this course 
especially, seemes necessary if the Magistrate should require -a Minister 
to doe something without which he could not be suffered to exercise his 
Ministry. In which case, the preaching of the Gospell should sway more, 
then all our desire of euen our owne liberty. Salus populi suprema lex. 
This was the summe of my speach and as I thinck not in inany wordes 
more, wherin though I confesse I giue some light how to doe in case these 
Ceremonies be founde untaynted witli superstition yet doe I in the meane 
tyme not excuse them of it, nor say any thing what is to be done in our 
particular present case. Once only (as before I sayd) I spake of them 
thus. In my sermon before our Byshop, my text being out of Gen. 13, 8 
let tliere he I pray thee no contention betweene thee and me &c., where 
having largely entreated and complained of contentions in the Church, and 
that since the beginning of it presently after Christes and the Apostles 
departure out of the world, and having handled also Abraham's reason dis- 
suasiue {we are hretheren), I touclied our contentions where I sayd I would 
not go so farre as to wish with the Poet Vtinam ne in Pelio netnore* — 
would God they had neuer beene left to be an Apple of dissention among 
us &c. : nor (that wherof though I did see litle hope for the present, yet for 
future tyme it was not impossible) that God would put into the heart of 
the Kinges Majesty, and of the Reuerend Fathers the Governors of our 
Church to remooue them : That I would desire, that my bretheren the 
Ministers who had stood out against them, would euen take some burden 

^ Colossians 2, 20, Why, as though living in the flesh, are ye subject to 
ordinances? SoyiMrlieaBe, Vulg. decernitis.] 

' lb. 'which things have indeed a show of wisdom in will- worship. ' 

' Hebr. xiii. 16; Eom. xiii. 1. 

* Vtinam ne in nemore Pelio securibus 
Caesa accidisset abiegna ad terram trabes. 
Translation of Euripides' Medea by Ennius. Cio. ad Heren. 2 § 34. 


upon them and pro bono pads, rather than depriue the Church of the 
fruite, and themselues of the comfort of their Ministry, and doe that 
willingly which they must doe necessaryly. These were the very wordes, or 
sure I am the very sence, of that speech : and, saue in these sermons, I haue 
sayd nothing in publick. For in priuate I haue desired to heare all the 
arguments that I can, but neuer vndertooke to resolue any of all what so 
euer, for in truth- my speach hath beene still, that if I may see reason I 
will stand out with' them ; otherwise I would we might all yeild and goe 
to gether. It is true that in some meetinges where by the Chiefe of our 
company I haue beene enforced to take the place of the respondent, I haue 
assayed to answer the contrary arguments. And, be it spoken betweene 
us, I doe not find any great difficulty so to doe : but if these men doe heer- 
upon voice me for a patron and persuader to the Ceremonies they doe me 
wronge. This I say and this only, be they as absurd as they will by sup- 
position, if they be not wicked, the solitude of the Churches is a greater 
absurdity and misery. Reade the Epistles of Melancthon in Pezelius 8th 
Tome, the title de Scandalis :^ For Beza's ye know it. Yea, but subscrip- 
tion I For my part I neuer spuke so much to any man as I doe to you 
now, but that which 1 will doe, I will subscribe to. Truth it is there be 
other thinges euen in the reformed booke subject to doubt ; but when they 
will glue them all (as they will) a commodious interpretation, what reason 
haue I to be witty in anothers meaning against my selfe and not to giue it 
to their writinges, which I would to be giuen to mine owne ? For my 
part also I take the terme 7iot repugnant to the worde of God'' to meane 
in the forme of subscription in matters of substance, and directly otherwise. 
I would be loath to subscribe that any writing of man is such. As for the 
reports spread of me let the spreaders of them see to it : I haue the 
testimony of my conscience that I seeke no worldly thinge but the glory of 
Christ, and the good of the Church, and according to my best vnder- 
standing I haue used (or at least endeauoured to vse) no course unseason- 
able for these times. But if concerning these matters, I had used to 
speake according to the conceit of some men, all had beene well and 
seasonable. I cannot so do. If I speake at all I must speake according 
to my persuasion. If I still professe not as modestly as I may, in such 
cases to prescribe to no man nor to be moved if other dissent from me, 
I appeale to my hearers. And yet, save in the one '■wish' before the 
Bishop, I haue spoken nothing which is not the constant doctrine of 
Melancthon, Beza, Martyr, yea Calvin himselfe. Yea but they were 
strangers and saw not our estate. As if they composed their doctrine 
touching ceremonies or indifferent thinges as prognosticators doe their 

1 In the 4th volume of the Argumenta of Christopher Pezelius the first 
Argumentum de Scandalo (Vol. 4, pp. 244 — 263) is by Melancthon. 

2 Articles of Eeligion, xxxrv, Whosoever through his private judgement, 
willingly and purposely, doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of 
the Church, which be not repugnant to the Word of God, and be ordained and 
approved by common authority, ought to be rebuked openly. 


Almanackes for their owne Meridian only ! Ah Mr Warde, God grant 
these men's rigor avayle not more to Popery than the others remissnes. 
But we shall avayle more with standing out. A likely matter, we shall 
without doubt in the twinckling of an eye, make him^ revoke so many pro- 
clamations speaches and other publick and priuate testifications of his 
purpose in that behalfe, whom we see to be more vehement for these 
ceremonies then the Bishops themselves. But what if we were sui-e how 
the event would fall out, and we could by standing out further the cause : 
if that course be against duty we may not take it to a good end. Let 
vs do our duties according to the will of god, and hap what can. Fiat 
justitia et ruat caelum'^ as the Proverbe sayes. See whither I am 
carried in this argument ; but this is to the end you might fully and truly 
know how 1 haue proceeded in this cause; and if neede be haue it ut 
baculum defensionis meae, as Gerson' speakes, if any say of me otherwise. 
See how hard it is to keepe an euen course : on the one side some blame 
me as a favourer of disorderly persons and, as I am told, some of our 
Bishops' attendants heare sayd my sermon was a seditious sermon and 
many like speeches, (I beleeue because I glancingly touched the disorders of 
under officers in pilling and polling, &c., and wished the names of Puritans 
and precisians east to hell, that we might be knowne only by the name of 
Christians): whiles S(ime other say I persuade to the Ceremonies ; and not 
that only but report my general speeches as speciall, nay not mine as they 
make them but their owne. Thus it is, moderate courses are subject to 
the calumniations of both extreemes. But of these matters enough. I 
pray you send me that part of my answer which you haue and you shall 
haue the rest heereafter if you can haue leisure to read it. 

For this bearer Mr Samwayes, in truth I take my selfe not so much 
beholding to your company as I had thought I should ; nay as he without 
me, yea truly or any poore Tenant of the Colledges that neuer had scene 
Emanuell Colledge save that day wherin he had his lease gi-anted, might 
haue beene. I meane for the renewing of the print of the Colledge scale. 
To omitt that, finally this may encourage him to maintaine your right and 
tytle, as he hath done with no small charge, but which would haue beene 
twise so much at the least to the Colledge. To say nothing that it is no 
peny detriment to you, nor profitt to him saue only the satisfaction of some 
more scrupulous than they haue cause. That which 1 haue heeretofore 
signified to our Master and sundry of the Company, that it was my fault 
alone (if improvidence be a fault) by the carieing of the writing betweene 
my Cassock and doublet wrapped up with leaues in a paper which defaced 
the scale, — I had thought it might haue speeded the suite: that I might 
haue had occasion by your liberality of making him amends. But, to use 

1 The King. 

2 The origin of this proverb is obscure. It does not seem to occur in any 
printed book before 1645. 

* John Gerson (1363 — 1429) author of the 'Art to Die well' translated by 


this event as an occasion to draw him on to pay more money for the 
come which he is to yeild you than he is bounde, is a course too base and 
sordid, so as I cannot persuade my selfe so ill of the company that you 
will take it^. I cannot supplicate for so meane a matter: if I should promise 
you thankes for it, it were too much. Pardon ray stomack a litle. I 
know right well the blame is not in you, nor in some others : per- 
aduenture in none of you all, at least as intending any way to gall me, but 
many stringes are not easily tuned. Another suite I haue to you or to my 
Cosin Aliston, which you shall perceiue by this letter enclosed: wherin 
qimd commodo vestro fieri possit, I would desire you to doe, for the 
bearing only of the name of this subsiser, and if you cannot your selues yet 
procure some other of the fellowes vnto it, yet so moue this matter as no 
aduantage be taken against his possibility of hauing that place (which it 
seemes he hath promise of) by my relation. Truth it is I could haue wished 
such a place for Morly if he were worthy it; but I would euen for him 
take no aduantage against this petitioner. If you can doe ought heeriii, 
send for the youth, and let him know of my writing, if not send me worde. 
And thus haue you a volume not a letter : but the longer it is, the more of 
yours shall it stand in account for, either to strike off the old score of ray 
debt, or to make you my debtor. The Lorde blesse you and your society 
vnto whome remember me, specially to my Cosin. Bury St Bdmundes. 

This I cannot tell whether 15 or 16th day of October but if you follow 
the Romans' beginning of the day 16th 1604. Your loving freend 

W. Bedell. 
To my very good freend 
Mr Samuel Warde 
at Emmanuel Colledge. 
Oct. 16, 1604. 

Mr Newton requested me to send for Mr Doddes booke upon the Com- 
mandements and Mr Brightman upon the Revelation. I pray send thojn 
by this bearer and pay Burwall for a booke I had of his — a defence of 

' Samuel Samways (or Samwaies) first oceurg in the College books at an 
audit, Oct. 13, 1602, and regularly recurs till 1650. He leased from the College 
the tithes and lands of Little Melton. His lease was renewed in 1629, paying 
£8 at Lady-day and at Michaelmas 12 qrs. of wheat and one of mault, or money 
for it at the rate of the best wheat sold in College on the Saturday before. 

^ A Defence of Tobacco: with a friendly answer to the late printed booke 
called Worke for Chimney Sweepers (1602). King James's Counterblast to To- 
bacco appeared this year (1604). 



W. Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward, chiefly relating to an 
answer to the Papists; March 11, 16 Of. 

' [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 132.] 

Salutem in Christo. It is now a moneth since that I wrote to you and 
had sent you the remainder of myne answer ; but the Carrier was gone ere 
my Messenger came with it, and thereupon I was to goe to Norwich, being 
cited by the Chancelor. To tell you first what befell me there. He vrged 
me to subscribe. I answered that I had subscribed already ; that I had 
nof revolted from it; that I was conformable as much as by law I was 
bounde; that he had no more reason to urge me to subscribe than any 
Minister in the Diocesse. After many wordes he gaue me respite for my 
subscription till a moneth after Easter, I telling him I knew no reason to 
be urged tlien neither, &c. Many wordes we changed, which it were too 
long to relate. I refused not (nor doe not) the thing; but to doe it upon 
his urging besides law &c. Mr Newton was suspended, and so remaines. 
And I think the Chancelor exspects my conformity within the tyme 
prefixed and so will dismisse me. Notwithstanding I have yet forborne, 
least I should prejuilice others by my precedent, that perhaps are not of 
that indiflferency in these matters with my selfe'. My desire is that you 
would provide me against the retunie of the Carrier (if it may be) a Cap, 
with a deepe head and somewhat large and round Corners (you know the 
coldnes of ray braine), and send me word what length your largest hoodes 
are of, with the depth of the corner that is cut out for the neck. Mr 
Pickering can giue you the dimensions of that which was mine: in tliis 
I ifiay more safely satisfie the Law and Mr Chancelor, than the surplice and 

' The new Canons were passed in Convocation in the early part of 1604. 
On July 16 of that year a Eoyal Proclamation allowed the Puritan clergy to 
retain their livings till Nov. 30, when they must either conform or be subject 
to expulsion. On Deo. 16 Archbishop Bancroft sent a circular to the Bishops 
directing that all curates and lecturers sbould be required on pain of dismissal 
to subscribe to the new articles, — (1) the King's Supremacy, (2) a declaration that 
the Prayer-book contained nothing contrary to the word of God, (3) the Thirty-nine 
Articles were agreeable to the word of God. ' The beneficed clergy were to be 
treated with rather more consideration. If they refused to conform, they were 
to be at once deposed, but those amongst them who were willing to conform, 
though they refused to subscribe, might be allowed to remain at peace. By this 
means many would be able to retain their livings, who though they had no 
objection to perform as a matter of obedience the services enforced by the 
Prayer-book, were by no means ready to declare it to be their conscientious 
opinion that everything contained in that book was in accordance with Divine 
truth.' Gardiner, Hist, of Engl. vol. i. p. 197. 


Crosse, as yet the rather because Mr Jewell and Mr Bulwer our Ministers 
haue broken the ice with their Caps, and the one useth his tippet also. 
If you may understand by the Capper that the peece cut out of a hood 
will make me a Cap send me worde and I will spare some money that way. 
I had forgotten to desire you to send me worde what sattin or damaske 
would serve to line my hoode. For my answer it is dispatched and 
deliuered the 85 of the last inoneth. It was growne neare 58 sheetes of 
paper, the last part touching the praying to Saints is equall to the other 3 
wherin I deale cheifly with Bellarmine, though not follow him foote by 
foote, and withal! endeauour to shew that the Papistes giue worship 
to Saiuts in a score of instances &c. You shall see that if I may get my 
selfe a coppy written out once, — for besides that which Mr Bulwer wrote 
I haue not yet one compleat for my selfe, — I answer his Epistle and 
Bpigramme and dedicate it with a letter to Mr Ambrose Jermyn one of 
our Popish recusants, a good courteous Gentleman who tooke it in very 
good worth, but how it is accepted amonge them I shall heare more here- 
after. Touching the propositions which you wrote of, — how farre Saints 
invocation may peenie tolerable : I haue not penned any, but the vttermost 
that I yeld to is wishing that the prayers which the Saintes doe malce 
for the Church militant may avayle for us, and that perhaps in an 
Apostrophe to the Saintes themselves, as when the Angels and heauens 
and other brute creatures are spoken to. [Psal. 103 and 148.] Herewith 
I fit that of Lanspergius which you know I would haue had put into Mr 
Perkins' ProblemeK But heereof you shall vnderstand better by my answer. 
I was shewed within these 2 dayes a peece of Parsons against Mr Fox^, a 
shanielesse worke of a gracelesse man. It seemes the Jesuites and Priestes 
haue compounded their Controversies, and with this condition, both to set 
vpon vs, as you may see by Dr Bagshaw and Kellison^, Holywood and him. 
And we now are together by the eares about ceremonies. In truth it 
grieues me much that none of us represses their insolency sane Mr Sutcliffe*, 
who yet by his too much bitternesse niarres all. Were my leisure and 
helpes answerable to my desire Parsons should not goe long vnanswered. 
Though I may chance haue my handfuU to defend my selfe. I pray yet 
send me word if you haue heard who is to answer the bokes of Persons 

' Guil. Perkensi problema de Romanae fidei ementito Catliolicismo : published 
after Ms death under the editorship of Samuel Ward, 1604. Perkins died in 
1602. He it was of whom Fuller said that ' He would pronounce the word damn 
with such an emphasis as left a doleful echo in his auditor's ears a good while 

" Treatise of the Three Conversions of England from Paganisme to Christian 
Eeligion by N. D. [Parsons], 160|. 'Designed in answer to Fox, whom he 
professedly opposes throughout a greater part of his Second and Third Volumes.' 

3 A Survey of the New Religion. Douay, 1605 (by M. Kellison). 

* A ful and round Answere to N. D., alias Eobert Parsons the Noddie his 
foolish and rude Name Word, by M. Sutoliffe, Lond. 1604. Subversion of 
Eobert Parsons his confused and worthless worke, entitled, A treatise of Three 
Conversions of England, Lond. 1606. 


and who Dr Bagshaw and Sacrobosco. The bookes tliemselves you 
promised to get me : the one I could neuer yet see. If you can get them 
I pray you send them, and for them and all other arrerages for Morly I will 
send you money: Touching him I can not tell what I should say, I would 
,haue him heere with me, but I thinck it were better he were some vsher 
with some graue Schoolemaster or Minister for some tyme : heere (I perceiue 
by Mr Samwayes) is litle opportunity of study, except one were more 
willing to it then I feare me he is. I pray you put him in minde to write 
to me that 1 may fi-om himselfe heare how he is affected. I receyved by 
Sir BdwLird Lewkenors man my bookes all saue Hosius de Verbo T>&i\ 
which is of no moment. Hyperius de formandis concionibus you put in 
your note, but I had that before: for Lobecchius Theses I think you 
accounted with me before when I reckoned with you for those which you 
had besides. And as I think I payd you for hire of a horse that Mr 
Bywater came hither on, or if I did not I will. Touching the pieces of 
Hierorae that you haue bought, if they be any of them of that edition 
which my part is of, I would desire (if you will part with them) to haue 
them. Myne is at Paris by Chevalon and containes the 3 first Tomes, which 
I would not willingly part with, albeit I should haue another whole, because 
of sundry references which I haue made to the pages of it. Two of our 
Suffolke deprived Ministers deliuered a supplication to the King, but with 
what successe I liep-re not as yet. Many thinges more I haue to write of if 
I could thinck on them, but it is late and this is long enough for a letter 
and too large except it were about "some worthier matter. Therefore 
recommending me to your selfe and 'the rest of your society to our Master 
especially and my Cosin, and to Mr Lewkenors and Mr Walker I com mitt 
you to the Lordes mercifull protection. 
Bury, this 11th of March, 1604. 

Yours in Christ, 

W. Bedell. 

I pray you if any such place come to be disposed of by you or any of 
your freendes as I wrote of before, or if our Master haue any such let (Sir. 
Morly now) haue the offer of it if you think him meete therto. I pray 
send me word if it were not Dominicus Soto that Catha * * * wrote 
against about the question whether the Church might erre in Canonizing. 
I think I saw once tlie answer of Soto in your handes or Chamber. 
I think I left once with you 2 or 3 English pamphletes of Dr Turners, 
which I would haue had bound together. I pray you if you can find them, 
send them at some convenient time. 

1 Hosius, Stanislaus, Of the Extreme Word of God, Louvayn, by John Bogard, 



Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward, on various literary matters; 
July 25, 1605. 

[Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 137.] 

Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Warde, I haue received your letter and 
my booke, wherein as I doe not remember that I had any thing of Dr 
Turners against the Anabaptists (unlesse that were amongst Mr Perkins 
bookes), so I am sure I had a litle booke of his entitled Spirituall Phisick 
which if you find among your bookes I pray you reserve for me. For this 
and for all other my bookes I haue had of you and all other reckonings 
(Sir Morlyes I meane) 1 would not willingly vndertake for him any longer 
except there were any hope for him to get a fellowship heereafter among 
you: but what stuffe there is like to be in him for such a place I knowe not. 
He hath (as I am enformed by Mr Sandes) borne himselfe very well in the 
place where he hath beene, during this his drscontinuance. If there were 
any hope for him that way, and worthines in himselfe thereof, which you 
shall perceiue better by his actes and exercises and carriage there than I 
can, I would desire you to talke with him and to offer him this as of your 
selfe to encourage him to follow his studyes ; that if he will promise you to 
repay that agayne heereafter, you will defray all his moderate expenses for 
some time. And to you if he shall fayle, as farre as lO^i. commeth to I will 
vndertake. Touching any booke of mine to be set out, it is more than I 
know : and I doe thiuk it is nothing but some rumor of these verses which 
are now in printing. My answer at this present is at Norwich with 
Mr Newhouse who desired that he might haue it to peruse. I doe not 
looke for any rejoinder, and if it should be thought worthy the putting 
to print, I doe not care if it were printed. But I thinck I should rather vse 
Mr Macham of the Tigers heade in Paules Churchyard who printes these 
verses, and with whome in some affaires of Mr Sothebyes I haue had 
entercourse by letters these 2 yeares. Touching Sacrobosco had I helpes 
fitt therto, I would gladly vndertake him. I meane Stapletons bookes 
and Dr Whitakers Duplicaiio. For the later booke de Ecclesia, if you 
will vndertake the former, I will answer it. Although if I set out myne 
owne, I haue thought of a siiplement to be annexed to it also for answer 
to the authorityes of the Fathers, &c. Touching Poetry I doubt not'but it 
may be used by a Minister in a holy sort. Gregory Nazianzen ApoUinarius 
besides Prudentius Arator and many others are example, euen in Ministers, 
but this tale that I wrote of is not so much worth. I misse among my 
papers » paraphrase that once I made of the 72nd Psalme by occasion 
of the King coming to the crowne. Whether I sent, or left it with you at my 
being at Cambridge I know not, but sure I am I had in purpose to haue 
shewed it you : if you haue it send it me I pray. Touching Mr Comber his 


verses I know not whats become of them, but I had them not from 
Mr Firmage, although I wel remember we had them at Denham. The 
Examiners will not let Mr Hordes verses passe to the presse, as the 
printer writes to me. Yet he sayth if I will procure a new copy he will 
print them in some priuate copyes. If ymi thinck good entreate Mr Horde 
to let Tou haue a copy and send them on Weddensday. At least vrise I 
would nothing but the place touching the standing against Traditions or 
ceremonies were by him selfe left out, and the rest printed, for else the 1st 
part of the booke wilbe much shorter being the shortest already. I pray doe 
heerin what you thinck fitt but with speede, for yesterday I receiued 2 
sheetes already printed. I espied not till now in your verses (unice) a 
dactyll. I haue sent to the Printer to haue it amended, vndique. I feare me 
such more escapes there wilbe both in other mens and perhaps mine owne. 
I would I might see the Protestants Apology, although if I should set out 
my answer I may not change any thing in it as it now standes. The sicknes 
is still with us in 2 houses. There haue died in all 8 or 9 yet I thank God 
my neighbors are all well, and now permitted to come abroade againe. 
The Lord stay this infection both with you and us. Strange newes we 
heare of a new attempt against the Kinges life. These wretched Papistes 
will still kick against the prick till their madnes procure them the hatred 
both of God and men. The lord convert or confound them. Remember 
me to Mr Lewkeiior, my Cosin, and all your good company This Coronation 
day, 1605. 

Tours in Christ, 
W. B. 

I pray vnite me your mind whether you thinck a suitor may in conscience 
intimate his affection to another without the Licence of her Father, yea or 
nay and qualenus. 


BedelVs letter to Br Sam. Ward; attempted assassination of 
PaulSarpi; other news from Venice; 1607'. 

[Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 3.] 

Good Mr Ward, I thanck you largely for your large letters, and for the 
Note enclosed touching the Fathers ; for your frendship to Sir Morly, your 
newes both that Academicall and Rusticall, if I may so write for ryme sake : 
though to speake truth I lyke greatly neither of them. As touching the 
Canons of the Councills, I had conference with Fra Paulo, he told me he 
could neuer yet come to the sight of the Codex Canonum set forth at 

' Bedell joined Sir H. Wottou in Venice this year as chaplain in succession 
to B. Fletcher. The statement on p. 81 is misleading. He did not go with 
Wotton, but arrived about the end of April 1607, see p. 230. 


Mentz, that there is nothing that he knowes would helpe to your satisfaction 
in St Markes library or that of their Monastery, but a Noble man of Venice 
of his acquaintance hath the Oouncills in Greeke, wherin he promised me 
as you required, to search for that word (f)aTavySiv in the Laodicen Synod, 
or any thing else that you would require. A few dayes after this conference 
hapned the brutish attempt against him', of which I haue certified you 
heeretofore which dasht all and put us in great feare of his life. Now 
thanked be God he is perfectly recoverd and abroad againe, and I doe 
hope this accident will awake him a litle more and put some more spirit 
in him, which is his only want, although to say truth it is rather judgment 
and discretion in him, considering this state how it standes, than weaknes 
that makes him cautelous. I haue no doubt but by litle and litle the 
Papacy will to wrack. Besides the love and care which this estate hath 
shewed to this Father in their 2 Proclamations about him (the latter 
whereof I should haue sent to Mr Chaderton^ before as I wrote, but could 
not, now I pray you deliuer it to him with my humble commendations.) 
Since that tyme one Cibo a Friar, that began to advance the Pope's power 
heere, is banished. And one Angelo Badoero a nobleman of Venice clapt 
in close prison for having had secret conference with the Popes Nuncio, 
and it is thought it will goe neare to cost him his life. He was in the former 
broyle, a Papalin as they call them, but is of no religion as is sayd by them 
that know him ; and so much the flitter instrument might he be for that 
for them with whom treasons and murthers are religion. What becomes 
of him you shall vnderstand heereafter. I haue sent to Mr Knewstub a 
Coppy of certaine rules of the Jesuites whereof aboue 400 coppyes hand- 
written all, eodem exemplo, were found in their CoUedge at Padoa. They 
are worth your seeing. I wrote long since certaine Annotations to them 
which this bearer bringeth with him into England, and I haue entreated 
your pupill Mr Jorkin to copy them out for you. If they should be 
thought fltt to see the light, — I know they are not worthy, neither doth it 
seeme to me very convenient, — I would you or some other would adde a 
fewe lines in the beginning that they came to your handes and that 
you thought good to adde these Annotations. If they could be printed 
rather at London or at Oxford it were better, and by another set out that 
knowes not me, than you. Their fraternity doe this Spring hold a Generall 
Chapter, as it is thought at Rome; where some such Bgge will be 
hatched as was in their last the Holy League. Our comfort is "he that 
sitteth in the heaven. . .shall haue them in derision I" The Pope hath made 
3 Cardinalls, The King of Spaine his Confessor General of the Dominicans, 
(no small aifront to the Jesuites) and the younger sonnes of the Dukes of 
Savoy, and Mantoa, whose other marrieth shortly the D. of Sauoy' his 

1 The attempted assassination of Fra Paolo Sarpi by a band of ruffians at 
Venice in 1607, believecl (though it seems without grounds) to have . been 
instigated by Cardinal Borghese, a nephew of Paul V. 

^ Laurence Chaderton, first Master of Emmanuel College, b. 1536, d. 1640. 

3 Ps. 2. 4. 

* Carlo Emmanuele, 1580-1630. 



daughter. I haue not yet received my trunck nor bought any bookes for 
your or my selfe. But 1 see that is true that you write that the Fathers 
may be better had else where. Schoolemen may be had reasonable heere, 
but all Venice prints of late be exceeding false. Remember nie to my 
Cosin to whom that I now write not I must entreat his pacience. I haue 
so many letters yet to dispatch as I feare to lack tyme. As touching the 
report of preaching heere against Justification by workes, the Papal 
Supremacy, Purgatory, &c., as in a paper printed which I haue scene, The 
truth is that in some Sermons of Friars in general ternies and warily such 
thinges were taught, and with great good ; but this Lent another preaches 
of that order, as senselesse a superstitious fellow as euer cumbered a pulpit. 

Venice this St Stephens day 
in your account [26 Dec.]. 

Yours assured for euer 

W. Bedell. 

Badoero is condemned to be depriued of all honours present and future, 
to suffer a yeares imprisonment, and if he after depart the Signory, to be 
intended banished and his goods confiscate. Two Friars that meditated 
this meeting and afforded them place in their Cloyster, are banished the 
Citty within 24 houres after the sentence, the Territory within 3 dayes. 
This Edict enclosed occasioned by Poma his escape with his complices, 
Deliuer I pray with the other and so I againe recommend me. 


Letter written by W. Bedell, from Venice to Mr Adam Newton^, - 
giving an account of the state of the Church and religion 
there; Jan.' 1, 160|. 

[Tanner MSS Lxxv. f. 242.] 

Neither my forgetfuUness of your almost-last words at my parting from 
the court, (Right Reverend, and worshipfull Sir,) when you requir'd, that 
in this absence from my Country now and then you might hear from me; 
nor the neglect of soe small an affaire, — especially being now the onely 
means I have, or, perhaps ever shall, to shew my thankfullness for your 
undeserv'd love, in the debt whereof an honest mind would most of all 
eschew to dye, — hath caused my forbearance to write unto you hitherto. 
But (as God, who best knows my heart, is my best witness) chiefly the 

1 For Bedell's residence at Venice as chaplain to Sir H. Wotton, see Life, 
pp. 8, sq. Cp. p. 224 n. Adam Newton, a Scotchman, was made Dean of 
Durham in 1606, though not in orders. In 1620 he was made a baronet. 


desire of performing this Duty in such sort, as might be worthy your 
view, hath been the barr to my perpetuall desire of the performance it 
self. And as to my manner, although from the begining, I desir'd thereof; 
yet the trust of your acceptance of my endeavour in good part, made me 
ready enough. * It was fitt matter that I expected : fitt, I say, for me 
to write of, and to you. For to write of ordinary oceurents, as the news of 
the Piazza, some merchant or merchants factor might fittlyer and should 
much better doe it than I. And as for matters of state, with such like 
affairs subordinate to that end ; I counted it should be noe small folly 
to seek to give you intelligence, which have it there daily at court more 
full and more certain, from this and all other places, than my self. The 
Estate of the church here, and of religion, in what tearms it either 
presently stands, or is like hereafter, that I might with some observation 
enquire and relate, I thought it would not be unfitt for me nor unwellcom 
to you ; and of both, as farr as I have been able to informe my self, I will 
now endeavour to give you an Account. 

First, for the church (which Name, I know not by what right, by 
universall custome, and long prescription we Clergy-men have engross'd to 
our Selves), The Signory of Venice hath not any one Bcclesiasticall 
person, to whom the rest are subordinate. For though there be a Patriarch 
here, who also stileth himself Primate of Dalmatia, yet is this but a name 
of honour. He is not soe much as an Archbishop, according to the ancient 
account, but onely Bishop of Venice : neither when he calls his Synod, doe 
any other but the Clergy of this Citty meet. The other Citties of this 
estate (as are Padua, Vicenza, Verona, Brescia,) are distinct jurisdictions; 
and some pertaineing to the Archbishop of Millaine, which is the self- 
same inconvenience which was found in our Island while the Bishops of 
Scotland were under the Archbishop of Yorke. It is true, that some one 
or two towns and Islands this Patriarch hath under him in Dalmatia, 
which are Bpiscopall Sees ; And the revenue of the ancient Patriarch of 
Aquileia for a great part (a towne allmost now desolate of inhabitants), and 
whereby, and his other means here, he receiveth yearly 13000 Duckatts of 
revenue : which is the cause, that this place is still fumish'd with some one 
of the nobility, and to be sure that the Pope should not encroach upon 
them in the vacancy, they have used allways to have a new-elect, besides 
him who occupieth the place, in readiness. This man is now said to be a 
sickly and weak man ; neither greatly stirreth in the church-affairs. And 
Ills weakness hitherto hath served the Venetians for an excuse, why he 
should not goe to Rome for his confirmation (which one onely of his 
Predecessors, for fear of the arms of Spaine, hath done) : Although if 
this excuse should faile, they would soon find another, or two, ere they 
would send him. 

Under the Patriarch (at least in opinion, and appearance) is the college 
of the Inquisition, which is composed of the Pope's Nuncio (who is 
ordinarily resident here, and hath a fair palace, properly appertaining 
to his place, of the gift of the Signory), and of the Patriarch, his Vicar 
generall, and Commissary, 2 Gentlemen of Venice, and an Inquisitor of 



the Dominicans. These seven have the censure of Books to be imprinted, 
and audition of the crime of heresie ; although with this moderation, that 
noe man borne out of Italy is soe much as called in question by them unless 
he give great scandall. 

Next are the ordinary Priests and Curates of the severall churches 
of the Citty. In the choice of whom (not here onely, but as I've been 
told by those, that have reason to know, throughout Italy) it is aimed 
at that they be such, as they are sure to be either noe sticklers (for which 
they take a good order by choosing noe great Clerks) or else sound for 
the present state : whereunto they are allso obliged by dispensations for 
many benefices and church-dignities. And generally these, if they needs 
will be preaching (which is but supererogation) must be licens'd soe to 
doe, and are enjoyn'd for the rule and square of their doctrine the 
Catechism of the Council of Trent, which is by the Patriarchs command- 
ment enjoyn'd to be taught allso in Schools, and by all means made 
familiar to the people, being set forth in the Italian tongue, with large 
indulgence to those that teach and learne \i. 

Thus is the, ofiBce of preaching wholly in a manner devolved to the 
Pryars, and when they were here to the Jesuits. Of which last I can 
say nothing, since 'twas not my ill-fortune to meet them here at my 
coming, Onely there came to my hands certain rules of theirs, which it 
seems were observ'd among them in their preaching, whereof there were 
found In their college at Padua, when they departed thence, about 400 
copies, written all after one manner. You shall receive them herewithall 
by this bearer, and certaine notes added to them : which if you thinke 
good to communicate to others, I desire it may be concealed they came 
from me. By them you may make conjecture of the Jesuits sermons. 
As for the Fryars, which I have heard here, their whole intentions seem to 
be either to delight or to move : as for teaching, they know not what it 
means. But to hear their strange wresting of the holy Scripture, to see 
the fooleries of their Idolatry to the little crucifix that stands at their 
elbow, the anticks of their gesture more than player or fencer-like, their 
vehemency of which a man may well use that of the poet, magno conatu 
magnas nugas^. It is (I assure you. Sir) matter of great patience: and for 
my part I have found myself better satisfied (at least wise less cloy'd) with 
the sermons of the Jews, than with theirs. And in one thing the very 
Jews contemne them, and not undeservedly, as merchants of Gods word. 
For in the middest of their sermons still the preacher makes some pretty 
occasion or other to fall into the common place of moveing them to alms ; 
and 3, or 4 with long canes, and a bag at the end skim over the whole 
auditory; and the people generally not undevout, being taken in a good 
mood, while the impression is yet new, are not unliberall. Out of this 
the preacher hath his share : the rest goes to the collectors, or Guardians 
of the fraternity, or other school that heard him. 

' Terence Hautont. 621 ne ista hercle magno cum conatu magnas uugas 


And because 1 am fallen in to the mention of the people, that you 
may at once understand the present face of Religion here ; If ever there 
were any Citty, to which the Epithets would agree, which St Luke gives to 
Athens, (which he calls KoreibaKov^) this is it. Such a multitude of 
idolatrous statues, pictures, reliques in every corner, not of their churches 
onely, but houses, chambers, shopps, yea the very streets, and in the 
country the high wayes and hedges swarme with them. The sea it self is 
not free ; they are in the shipps, boats, and water-marks. And as for their 
slavery and subiection to them, it is such, as that of paganisme came not 
to the half of it. Whereof to give you such a taste as may be allso for some 
cause of it ; noe sooner doe their Children almost creep out of their Cradles, 
but they are taught to be Idolators. They have certain childish processions, 
wherein are carryed about certain puppets, made for their Lady, and some 
boy that is better Gierke than his fellows goes before them with the words 
of the Popish Litany ; where the rest of the fry following make up the 
quire. A great tyrant is custome and a great advantage hath that 
discipline which is suck'd in with the mothers milke. But to convey 
superstition into the minds of that tender age under the forme of sport, 
and,play, which it esteemeth more than meat and drinke, is a deeper point 
of policy, and such, as wise men perhaps would profitably suck somewhat 
out of it for imitation to a right end. 

But one thing certainly they goe beyond us in : and that is their libe- 
rality and cost in the solemn setting forth of their service and adorneing 
their churches ; and especially at their feast-days. Wherein if they pass 
measure allso, as possibly they doe, yet is that extreme less exceptionable, 
and allways more curable, than our beggary, the scorne of our religion. 
Not only popular conceits, but the most part of men of whatsoever quality 
are led much more by shews than substance. And what a disproportion 
it is, to come from ours soe mihonestly kept (for in Buildings we generally 
goe beyond them) to the glittering churches and monasteries of Italy, you 
may easily disceme. Truly, Sir, 1 have heard some vrise men account this 
as noe small cause of the perversion of soe many of our young Gentlemen 
that come into these parts. 

To returne to the people here : as they are thus abandon'd to Idolatry, 
soe is that of the Apostle verified in them, that they receive the recompence 
of their error in themselves ; being given over to all manner of uncleaue- 
ness^, for a punishment of that Spirituall whoredom. And indeed that 
vice is here in all sorts, not only without measure, but without shame : 
wherein they are the ring-leaders which profess religion ; and even at this 
present in a cloyster of votaries, not farr from this house, the report goes, 
that there be noe less than four with child. This fruit hath the worldly 
wisedome and painted holiness of these extoUers of virginity, and depravers 
of Gods ordinance of Marriage. To conclude this point, I cannot easily 
resolve, whether this people be more deeply drown'd in ignorance, or sin ; 
each indeed being the effect and cause of other ; Both be soe great, as if 
1 Acts 17. 16. 
' Romans 1. 24. 


it be true, which is said things mend, when they ai'e at tlie worst, it 
cannot in reason be farr off, that God should by his judgment or mercy 
work some alteration. 

And that the same was like to be to conversion, rather than subversion, 
the late controversy with the Pope gave great hope to all good men. The 
admirable consent of this State to stand out ; the learned writings of their 
Divines against the Pope's pretended authority ; the banishment of the 
Jesuits; the sermons, some invective against the abuses of Popes, and 
their vices by one Fulgentio a Franciscan, a bitter Opposite of the Jesuits 
and of the Pope ; some laying the generall ground of reformation, as the 
times would bear, in the doctrines of the authority of the holy scripture, 
explicite faith against blind ignorance mask'd with the name of the church 
belief; the Grace of God whereby we are saved; the slavery of our free 
will to sin by another Fulgentio a Servite : these were great signs, great 
causes of health. But ail-suddenly this hope was dasht by the peace 
concluded with the Pope ; which was done a few days before my arrivall 
here. A matter wrought in appearance by the diligence of the French 
Ambassador, the Cardinall Perron ; in truth by the sole authority of his 
majestie's Name : Whose declareing himself for this estate made such an 
impression at Rome as they thought jt vrisedom to redeem this part, 
though it were with loss of reputation, rather than hazard alU. 

It may be said according to humane judgment (save that the highest 
wisedom is the best director of all things) that this peace fell out very 
unluckily for the cause of Religion ; which began to gaine much, not only 
in the question of the Pope's Primacy (that in my judgement being the 
maine ground of Popery) but in many others. It is the opinion of wise 
and good men here, that, had this breach continued but a year or two 
longer, the Pope might have bidden farewell his part. But now haveing 
recalled his censures, though with much baseness, consenting to the 
perpetuall banishment of his chief champions the Jesuits ; this he seems 
to have gotten, that he hath quench'd the sparke ; which, had it a little 
more kindled in his house, would have fired it about his ears. 

Not long after my comeing, he sent his Nuncio the Bishop of Rimini 
(soe is now the old Ariminum called) by whom, flattering the state with 
the title oi filia apprime dilecla, he promised all that might be required 
at the hands of a most indulgent Father. The state gratefied him before, 
at the petition of the Cardinall, with the silencing of Fulgentio the 

1 Paul V. launched an interdict against Venice, 17 April, 1606, because the 
Signory insisted on the right of prosecuting ecclesiastics and dealing with 
eoolesiastical property. In spite of this, by the authority of the Signory the 
Jesuits, Capuchins and Theatiues were banished. But on the 21 April, 1607, 
Cardinal de Joyeuse (Ambassador Extraordinary from France) celebrated mass 
as a sign of the withdrawal of the Interdict. The Pope was not mortified 
by doing this formally, and the Signory by abstaining from attending the mass 
ignored both the interdict and its withdrawal. This however was practically 
the end of the quarrel, though the Jesuits were not readmitted. 


Franciscan, tho' without any disgrace, nay with a pension to him, and 
the rest that stood for their cause : and Fulgentio hath the Jesuits College 
granted to him and his order, where he now resideth. The otlier Ful- 
gentio, his tearme to preach being expired, another of his order is sent by 
the Provinciall ; but of another stamp, as bold, and silly a man, as ever 
combered pulpitt. All things seem to have returned to their old course 
again ; and the doore as fast shutt, and barr'd against reformation, as 
ever. And had not one counsell this other day miscarryed, that I mean, 
of killing Fra Paolo, all had been out of despaire ; and they would have 
thought, if not with Love, with fear at least, to have sealed up the lipps of 
any that might have spoken against the Pope's power. 

Notwithstanding I am of opinion, that the same is irrecoverably broken 
here, and long it will not be ere some change follow. A paradox perhaps 
to those, who look either to the generall nature of the Italians, or speciall 
prudence of this state, to put nothing in hazard. But the inducements, 
that lead me soe to thinke I will sett down, referring it to your wisedom to 
judge of my conjecture herein. 

All changes in religion seem to me to come from reasons of conscience, 
or of state. For the former, it should be necessary thereto that the 
magistrate, and people in some regardable number, should be informed of 
the present abuses, as they offer, or these call for redress. A great 
worke, and whereto much time and many instruments would be requisite ; 
save that some times the dexterity and excellency of a few work more 
than the number of many. Some there are here as admirably fitted 
thereto as could be wish'd: Maestro Paulo, and his schoUar Fulgentio, 
Serviti, both of great learning, piety, humility, discretion, and integrity of 
Ufe ; and which is especially to be consider'd as to our purpose, in great 
account with all sorts, and deservedly; haveing, in the late controversy 
serv'd their country soe faithfully, as the Pope conns them little thanks ^ 
for their labour. The former for a long time liv'd in Rome, and is holden 
for a miracle in all manner of knowledge divine and humane; the chief 
counsellor of this signory in their affairs Bcclesiasticall. The other was 
sometimes reader of Schoole-Divinity in Bononia, the Pope's university: 
out of which place he was called home, or turn'd out, when the quarrell 
begun, his books still detain'd. He is said to be an excellent preacher: 
and of his sermons, I think, came the report, which I have seen sent out 
of England in print, of certaine preachings here the last lent. These two 
I know (as haveing practic'd with them) to desire nothing in the world soe 
much as the reformation of the Church : and in a word, for the substance 
of religion they are wholly ours. What effect now the force of truth may 
have in the mouth of such men, I leave to your consideration. Sundry 
of the nobility and Senate doe extraordinarily favour them and their 

' This now obsolete phrase was oommou at the time. Shakespeare, All 's 
Well, IV. 3. 174, ' I con him no thanks for It.' rinion, iv. 3. 428, ' Thanks 
I must you con.' Holland the translator uses it to represent the Greek dUvai. 


opinions. The generall doctrines, that I mention'd before, did much 
good; private conferences have more freedom and uoe less fruit; the 
name of Papalini given to the popish faction argues somewhat : the banish- 
ment of the Jesuits another noe ill sign how the minds of men be affected. 
And tho' it be noe small disadvantage, that the government here is in the 
hands of so many, in such sort, as it will not serve to woi-ke one, or two, 
or ten : yet hath it again some commodity, that voices being given by balls 
secretly, every man doth freely, without regard of others displeasure, sway 
whither his conscience leads him. Concluding then this discourse, Re- 
formation by that by-way of persuasion of the conscience, though slower, 
seems noe way to be despaired off. 

To come to those by-ways of policy, which yet I think a man may truly 
say, doe more ordinarily conduct the change of religion than the former; 
it being, as the corruption of our nature, noe otherwise to love the very 
truth, than as it may comport with our own affairs, soe the highest pre- 
rogative of that infinite wisedom, which rules us, to order or disorder to 
his own glory; and while we aime at other ends, to e.ffect his : it is out of 
question with all who see any thing, that the likest thing soonest to bring 
in reformation, that can be imagin'd, were warr with the Pope, or at least 
in Italy. For as for some schisme by election of an Antipope, it is a thing 
rather imaginable than to be hoped: unless the French King were more 
sensible of the potency of Spaine in the College of Cardinalls, than he seems 
to be. Of warr with the pope there seems noe likelihood; 'tis but the other 
day this peace was concluded, as thirstingly in the end by him desir'd, as 
it had been rashly broken : and as broken bones (they say) grow stronger 
than before; so does the agreement of states, their jealousies discoverd 
and satisfied. The world knows, the Venetians be noe hot undertakers in 
matters of warr; a people of the gown rather than of the Cloke; their 
Counsell, and commanders of that Age, which, even in them which have 
been brought up in the camp, curdleth the bloud and quencheth the heat 
of martial spirit. Their Arsenall indeed is a shop of warr : but it serveth 
them more for the guard of their peace with the opinion of it, than with 
the use. They see well Spaine will be on their top, if they tamper with 
the pope. He' on the other side is not martiall, and hopeing at first to 
winn the opinion of courage by undertaking, now (as cowards are wont) 
fears the more, where he finds resistance. He hath noe money ; he fears 
the Spanish society will be Lyon-like ; he hates the Venetians for giveing 
tills precedent of questioning his power: but for all that would not 
strengthen the other^, whom he counts too potent in Italy already, with 
their ruine : rather (if he wist how) would he try to wring Naples out of 
their hands, than help them to more. It is true, that when the princes, 
and estates in Italy were many and of noe great strength, he found it a 
course of gaine to continue them in factions and warrs, and flsh'd well 
himself with St Peter's nett in troubled waters: now being few and 
mighty, he fears to break the counterpoise, and doubts lest himself loose 

1 The Pope. ^ Spain. 


by shufHing. Soe, when peace is made, and both parts content, uay 
desirous to be defendants rather than assailants, what lilcelihood of any 

As for other warr in Italy, wherein the Pope should be partiall to the 
opposites of the Signory, it must be in all likelihood, if at all, from Spaine. 
The Venetians know well enough the King affects the entire possession of 
Italy; the Country by long prescription pretending, and by its own situa- 
tion made as it were to be the seat of the western monarchy, which now a 
good while those ambitious princes have in their thoughts erected. It is 
true, that after the advice bequeathed him (as 'tis said) by his father, he 
proceeds to make himself master of it by little and little, by alliances, and 
pensions, and such means, awaiteing fitt occasions rather than open force : 
and these courses are soe inexceptionable, as they cannot tell how to oppose 
themselves to them. It may well be, these Signers fear the Spaniard the 
more ; the tediousness it self of which affection sometimes produceth great 
resolution 5 discourseing, that where certain hostility is look'd for, he hath 
the advantage that strikes first; to break with a colourable friend is the 
onely means of safety; the only peace with a cloaked enemy is warr. 
Notwithstanding for my part, looking to their former courses, I doe not 
think they will be the first to take arms; but will rather maintaine still 
their wonted patience ; though with as good an eye to the practices of 
Spaine as they can. As for that prince 1, besides it is said he is nothing 
warlike, he hath allready soe much tow on his distaff in ye low countries, 
and may have more from Prance, God knows how soon, as he is not likely 
to stirr in Italy, without very great likelihood of advantage and fair 
possibilities. Which if he should, as the Venetians hazzard as much as 
they have to loose, soe they would hope for as good partage as they might : 
the Pope (out of question) whosoever won, would have the worst of the 

Soe looking to the dispositions of these princes, there is noe likelihood 
of warr. But if there be constant and necessary causes of dislike ; if there 
want not some on either side to foment them ; if there be daily new and 
great occasions of breaking; it may be this new unity will be ript ere 
long, though it be not rent, and that shaU be enough to bring in this 
reformation, which we are speaking of. Here then lett us consider, that 
by the pope's seizing into his hands the Duchy of Perrara he is become a 
borderer upon this state ; that they hold certaine skirts of that Signory, 
which they have rent from it in the former troubles of Italy ; that the 
pope having soe greatly encreas'd his power is not only a greater eye-sore, 
but now allso formidable to them. They find his spirit (which this success 
hath put into him) by his picking quarrells, and late homely usage of them, 
though somewhat before himself was well provided. They consider, how 
he is by the Spaniard made, and used to all his purposes and occasions ; 
how his censures shall be at all times at his devotion. They see, how he 
hath a great, and strong part in their own territories to use against them- 

1 Philip III. of Spain. 


selves, the whole Clergy, which are his profess'd and sworne servants: 
to omitt, that in the consciences of the vulgar sort he is esteemed a God 
Almighty upon Earth i, soe as 'tis a doubtfuU question they use among 
great Clerks, whether he can err or noe. These things thus standing, it 
were simplicity (in my opinion) to think they can love him, and they 
sconie as much to fear him. Consider now, whether it be not necessary 
for them to seek to untie their subjects' consciences from his devotion, 
and to let him know, if they cannot have his indulgences, to escape the 
fire, or allay the heate, of purgatory, they may goe to heaven a nearer 

And because 'tis found that sometimes they, that take part with others 
in their quarrells, do sett them together by the ears by their Counsells, 
provocation of the adverse part, or even encouragement of their presence, 
whicli otherwise out of their own patience and sometimes mutuall fears 
would reniaine good friends, let us view the assistance of each side. With 
the Pope are, besides the Spaniards (of whom himself yet cannot but be 
jealous) the Jesuits, the great Duke 2, sometime a Cardinall of the church 
of Rome, whom the Venetians love not, as he knows it well enough, the 
Dukes of Mantua, and Savoy, obliged by the late choosing their sonns 
Cardinalls. With the Venetians, besides the French King, whom they 
hope all ways to oppose to the Grizons and Switzers, with whom they have 
severall leagues, their newest, yet perhaps surest friend is his Majesty ^ 
There is noe doubt, but the King of Spaine, if he had not his hands full 
allready, that he might see how to gett by the bargaine, he would soone 
both perswade and counsell the Pope to break with the Venetians. And 
therefore they stand in great care, and expectation, what the end of this 
treaty will be with the Netherlands*. The other Dukes I meution'd, if 
they doe any way further hereunto, it is with the hope of their assistance 
and defence, if the pope should be wrongd more then to incite him to 
begin to make a stirr : unless it be the Duke of Savoy, who is a stirring 
Prince, and hath many children, and knows he shall still be kept back by 

But let it not seem strange, that I make reckoning of the Jesuits, and 
account them regardable in this affair ; being (as it may seem) but a small 
part of the Pope's power. They are a just monarchy by themselves, mighty 
in number, money, possessions, friends ; insomuch, that they are not only 

' For the high claims of Paul V. to a quasi-divine authority see Banke's 
Hist, of the Popes, Book vi. § 11. Cp. p. 250 infra. 

2 Grand Duke of Tuscany, a title bestowed on Cosmo II. of Florence by 
Pius V. (1372). In 1587 Ferdinand succeeded his brother Francis, giving up u. 
Cardinal's hat for the Dukedom. Ob. 1609. 

3 James I. of England, who promised through Sir H. Wotton to use all 
endeavoms to make a league in favour of Venice, and assist her by sea and land, 
with men and money. 

■* On the 9th April, 1609, a truce for 12 years was signed between the king of 
Spain and the Dutch States, which practically ended the War of Independence 
and acknowledged the Dutch as a free people. This was now negotiating. 


envyed of other religious, and generally of the Clergy, but allmost feard of 
the Pope himself : and which is not least to be regarded, they have many 
ripe and stirring witts, and of great ability to manage their aflfairs. As to 
our present purpose, they have receiv'd the deepest disgrace from this 
estate that may be. Their houses here, and at Padua in the late conten- 
tion were search'd, their goods, books, and writeings seiz'd, such as them- 
selves had not the time to burne, (as here they burnt an incredible number, 
as by the ashes on a great heap, and yet quick the next day after their 
departure, appeared, which was told me by an eye-witness of creditt) ; 
themselves banish'd, and with speciall conditions in the treaty with the 
Pope, and soe to remaine. These people, the most malicious in the world, 
the boldest undertakers, the hottest pursuers of any enterprize, it is not 
possible but they will attempt to sett all in broile; and to be avenged 
of the Venetians, hazard not only the Pope's estate, but their own, 
haveing without any probable cause (as might be alleged in France) 
receivd such an indignity. Of this affection some fruits here allready 
appeareth, more are looked for; especially after their generall chapter, 
which is called this Spring to be holden (as is said) at Rome : where 
Christian princes — especially those of the reformed religion, which in all 
this time have not had the mind, to assemble any Councill, either for the 
generall reformation of the Church or the takeing away of differences 
betwixt themselves, no not soe much as to enter into any consultation for 
the security of their own persons from such cutt throats, — may expect 
that some such egg will be hatch'd, as was at their last meeting of this 
kind ; which brought forth that bloudy, rather than holy league, the effect 
whereof poor Prance can yet report off; and that prince put to soe hard 
a choice, as either to forgoe his crown or doe worse, hath reason to 

Of him the Venetians, (to returne to our purpose) doe always look for 
good assistance against Spaine, for the recovery at sea of his own, either 
old or new pretensions. The Grisons and Switzers will at all times afford 
them souldiers. Notwithstanding, neither of these doe put any great 
spirit into them; the French allso (which themselves cannot sufficiently 
wonder at) in the contentions with the Pope mediating for peace. As for 
his majestie's intentions, it would not become the reverence of a subject to 
guess at them, farther than himself hath discoverd. The world hath taken 
knowledge of his profession, to stand for the liberty of princes encroachd 
upon by the Pope. If nothing else, not only the former dangers of his 
person, but those perpetuall of his estate, — soe long as for the practices of 
Rome he cannot be sure of the allegiance of his own subjects,— be noe 
inducement to him to seek the peace of it. To goe a little farther, it were 
an opinion against his honour, to think that he doth not affect the reforma- 
tion of the church of God, the ruine of Babell. If it be said, that he is too 
farr off to be of any great use to the Venetians; some 5, or 6 weeks saileing 
would bring his navie into the mouth of Tiber. Or if that course by them, 

1 The Catholic League in France 1584, owing to which Henry IV. was forced 
to accept Catholicism (1593). 


which, professing to be his Iriends entertain open rebells iind traytors 
against his person in the highest degree, should be impeached ; there 
is landing nearer at hand: Howsoever, his very name sufBceth the 
Venetians : and in the late capitulation it made them to stand more upon 
points oflf honor ; see doth it still animate them not to yield a hair in all 
their negotiations with Rome. 

If there were nothing else, this very manner, compar'd with the pride of 
that see, would persaude that this peace cannot last long : since as the 
Italian proverb hath it. Hard with hard makes noe good wall'; But there 
be sundry occasions of breach offered all ready on either side. The 
Venetians have rewarded the Divines that wrote on their side with pensions 
out of the common treasure. One Cibo a Fi-yar, which haveing by his 
sermons ever since Easter last gotten good reputation in the Citty, began 
at length to advance the authority of the Pope, was presently banishd the 
state : and the like punishment had another at Brescia, for haveing in the 
former troubles perswaded certain gunners there not to bear arms against 
the Pope. Who finding him self griev'd herewith, not that they were 
punish'd, but that they were not reserved to him, answer was made by the 
Ambassador of this Signory, that the state did not prejudice his holiness, 
but he might provide that such persons brake not out in this kind ; but if 
they did, they would surely see to them: that they had been too mild 
hitherto ; but henceforth would sack them and drowne them. And indeed 
not long after a rumor was raised in the Citty, that certain Fryers, that 
came to worke I know not what mischief here, were drownd in the nigel ; a 
course of Justice not in this place unlawfull or unusuall. 

On the other side hath been the barbarous attempt against ye person 
of Father Paulo; whereof I know you have heard allready very particularly. 
Many remarkeable circumstances accompanyed it. For the time ; it was 
done the very next day that Perron, the French Cardinall, came hither 
from Rome returneing to France^; the persons dwelt hard by the Nuncio 
his house, (who became by this means not lightly sprinkled with the 
suspition of being privy hereto) : they fled to Ancona, the Popes towne, 
and a few days after were seeft at Rome : where (as some think), they are 
entertain'd as souldiers in the Popes pay in the Castle of St Angelo ; 
others say, they were made Jesuits. But to have seen how this matter 
was taken was admirable. The whole Citty was in a broile ; the Councell 
often called in the night ; the chiefest of the senate flock'd to the monastery, 
where the wounded Father lay ; the next day the people every where in 
clumps and clusters talking of this matter ; the professor of Anatomy and 
Chirurgery, Aqua-pendente, a man of great age, learning, and experience, 
sent for by publick counsell to Padua, and joyned with other physicians to 
the cure of the wounds ; an edict published against the cut throats, with a 
strange tally sett on their heads ; and which is specially to be marked 

1 Duro con dure 

Non fa buono muro. 

2 Jacques Day du Perron, b. 1556, d. 1618, Cardinal of St Agnes, Grand 
Almoner of France. 


therein, they are expressly stiled the ministers of this conspiracy, as if 
others were the authors and contrivers. Besides, the Priest's head is sett 
in it to sale as well as the rest without reserving him to the Pope's correc- 
tion. Not many days after, when the Father's recovery was certain, which 
for a good while for his great loss of blood, and an inflammation succeeding 
was doubtfuU in such sort, as almost for a moneth he kept his bed ; his 
pension was encreas'd to GOO Ducates : and an other edict set forth for the 
asservation of his person in time to come : and now by reason of the 
escape of those who attempted soe foul an enterprize, this day a third 
more generall to prevent the like, which you shall receive herewith. 

The Nuncio at the beginning kept his house for a great time ; and it 
was given out (whether truly or no) for a colour, that he was sick : since 
that time he hath receivd many distastes, which would be too long to relate 
in particular. He hath abstaind to come into the college of the inquisition, 
because of the Dominican there, which was one of the 7 Divines, that con- 
curr'd in the book against the Pope^ Now whereas he is wont by custome 
to visit certain churches in the Citty, and certain monasteries, they have 
still soe appointed it, that those that receive him, (and once he that gave 
him holy water) are the same, that were opposites in the former times to 
his master. But especially 'tis considerable, (which fell out a few days 
since) one Angelo Badoenzo, a man of great nobility, alliance, employment, 
as haveing been Ambassador into Prance, and still on the Pope's side, for 
haveing had secret conference with the Nuncio in a Cloyster of Friars, 
was committed to close prison, and yesterday censured to lose all his 
honours ; and to be made for ever incapable of any in time to come ; to 
sustain a year's imprisonment ; and after, if he shall attempt to flye out of 
the territories of the state, to be intended banished, and his goods con- 
fiscated. These affronts are yet increasd with the banishment of Marc- 
antonio, and Vicentio, the Friars, within 24 hours out of the Citty, within 
3 days out of the dominion of the Venetians. It is allso said that they will 
never yield that that Patriarch shall goe to be confirmed at Rome ; for that 
matter beginns to be moved afresh. 

Soe that considering those occasions anew rubbing the old sore, ere 
it hath fully gotten an escarre ; it seems to me, that in likelihood the Pope, 
either wearied with those disgraces will anew interdict this Signory: and 
then unless he can make a full conquest of them (which I doubt whether 
he dare hope) he is here gone for ever : or else if his back be soe broad, as 
to bear all this and more (as he must,) his authority with too much 
sufferance will grow stale by little and little; and the number of them, 
which desire reformation, increasing with their contempt of him, that will 
at length fall out here which in other Cities of Germany wee see to have 
happened. The estate of a Tyrant, always hazardous, is then desperate, 
when he beginns to reign by treaty : and easier it is, as Caesar was wont to 
say, to fall from the second stepp to the lowest, than from the highest to 

1 TherB was a war of pamphlets in this controversy with the Pope. The 
principal ones in favour of Venice were by Fra Paolo and Fulgentius. The 
seven divines wrote a Trattato del Interdetto. 


the second 1. All great things are unwelldly to move; but once goeing fall 
with their own weight. Never monarchy yet, after it began to decline, hath 
had the power to stay it self from utter mine. God himself owes Babel 
a fall; and rather than fail, himself will descend from heaven to over- 
throw it. 

For Conclusion this onely I add, that 'tis noe small confinnation of 
my hope, that God's providence and his Maiestie's high wisdom have made 
choice of soe worthy, and fitt an instrument hereto, as this noble Gentle- 
man, with whom I now am': whose rare abilities, and equall faithfuUness 
in his service need not my testimony, when they have the world's well 
deserv'd opinion and his Maiestie's royall approbation. Of his excellent 
understanding of religion, of his constant zeale to further it I can speak ; 
and when I have said never soe much, yet will there be more behind than 
what I have said. In sumni, from him alone, or from none, and from him 
I hope ere long (if God prosper his religious Counsells, and bring them 
to their desired issue) to see an end put to that glorious woik, whereunto 
there hath allready been made a happy begining of bringing in reformation 
into this Church. Whereof hereafter. Reverend Sir, I hope to render you 
an account by it self: haveing allready with this tedious discourse, to the 
length of a just volume, not a letter, overwearied you. I desire, that this 
may be the excuse of it, that it stands for many ; and soe shall my present 
fault cover that other of my former silence. For the rest, kissing first the 
hands of his highness your princely care, (the fame of whose encrease in 
wisdom, stature, favour with God, and man rejoyceth the heai-ts of all good 
men here) remembring allso my self most heartily to that worthy Gentle- 
man Sir David Murray^, and to your good self, I humbly take leave, and 
doe rest, 


Your Worships ever to be coniman 
W. Bedell. 
Venice this 
Newyears day 
in our own stile 

[Tlie signature and corrections are by Abp. Sancroft.] 

' Diffioilius se principem oivitatia a prime ordine in secundum, quam ex 
seoundo in novissimum detrudi. Suet. €aes. 29. 

2 Sir Henry Wotton, Ambassador at Venice. 

•* Sir David Murray was attached to the Prince of Wales (Henry). Ellis' 
Letters xi. 166. 

■• As we should now call it 1608. 



Bedell's letter, from Venice to Mr Adam Newton, giving av 
account of the state of the church and religion there; 
Jan. 1, 160f . 

[Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 18.] 
Right Reverend and Worshipfull Sir, 

It is now a year since, that writing to you concerning the sick estate 
of the church here, I put you notwithstanding in the expectation to receive 
from mo some news of the hoped recovery of the same. I have not since 
been immindfull of that promise ; and if I had see, I might have been 
admonish'd thereof by the receipt of 2 very kind letters from you, with the 
assurance of your love, and good acceptance of my former endeavours in 
this poor kind to answer it, and the addition of gi-eater encouragement, 
than ever I could deserve, or hope for. But that, which the father of 
medicine says of bodily sickness, is here much more true, ?) (cpiVts x"^"''') ■ 
Wherefore, as there they are wont to tarry for certain criticall days, 
wherein they observe the motions of nature, ere they pronounce ; soe hath 
it been nocessary to me in this case.- Now the same being past, and 
portending a longer cure ; I have yet with the opportunity of this bearers 
journey into England, determin'd to acquaint you with the like courses 
that have been used, and certain noe ill signs of safety yet remaining. 

Understand then, good Sir, that since it hath pleased my Lord Am- 
bassador to communicate with me some part of his reUgious counsells, 
for the bringing in of reformation into this Signory; (a matter not onely in 
my poor opinion, but in the deeper judgments of others of singular im- 
portance, as well for the propagation of the truth, and advancement of 
God's honour, wherein we are all interested in the highest degree; as 
allso for the secureing of his Majesty, and other princes of the reformed 
religion, from the continuall incumberance, which they find by the Pope's 
daily practiceing with their subjects, by the Jesuits, and other his in- 
struments; who sitting hitherto securely here in Italy, wars with his 
enemies in his confines, at their only expence, and without his own hazzard ; 
whereas if there were but any reformation begun in Italy, he should be 
inforced to divert his thoughts and forces homewards, to narrow his 
designes, and look to his own head and heart, and in a word, as wise men 
here think, he were sped for ever:) since (I say) it hath pleased his Lord- 
ship to count me worthy to participate of his intentions in this business, 
and in some part of them to make me, how insuflScient soever, a willing 
instrument of putting them in execution: I have observed, as methinks, 
three principall scopes of his proceeding. The first to maintaine the states 
here in heart and courage against the Pope, and that, which they more 
fear, the power of Spaine, by which he is backt. — The second to increase 
the number of those, that have receiv'd any light of the truth. The 3d, 


and last (if he might he soe happy as to effect it) to formalize, and unite 
into some body of a congregation, some part at least of that great number, 
which here stand allready alienated in heart and tongue from Rome: 
Whereunto there is noe doubt but there would daily be access made; 
especially upon any new breach with the Pope, were the same once 
establish'd and on foot? 

1. Of these 3 the former is somewhat beyond the limits of my pro- 
fession, being wholly Civill; and besides that, the means used by his Lord- 
ship to attaine it must be his secret oflSces in College, wherewith 'tis not 
fitt I should be made acquainted. Yet because, speaking according to man, 
it is the most important scope of all the rest, even like to the maintaining 
the vitall faculty in the endeavouring to cure any bodily sickness ; I will 
say somewhat of it as by conjecture, and with respect not alone to his 
Lordship's effects, but those also, which other occurents may in this kind 
have made, or be like to make in this state. In which purpose it is fttt 
first to be remembred, that ordinarily they are noted as rather too patient 
in their proceedings, than very sensible and eager; whether it proceed 
from the temper and complexion of their policy, as consisting of soe many 
judgments, forecasting all imaginable doubts and difficulties, and finally 
resolveing into the safest course ; or it be rather the election of prudence, 
which is dull in the feeling of such ill, where the ease that may follow 
the cure is not like to be worth the pain, that must be abidden under 
the chirurgeons hand. Soe as it must not be looked for, that they should 
make soe full, and strong demonstration of their resolution, as others 
would doe in like cases; no not then, when perhaps inwardly it is no 

From this patience I account it proceeded, that beyond expectation 
they were content the Patriarch should goe to Rome for his confirmation : 
a matter long consulted and protracted; at length yielded to the im- 
portunity of the patriarch himself, his friends, and allyes ; furthered by all 
the Popish faction, and those of the indifferent sort, that looked for the 
advancement of themselves or some of theirs by him. And indeed (as 
I have heard some, that have heard the bottom of these affairs, discourse) 
there was not left to the better sort any honest colour to resist it; as being 
a wrong to hold him in this neutral estate, that neither he might have the 
right of a Senator for his election to this Bcclesiasticall dignity, nor appear 
as a church-man, wanting his inauguration : soe that he was like the flitter- 
mouse, that is in the fable, between a bird and a beast, taking part with 
either and refused of both. But especially that consideration prevailed, 
tliat by this once sending they should be freed from the necessity of ever 
doeing it again: whereof they were assured not onely by the letter of 
the Cardinall Borghesse, the Pope's nephew that manageth all the affairs 
of the court, and by express command of the Pope ; but (as they required) 
by the Pope's averrment thereof to the Fr. King's ambassador at Rome, 
to all which the peace was yet new, and they were to make good that they 
abhorred not even from moderate obedience, soe long as extreme slavery 
was not required. And yet here is it not to be forgotten on the other side. 


that when the Patriarch seemed to them to stay over long at Rome, they 
recalled him home, and finding since his returne, that he especially had 
induced one Ribetti his vicar (one of the Divines, whose name was used to 
a book against the Pope in the former troubles) to goe to Rome for absolu- 
tion, they enterd into deliberation to comniitt him as prisoner to his own 
house; but resolved to inhibitt him the use of the faculty the Pope had 
granted him, for the disposeing of the revenue of the Jesuits (being in 
all their territories, as 'tis esteemed, above 20000 Crowns a yeare) save only 
on such of their own subjects, as to themselves shall upon his intimation of 
the names of such as need it be thought fltt. 

The like quickness have they shewed in some other occasions; especially 
that, which I account most famous because it borders most upon religion. 
A certain Gentleman of the house of the Bondumeiri intending to take tlie 
pardon, which the Pope sent out in forme of a Jubilee (under pretence to 
stirr up men's devotions, to pray for the quiet of Christendom, which himself 
had troubled by setting up the Archduke' Matthias against the Emperor in 
Germany^; in truth to cover that fraud of his, and principally to draw into 
his hands the bookes written against him in this state, and heale up, if he 
could, the sore perfectly,) being demanded in his confession, if he had any 
of those books, and enjoyned to burne them ; thereupon denounced the 
Friar his confessour : who was presently called and, not appearing, banished. 
Whereof the Nuncio complaineing with the Prince, and shewing, that he 
marvcUd much, that they would intermeddle in Spirituall matters of this 
sort between the penitent and his ghostly father; adding, that those books 
could not be retain'd by any that would be partaker of the Jubilee ; he 
had this answer, that if it were soe, he should gett him to Rome with his 
Jubilee, and leave them alone with their books. The Friar wrote after 
to the State, that he was falsely accused, and demanded to have a re- 
audition of his cause : which being granted, on condition to render himself 
prisoner, he soe did, being yet remitted to his own monastery : but his 
cause (I think) will never be called on, the state contenting themselves with 
the example and ratification of their power in this kind, 

I omitt sundry hke declarations, with their holding out with good stiff- 
ness against Rome, which would be farr more than it is at least evident, 
were it not that the Spanish greatness ever in their eye doth curb and 
keep them in awe. They have lately in their banishing the Florence sages 
made noe small demonstration of their observeing how much the strength 
of Spaine is like to be encreas'd in Italy by the late marriage of the prince 
of Tuscany into the house of Austria, to the sister of the King of Spain : by 
the means of which he is become brother to the King in name, and indeed 
his pupill, if not vassall ; soe much being to the eternal memory of the great 
Duke his baseness, and the Spanish insolency published to the world by 

1 In April 1606 the Archduke Matthias entered into a family compact for the 
deposition of his brother the Emperor Eodolph II., and was declared head of the 
House of Hapsburg. It does not appear that the Pope had anything to do with 
it ; and indeed the events which followed were unfavourable to the Catholics. 



the very instrument of the King's consent to the contract, that the Duke 
had supplicated to the Majesty Catholick, that for the support of his estate 
and strength of his house he would be pleased to grant his consent to the 
marrying of the Lady to the Prince his son. And if they doe but cast their 
eyes on Savoy, they may by that example make conjecture^, what an allye* 
Spain is like to be ; unless it be probable, the simplicity of that youth of 
Florence shall priyiledge him from it, which the cunning, and valour of the 
other could not : It is true the Duke of Savoy doth begin to distaste the 
homely usage that he finds at his brother's hands; that he hath marryed 
his two daughters to Modena and Mantva, allmost in his despight, who 
first delayed, after hindered this combination of these princes all that he 
might ; that he hath revoked his Ambassador from thence, with some shew 
of obedience. But albeit this please the Venetians, and they have en- 
deavoured to shew all honour to these marriages, and to the prince, and 
his brother of Savoy, who were a little before entertaind here with much 
solemnity ; they doe much doubt, whether that Prince would ever be 
induced to forgoe 6000 crowns of yearly pension, which he and his receive, 
with the hope of as much more, for the impatience of some Spanish brava- 
does, or desire of new friendships. Yea and some doe make question, 
whether having received the bridle of at least 4000 souldiers divided into 
garrisons in sundry of his best towns, it be not now too late to kick at the 
spurr. Others proceed further, and say, that by these marriages there 
lackes now little, or nothing to the Spaniard, but the state of Venice to 
the makeing up of the entire government of Italy. The Kingdom of Naples, 
and Dutchie of Millaine are in his hands. As for the City of Genoa, they 
doubt if it could be of greater benefitt to them, if the name of liberty were 
gone allso, than now it is. Lucca is in his protection, and hath reason to 
doubt, whether their old patron will gratifie their heavy neighbour, his 
new brother of Tuscany, or himself rather with their ruine. The Pope is, 
and allways shall be chosen and governed by the Spanish Canons. The 
Duke of Savoy is his brother pensioner, and receives his forces for caution 
of his fidelity. The old Duke of Florence cannot by course of Nature live 
long, aod then the like protection shall he have of that estate. Those of 
Mantua, and Modena his Nephews shall in time succeed. The Duke of 
Urbin is his pensioner. The Dukes of Parma and Placentia, with the Earl 
Mirandula are in the same condition. In sum it skills not, under what 
titles; he hath allready the things, and that royalty, that noe man wiU, yea 
or can make war upon him in Italy, and he at pleasure shall begin, where 
he sees advantage. And if this new conjunction with France should take 
place or the truce with the Estates of the Netherlands^, what can be ex- 
pected, but the whole weight of the warr turne upon Italy, and light upon 
the Venetians, the greater, if not the onely barr left in the King of Spaine 
his way to the attaineing the top of his desires. 

It cannot easily be so expressed, in what agony they have stood here, 

1 Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, had married a daughter of Philip II. 
' See ante p. 234. 


and yet doe, in the expectation of this peace, or truce with the Hollanders, 
and how exceedingly they distaste the violence of the French King in it. 
They did in secret scarse abstaine from reproachful! speeches, accounting 
him such an advantagious and cautelous prince, as with whom there is noe 
dealing; whom no man may trust longer, than it shall be for his own profltt. 
And this language proceeds all from the fear of Spaine; the which howso- 
ever they dissemble, yet by this anger and other affections it doth easily 
bewray itself. When the breach fell out in the house of Austria, it was a 
wonder to see how joyous they were, how inquisitive of the progress of 
these affairs ; especially when it appeared manifestly, that this was a plott 
ordered and directed by Rome and Spaine, with the consent of others of 
that house, as by the copy of the justification of it by the Archduke Ferdi- 
uando, which by good hap came abroad doth appear. And if (as it is 
hoped) these stirrs doe cause the protestant princes of the Empire to unite 
themselves (as but for the bitterness of some Lutherane Ministers, might, as 
it seems, without much difficulty be brought to pass) there is nothing in 
this world, that the Venetians would sooner lay hold upon, or which would 
more seasonably present it self for the confirming of their courage, and 
diminishing that fear, which now possesseth them. Whereof there is great 
reason ; since haveing common enemies with those Princes, — the Pope, 
Spaine, and the house of Austria, — they should easily be joynd by that 
necessity and firmly knitt together ; the situation of their countries being 
allso not incommodious to help one another in all occasions. 

In the mean season, if it be true, that is said, that where there is trust 
there is love, and the degrees of that love be proportionable to the confidence 
whence it grows; if the tongue be not a false pulse of the abundance of the 
heart ; if by the useage of the servant there may be any conjecture taken of 
the respect had to the master, it behoves certainly to think that those 
Seignors have placed noe small part of the surety of their affairs in his 
excellent Majesty; and that the continiiall remonstrances of his real and 
true affecting the safety and prosperous success of their estate, made by 
his Minister here, be the best cordiall that he could administer to them : 
which not onely the love, honour, and authority, that his Majesty's name 
hath, but the grace of his Ambassador above any other iu this place, as 
every mean man both in City and Country doth easily observe, may well 
witness. Yea, and over this, the desire, which I have not obscurely per- 
ceived they have, with any good occasion to enter into more strait and 
near bond of alliance with his Majesty : even Nature (whereunto prudence 
is like in her working) being wont to have an appetite to that medicine 
again, which she hath once found comfortable. I add this one thing for 
conclusion touching this part, that although this course in them be wise, 
and such as, I confess, rejoyceth me much, (as what should in reason more 
than the honour of my prince?) yet setting aside now that respect, and 
speaking abstractly of the courage of this estate; even this seems to me to 
be an argument of the want of inward strength to repose much in that of 
another: (as it seems in nature in these plants, which easily clasp hold on 
their neighbours) which as being borrowed and holden at courtesie cannot 



produce those eflfects of inward sufficiency, either high resolution in under- 
taking, or constancy and punctuallness in resisting, when there is any thing 
to be done nobly, or expected undismaiedly. 

2. I come now to his Lordship's second end, which hath doubtless noe 
ill counsell of an ill man, that advised his fellow in faction to procure to 
adjoyne to himself the helps of all, even the weakest ; and it is the course 
which the adverse party hitherto have most constantly pursued, to practice 
the multitude, though they bestow more cost on principall persons ; but a 
course td be used of such who have store of instruments, or may be more 
open in their proceedings. As for those that are scanted in the one and 
watched over in the other, it is better to take them to the labouring of some 
few principall, which shall draw their dependants, than by embraceing a 
greater number of ordinary condition, distract their own forces, spend time, 
discover and overthrow their intentions : especially considering it is the 
course of nature, to forme first the principall parts, as the seate of life and 
nourishment; and that of wisedome, yea of necessity, to make the tools 
before we begin the worke. 

Upon this ground it hath been thought fitt, though not denying to com- 
municate books of our religion to any that were found disposed to read 
them, yet especially to vse that and other means to those who are of note 
and marke for authority and learning ; and those chiefly who by writeing 
against the Pope in the last controversie, must be thought in reason to 
have their judgments awaked, and made more capeable of right infoimation 
in all the rest. And that by reading, rather than reasoning, they might 
soonest come to the understanding of the truth, was thought upon this 
ground : because the understanding is soe more calm from affection ; 
ignorance and contrary opinion is not discovered ; and the reader hath 
part of the victory over error. In the execution of this counsell, after I 
had by a letter made myself an entry with M™ Paulo, I communicated to 
him, and M" Fulgentio all most all our English writers that are extant in 
latin touching the controversies, with some others ; as Chemnitius his 
Bxamen of the Councell of Trent, Calvins institutions^; although M" Paulo 
had seen his last for sundry years past. The same course hath been used 
to Marsilio, though not by me, by reason of some secret emulation which 
was discovered between him and those I mention'd before. Like wise to 
Fulgentio the Franciscan whose revolt, because I knew not if it bred greater 
joy to the adverse part, anger here, or marvell to my self, it may be perhaps 
more agreeable to your desire to understand more particularly off him. 
After it was then resolved by the advice of M™ Paulo, that I should 

1 Chemnitius, Martiuus, A Discoverie and Batterie of the great Fort of 
unwritten Traditions, translated into English by B. V. Lend. 1582. The first 
article in this book is an "Examination of the Counsell of Trent:" [Martin 
Chemnitz— a great' protestant divine — was b. at Treunbridzen in 1S22, ob. at 
Brunswick, 8 Apr. 1586. His Examen Concilii Tridentini was published in 
i vols, at Leipzig, 1565.] Calvin's Institutes (published at Basel 1534) were 
reprinted in London 1576 and have been repeatedly translated, first in 1561. 


deale with him, And Mr Powells booke de Antichristo^ was not esteemed 
unfltt to be commended him, for the concurrence it seemed to have with 
his own spirit (who, as 1 signified to you heretofore, was in all his sermons 
very vehement, and invective against the vices of the Roman court;) I sent 
the same to him, acconipanyed with a letter ; and after came to him, dis- 
coverd my self the author of it, and was used with marvellous kindness. Upon 
which grew severall other conferences, much discourse and trust, he com- 
municating with me many things of his life past ; his former troubles at 
Borne, from which he said when he came last away, he shook off the dust of 
his feet; his conference with the Jesuits; his putting down, since he had 
their College and church, the picture of Ignatius, and others of their 
order, which their followers were superstitious of; his reading of St 
Cyprian's Epistle to his brethren, in which, as he said, he let them see the 
difference of the ancient church government, and the present state of the 
Roman Court: St Cyprian writeing thus to the 15p of Rome, Cyprianus 
Cornelio fratri salutem; not, Sanctissimo Domino Nostra, nor, Oscula 
beatorum pedum. He shew'd me some of his writeings not yet printed, as 
a book of the Saints of Venice, with an exceeding good Epistle dedicatory 
to the nobility, handling especially the point of Canonizing Saints, which he 
proved out of the Affrican Councill, and shewed out of story to be a new 
usurpation in Rome. In summ, I telling him, that 'twas too good to be 
suffer'd to pass the presse here; he told me further of a deliberation he 
had, to remove himself hence either into Germany or the Grizons, to stamp 
that, and sundry other things of the like nature. I found him (me thought) 
meetly well iuform'd about the worship of Saints, and gave him Mr Perkins 
his Probleme, which he liked exceedingly. I lent him allso Calvin's Insti- 
tutes, which he shew'd me, he had been long desirous off, and was as joyous, 
when he had it. I prevail'd soe farr with him, that whereas in a room at 
the entrance of his monastery there hung a picture of the English perse- 
cution (as here they stile it) cut in sundry forms of brass ; haveing told 
him of the palpable lyeing and vanity of it, he promised it should be 
defaced. He shewed himself desirous to have secret speech with his Lord- 
ship whereof offer being made when and as he would, he putt it off till 
some fitter occasion. 

In the midst of this course 'twas suddainly noised, that he was departed, 
and at first noe man knew whether. I least feared to Rome, till it appeared 
soe by his letter left to the prince; wherein he said, he was called by his 
generall, and must obey, presumeing this should not be offensive to his 
Serenity, who would look for obedience at his own subject's hands; es- 
pecially sith himself had noe part of the Counsells of the state committed 
to him. Immediately after the copy of the safe-conduct, which the Nuncio 
gave him by order from the Pope, came into mens hands, and the voyce 
went, that the Spanish Ambassador had disbursed to a Friar of his order, 

1 Gabrielis Poueli, Ordovicis Britanni, Davidis F. Disputationum Theologi- 
carwm ei Scholasticarum de Antichristo et eius ecclesia Libri duo. Lend. 1605. 
See Wood's Athenae. 


that accompanyed him, a good round summ of doubles for the charge of 
his journey, by the way of Ferrara or Bononia, I remember not justly 
whether. It fell out, that 2 or 3 Cardinalls being in the place used him 
with much respect; whereof he wrote to Venice, that he had more honour 
done him in 3 dayes there, than in all the time of his being at Venice. By 
this you may partly perceive the humour of the man. And verily from the 
begining I saw in him a strange composition : a contempt of riches, and 
outward pomp, even to defyeing allraost of cleanliness; yet withall an 
ambition of honour, especially of the opinion of a certaine Apostolicall full- 
ness and freedome in reproofs ; complaining of nothing more, than that he 
might not preach ; sudden in his resolutions besides, as they say. I knew 
him better by longer experience, close, uncounselld, unmoveable irom his 
purposes. As for his sermons, they never containd any great stuff which 
might argue depth of learning ; but with his goodness of speech, shew of 
spirit, and free reproof of great men's faults, he led the multitude in the 
time of the interdict, it cannot (they say all that heard him) be easily 
express'd how much. I have heard it very certainly avouched, that but 
very few dayss before his departure, he wrote a letter to the patriarch then 
in Rome, telling him that he was mov'd by the spirit of God to write to 
him, blameing him for his long absence from his flock, and for goeing for 
worldly honour at the court of Rome : yea for his journey thither, who (as 
he said) ought to have contented himself with the consent of his compro- 
vinciall Bishops, without any other confirmation. It hath been allso written 
from Rome, at his comeing thither he was well entertaind, and had an hour 
or 2 Secret conference with the Pope : Mean while the Generall of the 
Jesuits being come to speak with his holiness, (as their stile is) and wearied 
with tarrying soe long, gave out at his departure from the place some dis- 
contentfull speeches; which comeing to Pulgentio his knowledge, he used 
openly this forme. Nay, I will anger them worse yet. To make yon marvell 
yet more; he hath from thence by a trusty friend written a letter to 
M'o Paulo, with good words of my self, and sent my Calvin's Institutes, 
signifieing withall that he holds the other 2 books as given him absolutely ; 
serveing him self of them to good purpose, as we shall see one day, and 
perhaps ere long ; complaineing of the wrong done him smce his departure, 
and promiseing to certifie him of his estate^ &c. 

1 The sequel of these proceedings in regard to Fulgeutio is given in the 
prescript of a fragmentary letter of Bedell to Dr Ward dated July 23, 1618, here 
subjoined. " For newes, you shall vnderstand that Fca fulgeutio the franciscau 
is notwithstanding his safe conduct burnt at Rome ; his prooesse made solemnly 
in St Peter's Church ; 1 for haning had prohibited bookes. 2 for hauing had 
correspondence with heietickes. 3 for hauing found about hito at his apprehen- 
sion certaine writings in which were many articles heretioall as, 1 that Peter was 
not head of the Apostles nor the P. of the Church. 2 the Pope cannot choose 
Bishops. 3 The Prelats of the Church of Eome are heretioks. 4 The eounsell 
of Trent was nether general nor lawfuU. 5 The Eucharist should be celebrated 
in leauened bread. His answers. 1 that he had no bookes that he knew to be 
of prohibited authors. 2 nor had correspondence with any denounced publiokly 


I have been the longer in this narration, that I might give you the more 
full evidence of the possibility to resolve what to judge of him; a thing 
wherein (I confess it) my self am wholly confounded. This methinks may 
be said upon the whole matter ; that this state committed an error, in not 
cherrishing him a little more, (yea tho it had been by procureing to sattisfie 
some way his ambition ;) being such a necessary instrument, as he was, to 
worke upon the multitude; and if not for his former merits, yet for the 
needs they might have of such another, they know not how soon. Which 
if they had done, they had avoided this loss and scorne, to omit the pre- 
judice, which the Example of his revolt hath done in their Cause in the 
opinion of the people. Since his departure, the Vicar allso of the Patriarch 
hath followed, and (as 'tis here said) hath received a pension of 500 crowns 
by the yeare of the pope : even this in reason had not soe easily been, if 
the other had not been before it. 

To returne to the means here thought upon, to further the knowledge 
of the truth with the nobility, as well as Ecclesiastics : it hath been con- 
siderd, that to propound the same in its own naked simplicity to men 
either blinded with superstition, or that by the onely light of reason dis- 
cerning the vizor of that religion, which is among themselves, have there- 
upon closed their eyes to any representation of that sort ; it were but to 
expose it to contempt, and as it were to demand a repulse. The same read 
gladly discourses of policy: soe as under that name if religion could be 
convey'd, it were like to find much better entertainment. And this course 
some of the ancients are found to have used, that represented the Christian 
faith under the name of philosophy, which all then much esteem'd. Agree- 
ably whereunto it would perhaps be very convenient in our times, to convey 
the reproofs of the abuses and errors of the papacy in politick discourses, 
discovering the great drifts thereof: which in truth should be very just 
allso before God and man; that, as they have a great while propounded 
and set forth to the world their own politick devices under the mask of 
religion, soe men might see now at last their religion in the true and 
naturall shape of policy. In this kind there is extant allready in our 
tongue a work soe proper to that purpose, as if God had directed the pen 
of the author to that speciall end, to doe him service in this place. It is 
the relation of Sir Bdwyn Sands ^ that I mean; which being thought fitt to 
be translated into Italian, I undertook the work, and by Gods assistance 
have finished it this last summer (the Fathers correcting my Errors in the 
Language). It hath been divided into chapters, and in the end of some of 
them are added some annotations, to declare some things therein touched. 

for heretickes. 3 that his writing was not yet finished and that those were not 
his opinions. It is sayd he abjured vpon hope of life." 

1 Europae Speculum, or a view or survey of the state of religion in the 
Western part of the World, by Sir Edwin Sandys, Lond. 1605. Sands or 
Sandys, b. 1561, ob. 1629, was a son of Edwin Sandys, Archbishop of York. 
He was a pupil and devoted friend of Hooker. Walton tells some charming 
stories of him in the Life of Hooker. 


This his Lordship hath had on purpose to put to the press with all con- 
venient speed. Some parts of it in the mean time have been shewed to 
principall men here, and I doe believe to the Prince himself: whereof when 
we should have seen any Bflfect (and great it will be sure, if wise men's 
judgments be not deceived in it) then was it resolved to be put in execu- 

3. The 3'' deliberation, which I mentiond in the begining, forming some 
congregation here. The chief means, that was intended to be used herein, 
was the comeing of M™ John Deodati^, the translator of the late- printed 
Italian bibles, from Geneva hither; for whom his Lordship had written 
above a year since, by the advice allso of the fathers. But the difficulty of 
the passage in winter, and his own occasions after that, deferr'd it till July, 
and from that till Autumn : at which time his Lordship wrote to him, to 
stay his journey till he should hear further ; as desirous to try first the 
effect of the fore mentioned booke. Notwithstanding it being come out 
both in France, and Germany, that he vras shortly to come hither, he was 
forc'd to hasten his journey; and in September he arrived here in the com- 
pany of a gentleman of Geneva his cousin, and another his nephew (both 
young men), and a French Gentleman sent from Mr Plessis from Saumure, 
called Mr de Lugues. He had divers meetings and conferences with the 
Fathers, at which both my self and this bearer was present. He can report 
to you the particular points discussed. It was told him by M" Paulo, that 
not soe few as 12000 in this Citty were more or less enlightened with the 
truth, and alienated from Rome. That yet among the nobility nothing 
could be moved untill there were some Civill occasion of breach with the 
Pope. With them therefore he would not that he should yet deale ; but 
with others, to whom he should be brought, chiefly merchants, Germans, 
Flemings, French ; of whom not long before a certain French Gentleman 
had made a list, with the several! siimms they would contribute to a 
minister. That he would try the dispositions of soe many as he could ; yet 
for his part, he thought the matter not yet disposed enough to receive such 
a form as was to be desired. He propounded other meetings at first to be 
used by way of conference and talk ; whereby men might come to know one 
another, and informe themselves better of religion, ere any exercises were 
erected, &c. 

Now, Sir, you shall understand, that the French Gentleman (whose 
name was Mr Papilion) hayeing indeed conference with M" Paulo, and 
being animated to take that pains, — whether out of his mistakeing him, or 
hopeing to facilitate the business by that means, — had used this motive: 
that the prince, and senate did not abhor herefrom, but would favour and 
further this course. Whereupon the Merchants, being not ill affected, and 
seeing no fear of danger, were very forward, and would stick for noe 
money; hopeing especially to doe a thing that the Signory should take in 
good part. And the Gentleman being desirous, that such a good work 

1 John Diodati of Luoea (about 1580—1649), professor first of Hebrew and 
then of Divmity at Geneva, translator of the Bible into French and Italian. 


should take place presently according to the humour of some, which is 
desired ; and hereupon filled the reformed Churches in all France with the 
noyse, that Venice would shortly fall from the Pope, — a harder worke, and 
of longer time, as well appeared even by those that had thus far engag'd 
themselves. For some, when they perceived they runn'd the hazard of 
their goods and liberty, presently drew back : soe hard a thing it is to follow 
Christ with the condition of the cross and leaving all. Others tho' make- 
ing profession, yet were knowne to live scandalously : and what security 
could there be, to committ to the conscience of such men a business of this 
sort? It was urged by my self with earnestness, that at least some begin- 
ing might be made of a congregation, tho' it were but of very few faithfull 
and sound persons ; which like a little snow falling from the top of a hill, 
would gather more and more to it in time. A form of separation was 
presented, which might serve for the profession of such as should be 
admitted. And for a confession of the faith, it was shewed that good 
advantage might be made of a certain short summ of the Scripture, stanip'd 
here in Venice in the year 1567, before the bible in the Italian, with the 
licence of the Inquisition ; which embraces all necessary and fundamentall 
parts of the faith without any the least touch of Popish corruption. That 
for a Liturgie and forme of ministring the Lords Supper, if it should be 
thought fitt to use tliat of the French churches, it was allready in the 
Italian, and we had the booke. If they thought others fltt, which I had 
shewed the Fathers before in latin, and Mr Deodati had seen, it should not 
be long before 'twas put into Italian; as indeed I had then begun, and 
since finished it. It was added, that the affections of men since the peace 
of Rome grew daily colder and colder ; that it was a principle of warr, that 
when our own strength is at the best, and that of our adversaries may 
encrease, then, if ever, we must fight. But Mr Deodati thought it not fitt 
to hazard the whole upon soe small hope; especially considering that none 
of the nobility did joyne. There wanted allso a fitt person to be minister: 
for both himself was now but onely Reader of Divinity and Hebrew; 
and doubted, that his travail should be of more use and necessity to the 
Church of God in Geneva, than it could be here ; tho' professing his readi- 
ness to be employed in that business, if he could see hope of doeing good. 
Tlie Fathers prevented my offer of my self with saying. It was not fitt nor 
easy in regard of jealousies of state ; no, nor that I should be present often 
at any such Ridotti, or meetings, as we before had thought oflF for the 
second intention. Thus was that deliberation broken ofiF, with this onely 
fruit, that Mr, Deodati travelled with M"* Paulo to put more spirit and 
courage in him ; and to stirr him up to availe himself both of those great 
graces that God had given him, and that favour and authority which he 
hath with these Seigniors, to the glory of God in the advancement of the 
truth. He departed allso with full information of the state of this place ; 
and prepared to send hither some young Scholars, which should be as 
Sehoole masters in the houses of some that desired it; not letting pass to 
read the holy scriptures, and useing secrett instructions, till more fitt 
occasions should publickly be offer'd. 


Such success had that journey, hastened a little too much, that we had 
well hoped should have brought with it the perfect judgment or this 
churches recovery. Now as physicians of our bodies are some times by an 
anticipateiiig an imperfect crisis remitted over to another criticall day; soe 
are we. That shall be (I hope) the preaching of Mr Pulgentio this Lent: 
who is resolved, leaveing the Fryerly course of the ordinary postillers*, 
to preach Christ Jesus, and that will be the mine of Antichrist. There 
passeth allmost noe day, wherein we are not for an hour together: and 
under pretence of reading English to him (as indeed this last summer I 
made some entrance therein to him, and M'" Paulo, and haveing given 
some rules of our language we read over the Acts of the Apostles together) 
under this colour, we read, and conferrd about the whole course of the 
Gospells, on which he is to preach every day this Lent: and I perswade my 
self, Christ is present with vs, and am assured, that the end shall not be 
without some profitt. 

I add thus much further, that the Lord seems to encourage vs, by per- 
mitting the adversaries to fall into such errors, as are proper to shew their 
madness to tlie world. Besides that proud, and blasphemous inscription of 
Friar Carafifa his Thesis, whereof a Ritratto was sent by his Lordship to his 
Majesty, where the Pope is thus stiled, PAVLO V. VICE DEO and the 
numerall letters whereof (as 1 remember, I shewed to Fulgentio) containe 
the just number of the beast 666^ This last week there is come forth a 
book reviveing that blasphemy with advantage, penned by one Benedictus 
a Venetian, the bayardliest' writer, that ever blotted paper. He hath 
taken in hand to Refute the position of Dr Whitaker, that the Pope is 
Antichrist, &c*. Trust me, Sir, when I first saw it, I did think verily, it 
had been a draught of some well meaneing man towards Religion, that was 
desireous the world should take notice, and knowledge of the writeing he 
pretends to refute, and failed in the answer on set purpose. Soe beastly' 
and loathsome is the stile, the conceit soe childish, the answer so absurd, 
the flattery, and folly of it soe palpable. In the consultation, that was here 
about the calling it in, M" Paulo, as he told me, resisted it. But being of 
one of their own subjects, who when he could get licence to print it here 
would needs print it at Bolonia, and besides touching not only forreign 
states but their own, as you may see in the 50th page, it is not sufferd to 
be sold openly. These good effects I doe contemplate in it. First the 

' Italian postillare ' to expound.' 

" DCLVVVI. See p. 234. 

' bayard 'stupid'. Fr. bayer 'to gape'. The wojrd 'beastly' had not 
the vulgar connotation of to-day. It meant ' doltish,' ' uncultivated.' 

- William Whitaker (1548—1595), Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge (1571), 
Begins Professor of Divinity (1580) and Master of St John's (1586). Among his 
numerous controversial works were : An answer to forty demonstrations of Nieh. 
Sander that the Pope was not Antichrist (Latin), Lond. 1583 ; also in the 
same year a Thesis de Antichristo in Comitiis Cantabrigiensibus. Whitaker's 
chief opponent was Bellarnaine. He was a strong supporter of the English 
Church, but not in sympathy with the extreme Puritans. 


position it self is made notorious. Then Dr Whitaker's declaration and 
proof of it shall be read ; for it is inserted ad verbum. Lastly the weakness 
of the answer shall confirm the staggering reader, whom the grossness of 
the ilattery to the pope and railing against his adversaries shall have 
scandalized. In summ, I think, if the world would have studied to have 
done the pope a shrewd turne, it could not have done it soe well, as by 
publishing such a bald thing in his favour. And how should we not then 
hope for success, when God takes away our adversaries witts and makes 
themselves doe us those ofiSces, which we could most desire and hardliest 

Thus have I endeavourd to shew you, Sir, the bottom of our former 
counsells, present estate, and future hopes. Wherein though my poor 
desire hath not been backward, the matter it self being of such importance, 
as I could wish with the Apostle to bestow and spend my self in it: Yet 
when I look upon that, which is done, it is yet very little, or nothing to 
account off. That which is must next to God be attributed to the wise 
conduct of his Lordship, whose instrument only I have been in this service. 
There rests noe more, but to commend that to your prayers and wise 
secrecy, and my self to your love. In the assurance whereof I will take the 
boldness to commend to you this Gentleman, tlie bearer hereof, allready 
presented to his Majesty by his Lordship; whom besides all other 
his sufficiencies (which will commend him wherever he comes) I esteem 
truly religious, zealous, and in a word such as the wise King doubts if a 
man may find any where, 'a faithful! man.' And soe remembring my 
service to his highness^ (whose hands I humbly kiss) and beseeching daily 
the highest Majesty to encrease in him all princely Excellencies, that (if it 
be not too bold a wish) his name may be more famous, than that of the 
King his noble father; I take leave, and doe rest. 

Your worshipp's, most ready 
allways to doe you service 
W. Bedell. 

[The Signature and Corrections are by Abp. Bancroft.] 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward, relative to a reply preparing 
by the letter to Bellarmine's answer to K. James's " Triplici 
nodo triplex cuneus" (1609). 

[Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 131.] 

Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Warde, In my last letters to you I 
signified what I thought of Bellarmines late Booke and was bold to imparte 
to you what pointes woulde be of principall vse and satisfaction to men 

1 Henry, Prince of Wales. 


indifferently affected here. I will now be bolde to adde one thing more, in 
that part. Viz. that in the passage of his Majesty's Baptisme which the 
Cardinall so sleightly passeth by, as to the Font sent by the Queene that 
dead is, there is a point which strikes nearer by him then he was aware of, 
or at least would be aknowne of, and that is the very inviting her to be 
God-mother. Vpon whom the institution and use of the Ancient and 
present Church (yea that of Rome too) laying a kind of charge to instruct 
the Infant when it comes to yeares of discretion, and in the meane time to 
profess in tlie name thereof the fayth wherinto it is to be baptized, it is 
an euident Argument tliat his Majesty's mother (what ever he boldly would 
beare downe with conjectures) had not that opinion of the Reformed 
religion which the Popish faction now hath. Since the last tyme I wrote 
vnto you, there is come forth a part of a great worke of Politick Morall and 
Christian aduertisments or observations, written by one that professeth to 
haue communicated about this worke with many principall of the Popish 
crew. I haue gathered certaine flowers out of it which you shall receiue 
herewith and the booke it selfe. By which it may appeare what the inward 
arid commonly currant opinions of the CoUrt of Rome are. There are 
sundry thinges which may be of some use in the Answer of Bellarmine, as 
about the Comparison of the Pope and Kings, of Kinges and Cardinals, &c. 
and I referr it to your and their considerations that are there in place and 
authority if it might not be profitable that those propositions which I haue 
there set downe (for the most word for word) were put to the presse with 
some short notes &c. I haue sent you by this bearer the booke it selfe. 
Pardon this scribling and hast, it is now past midnight this Christmas Euen 
after our account. 

Your euer assured louing 

W. Bedell. 
To my Verie louing freend Mr 
Samuell Warde at his chamber 
in Kings Street or else 

where in London. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; from Bury St Edmuncis, 
after his return from Venice; Aug. 3, 1613. 

[Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 29.] 

Salutem in Christo. I wrote to you euen now, Good Mr Dr, about 
our Drs booke and sent you from him the remainder of the money due to 
you from him with 10«. for the Printer. The feare I had that our towns- 
men would be gone towards Newmarket ere I should haue finished my 


letter, made me reserve the answer unto your last to this letter : sith it 
seemes a man may better committ any thing to our Carrier than money'. 

I haue beene in Norfolke. The lining is consisting of 2 or perhaps (for 
yet I cannot tell) 3 Churches. The house nought. The aire in one of the 
parishes very bad, the other better, but it hath no house. The value, if all 
goe to getlier that are due to the Churches, wilbe about 120?i. or more, 
but there must be a Curate or 2 maintained and a new house built. I haue 
not yet given my answer. Once I will neuer accept it with the least wrong 
to the Church. So I wish you a happy and merry journey into the west, 
where I pray remember my service to my Lord of Bath and commendations 
to our Bmmanuell CoUedge freends. My wife and our Dr remember them 
hartily to you. 

Your assured loving freend 
W. Bedell. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; requests Sir Hen. Wotton's 
leave to publish a relation of Venice; claims to a prebend 
by reason of his works; Nov. 30, 1613. 
[Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 31.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, vnderstanding by my Cosin 
Alistone^ of your being in London, I will take the boldnea to trouble you a 
htle with a buisines, wherein I haue heeretofore breathed out some of my 
thoughts to you. I haue written to Sir Henry Wootton about his booke, 
offering him my service to write it out to the presse, and to see it printed, 
both mine owne and your diligence, in case he thinck fitt to set it forth. If 
not, I haue earnestly requested him to give me leaue to print that Relation 
of the Venetian buisines which he hath of mine in his hands. Protesting 
that I doe it not with a desire to make it any step to mine owne preferment 
(although my charge encreasing, and my maintenance beeing so slender, I am 
enforced to haue some oarefull thoughts about that also) but for the com- 
mon good, and hoping to add to it a 2d part touching sundry things fallen 
out since, which it concernes the world to know. Now, Sir, that which I 
would request from you is, that you would visit Sir Henry ere he take his 
voyage into France, and procure to talke with him about his booke, making 
offer to further it in conformity to that I haue before mentioned: and if he 
fall into the mention of my English Relation, and seeme willing to leaue it 
with you, receiue it at his hands, otherwise take no notice of that part of my 
letter. Possibly Sir Henry may be not vnwilling to mention me to his 
Majesty for some Prebend ere his departure, and to leaue in his absence 

1 A Latin answer to some propositions of Ward's on predestination and 
original sin is here omitted, as being treated of elsewhere more fully. 

2 John Alliston (or Blliston) of Black Notley, buried 15 Oct. 1625. 


the prosecuting of the motion to my Lord of Bath^. Whereto he might 
haue some pretence from those slender services I endeauoured to performe 
at Venice, in Translating the Booke of Common Prayer, his Majesty's 
Booked Sir Edwin Sands' his booke, The third Homily of Chrysostome 
touching Lazarus, and some other thinges into the Italian toung ; part 
whereof are there and part at Geneva in Sir Diodati his hands, as my Cosin 
Aliston can tell. If it please you to motion such a thing to him, you shall 
discerne how he stands affected to me. For my part I haue alwaies 
honoured him and truly served him, as you know in part; and though I 
went not into Italy with a desire of rising by him, and I thanck God I haue 
learned to be in want with contentment, yet it should be reputation to him 
and some encouragement to others, that shall faythfuUy serve God and the 
Church with his Majesty in such Ambassages, not wholely to neglect me, 
that I say not to hinder me. And I am assured that some in Venice haue 
their eyes vpon me, making conjecture by my successe, of that which 
they might looke for themselues, in case they should transport their bodyes, 
as their mindes are already, into these parts. To whom I could more 
liberally make offer of my selfe, if I had any thing to spare, or did not find 
by experience what small hopes I should invite them to. Sir, I persuade 
my selfe you will attribute this tediousnes to the confidence and freedome 
of our freendship, and so carry this buisines as Sir Henry may not interpret 
it as if I were ill satisfied of him, who I must professe dealt both in my 
allowance there, and at my retourne very honourably with me, howeuer by 
the false dealing of Mr Cogan I lost a great part of it. It shall suffice if 
you offer him this project; whereby I thinck I may perceiue whether he 
minde me any good or no. One thing more there is, whereof I would desire 
to be aduertised : viz. if there be any man that hath yndertaken the 
answer of Marc' Antonio Capello his booke, which hath now beene out 3 
yeares without answer. If I were assured there were none I would vnder- 
take it my selfe. My Lord of Bath of lykelyhood can informe you certainely, 
or my Lord of Ely* if he be in London. Though I be not all the emptiest 
of busiues, yet I would hope to borrow so much time from my ordinary 
employments as to dispatch it in a short space, if I were sure not to loose 
my labour. Concluding with mine owne and -my wiues very harty commen- 
dations to you (who is in a good towardnes to bring into the world a puny 
to your god-sonne) I commit you to God ; and desire to be remembered in 
your prayers. Bury, this last of November 1613. 

Your very loving freend 
W. Bedell. 

1 James Montague, Bishop of Bath, late Scholar of Christ's College, Dean of 
Bristol, and first Master of Sidney Sussex College. 

^ Triplici nodo triplex cuneus. Or an apology for the Oath of Allegiance 
against the two Breves of Pope Paulus V. and the late letter of Cardinal 
Bellarmine to G. Blackwel the Archpriest. Lond. 1607; In Latin, Lond. 1607. 

^ Speculum Europae, printed (surreptitiously) in London 1605. See p. 247. 

" Lancelot Andrews, translated from Chichester to Ely 1609, to Winchester 1618. 



Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; advice to the English 

deputies at Bart; Dec. 19, 1618. 

[Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 173.] 

[The Synod of Dort assembled 13 November, 1618, and continued its sittings 
till end of April, 1619. Among the English representatives were Ward and 
Joseph Hall, Bedell's old friend and fellow scholar at Emmanuel, after- 
wards Bishop of Norwich.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. I doe not much marvell, Good Mr Dr, that I 
receiue no letters from you, since (as I haue lately heard) his Majesty 
heares nothing from tliose parts. An argument that nothing is yet done 
and the buisines prooues difBculter than was thought it would, after the 
discovery especially of the mine of the polititians of the one side : unlesse 
perhaps therebe a generall inhibition of intelligence, till all be concluded. I 
pray God that or any thing else may be the cause, rather then nothing at all 
should be effected, and our adversaryes haue this occasion of their joy and 
our scorne. I will not spend inck and paper to mooue you and your worthy 
Colleagues to bend all your forces to the furthering of this accord. I know 
your owne right intentions, and earnest desires, backed and put on by the 
authoritie and directions of those that send you. I would be bold rather 
to represent this one thing to you, consider if it be not the best course : con- 
tenting yourselues to set downe in the very wordes of Holy Scripture the 
confessed doctrine, and inhibiting all new fangled formes, for the rest to 
giue as much scope to opinions as may be'. Remember what our prede- 
cessors did most wisely in the Article touching^ the descent into Hell^. And 
one thing more : since that there shalbe now assembled with you a great 
nomber of learned men of all the Reformed Churches, who doe also know 
the mindes of their fellow Ministers and Magistrates, whether you haue 
directions hence, supreame or subordinate, yea or no; out of your owne 
discretion and desire of the peace of Jerusalem, in your private conference 
feele the mindes of all sorts what inclination they haue to a more universall 
union. That advertising his Majesty (to whom this should be the greatest 
glory that euer can come to him in this world to be the effecter of such a 
worke) you may from him receiue instructions how to proceede to prepare 
the buisines to further ripenes. I cannot tell whether it be the desire of 
other Churches as well as ours : in reason it ought to be ; and in such a pur- 
pose pertayning to the adnancement of Christs kingdome and the peace of 
his Church, methinckes we ought not to expect that others should be the first 

1 The chief or only work of the Synod of Dort was the condemnation of the 
'five points' of the Arminians. The chief of these concerned the variation 
of the teaching of Arminius from that of Calvin on 'predestination.' 

" Article III. Bedell seems to mean that the framers of the article contented 
themselves with using the words of Scripture, Ephes. iv. 9 eis ra Karun-epa fiipii 
TTJs Y?s. Vulg. ad inferiores. Article ad inferos descendisse. 


motioners. And if you shall thinck it to appertaine to your duty to doe no 
more then you are injoyned, and thinck to passe with that forme, tantum 
jussus sum : remember that it is but the praise of a simple messenger to 
doe his errand, but we send a wise man and say nothing. Consider what 
ye haue opportunity to doe, what maybe to the honor of him that sends yon, 
what may be to the glory of Christ your supreme Lord ; whom I beseech 
in this and all other your affayres to direct assist and prosper you as mine 
owne soule. And so with my harty salutations to your other learned 
Colleagues I rest 

Your loving freend and Brother 
in Christo Jesu 

W. Bedell. 
Horningsheath this 19th 
of December, 1618. 

To my Verie Reuerend and 

loving freend Mr Dr Warde 

deliver this. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; literary and theological; 
Feb. 17, [161f]. 
[Tanner MSS lxxtv. f. 164.] 

Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kind gratula- 
tions and good wishes and promise of seeing us now and then. Dr Despotini 
hath sent you 3li. by the Carrier ; he thancks you for your care and trauell 
about his bookes; but would entreate by all meanes to haue .^lius, and 
.Alex. Trallian in Latin also, and if there be no meanes to procure that 
the bookebinder be content to retayne Actuarius in Latin, he would that 
also be sent. He requires to haue the next weeke by the Carrier those, 
and the other which I wrote of last, and besides the old latin Poets in 
16°, as I think they be to be had in Plantine or Lions print. The rest of 
the money, if it please you, may remaine in your hands for a stock for his 
like occasions, or else it may be cut of from my debt. I would desire to 
understand whether you would that I should send you the bookes I haue 
for you by the Carrier, or else, as me thought you sayd, your man should 
take some tyme to come for them : if the former you shall haue them the 
next weeke. 

Touching the title of Sir Walter Myldmaies booke I haue cleane 
forgotten it; I haue lost also the booke it selfe; but Mr Humphry Mildmay 
in Essex is not without them. It hath certaine advices or counsailes as I 
thinck, and certaine Psalmes translated by him or paraphrased rather'. 

> Sir Walter Mildmay, founder of Emmanuel, died in 1589. This book must 
refer to a volume of Latin poems, &c. printed after his death. 


As to your objection that if the Churches in Italy and Spaine be true 
Churches for holding all necessary truth, then the Pope and Court of Rome 
also. Or the Pope and Court are not assemblies of Pastors and sheepe 
(which is the Genus as it were in the description of the Church) but a 
certaine confederacy of men seeking themselues and their owne glory, and 
yet I dare not say that many of the Popish Clergy, being members of the 
Court, be not also members of the true Church, yea, and saued also. Arrius 
did not hold the Apostles' Creed in the true sense for, if lie had, he should 
haue granted the sonne to be of the same substance with the Father. Nor 
yet Nestorius for then he should haue granted the Sonne of God conceiued 
of the Virgin. Touching the Pelagians I dare not say they were true 
Churches, though in schisms and heresies I doubt not but many are in 
outward profession joyued with others whose opinion they doe but implicitly 
embrace. Yet I haue not read of whole Churches infected with that heresy 
of Pelagianisme. In summe they also ouerthrow salvation by making man 
to haue no sicknes, and able to cure himself e, which I find not that Papists 
doe, though some of their opinions looke that way. Touching the place 
Gal. 5°. I remember I haue shewed you mine opinion heeretofore. I take 
it to be a speech of that kind whereof Aristotle [1 Poet. Cap. 10] when we 
set downe presently that which is more remote; as 'there be no minstrells 
in Scythia for there be no vines,' — by this your doctrine and practise at 
length ye come to exclude your selues out of Christ, and wave the profit 
you might haue by him. The same would I say to a Papist in the point of 
merit and satisfaction and invocation of Saints etc. But these tliinges 
must be vnderstood with limitation, if wilfully and obstinately and selfe 
condemnedly a man persist in such opinions, which I am perswaded a great 
number vnder the Papacy doe not. 

I would faine heare a definition of a visible Church that might exclude 
a Popish Church, and leaue still Lutheran Churches ; yea leave Christ any 
visible Church on Earth for some ages. If this given I could be 
well content to goe as farre in the casting out the Papisticall assemblyes as 
another man. In the raeane tyme wheresoeuer sauing truth in an outward 
assembly and profession calles men to God there I account is a visible 

For the treatise de Hierarchia subcaelesti, I would very gladly you 
could procure a Copy by Causabons meanes out of France to compare with 
ours. Some thinges I doubt not but I could correct ex conjectura, but 
there is Augice stabula behind. I know not whether you haue the 
Corrections which we once made together or no. But I thinck I haue some 
observations of abbreviations vsed there according to the order of Alphabet 
^hich you shall haue if ye please. 

If I conceiue aright I am yet in your debt 8li. 5s. viz. 6li. Is. 8d. for 
Sir Morly, and for Blias lit. 17«. 4d. after the deduction of iOs. receiued 
by S. Macham and that by Mr Flood. I would expect this weeke what 
you shall receiue in answer from S. Macham : and I desire you to write me 
a letter somewhat rowndly and quickly about Sir Morlyes debt, that I may 
shew it him : possible I may now at his receiuing his halfe yeares stipend 



get somewhat. Howsoeuer god willing you shall be payd and speedyly. 
There is a motion made to me by Mr Nath. Richi about Lincolnes Inne, 
but the stipend is litle better then this here, and the place being in London 
I haue no great inclination to it. Yet I pray signifie to me what you thinck 
of it. So remembring my hartiest commendations to you from my selfe 
and my other selfe, I rest 

Ever yours in Christo Jesu, 
W. Bedell. 
Bury, Febr. 17. 

Good Syr, let me iiitreate you to remember me to Mr Chaderton^ and 
to communicate with him about the matter of Lincolnes inne. And if he 
will bestow upon me 2 or 3 of his white Mulbery trees, I pray appoint this 
bearer to fetch them and, cutting of the heads, to bring them hither. 
I would entreate you also to get me some graftes out of Emmanuel Coll. 
orchard of the tymely Cherries. I haue none left there now to write to. 
To the Worshipfull and my 
very good freend Mr Dr 
Ward, Master of Sydney Coll. 
deliver this. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; proposals /or printing 
Br Despotine's treatise, "Be magnitudine morbi" ; Apr. 5, 

[Tanner MSS Lxxin. f. 140.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with harty thanckes for my 
good cheere at my last being at Cambridge, these I write to you from Bury 
from the house of Mr Dr Despotine', who recommends him hartyly to you, 
and in his name I am to intreate a fauour of you, which is that you would 
be pleased to inquire of your Printer there, which is as I take it one 
Cantrdl Legge* whether his leysure and employment will serve him, in 
July or August next to print a booke of his ; which is now in copieng out ; 
of this tytle. De magnitudine morbi disputatio. In quS, propositi, sani- 
tatis natura, et naturali perfectione, in qu& primum Deus bomineni cre- 
averat, physici ab ea recessus investigantur, et quinam inter hos magni 
sint...ostenditur. Opus Philosophis quidem jucundum, Theologis utile, 
Medicis vero apprimfe necessarium. 

' Afterward Sir Nathaniel Eioh, a merchant-adventurer, and a connexion 
(illegitimately) of Eioh Earl of Warwick (1585—1636). 

2 The first Master of Emmanuel College was a great planter of trees. 

' Dr Jasper Despotine, see Life, pp. 10 — 12. 

* Cautrell Legge, Printer to the University of Cambridge, 1610—1625. 


He would not exspect any thing for the Copy but some 40 Copies for 
him selfe. The bullte of it in written hand will be about some 4 quire or 5. 
He shall haue it to judge of, touching the saleablenes, when it comes to 
the Vniversity for approbation. He doubts not but both at Franckford 
and in Venice it selfe a good nomber of Coppies shalbe dispersed. Yf he 
haue no leisure or storaack thereto, it needes not demand approbation 
there. Yf other-wise, the booke wilbe ready about the middle of July. 
This is all for that buisines — which I doubt not but either for his sake or 
mine, or both, you will be content to take a little trouble about. I could 
desire to vnderstand the end of your suite, the rather because my selfe 
(though I haue now these 6 yeares deferred) must be constrained to enter 
into that sea of Law, for some glebe land of my Church detayned from it. 
If your employments would allow you some weeks vacation you shall make 
me beholding to you if you would vouchsafe to visitt the Parsonage of 
Horningslieath^ though it be out of the precincts of your Archdeaconry. 
The Parson himselfe desires ever to be fownd 

Your assured loving freend 
W. Bedell. 
Bury, this 5th of 
Aprill, 1622. 

To the Worshipfull my verie 
good freend Mr Dr Warde 
Master of Sydney CoUedge 
deliver this 
in Cambridge. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward ; the publication of Dr Des- 
potine's treatise deferred; interest in behalf of a young 
man for a scholarship at Sidney college ; [Nov. 21, 1622]. 
[Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 129.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, Since my last to you about 
Mr Dr Despotine his booke, he hath resolved to stay a while ere he put it 
to the presse, beeing aduised so by my selfe, which hath beene the reason that 
you haue not since heard of him or me thereabout. He rests a debtor to 
you, and so do I for him (if there can be any debt owing to you from one 
that is yours already) for your readines in this aflfaire : which as he requested 
me in my next to you to professe, so I doe by these presents. But the 
principall reason of my writing now is this. I neuer meete our old acquaint- 
ance Simon Pitts but he thancks me for my letters wherewith I accompanied 
his wife's sonne when he placed him in your house. This occasions me to 
enquire how he doth, whether he be yet SchoUer of your house or no, etc. 

1 See Life, pp. 15, 16. 



Wherto his answer is, that he hopes with your favour at the next election 
he shalbe, and tells me that he is confirmed in this hope by the youths 
Tutor, so you be not of the minde, whereof it seemes you were at his first 
sitting, that you would have him yet forbeare to put him selfe vpon the 
triall. I promised him to write to you. And himselfe desired me so to doe; 
but not otherwise, then if?ie shcdhefowndfitt, and euen i?i your judgment 
deserve it : Which request seemes so reasonable as euen without my letter 
me thincks he must needs obtayne it. Yet if that may add any furtherance 
hereto, I would eutreate you to let him perceiue that I haue earnestly 
recommended him to you. The newes of Dr Cliadertons resigning, 
and the election of Mr Preston to the Mastership of Bmmanuell Colledge, 
was alltogether vnexspected in these parts : whereof I doubt not but there 
were some secret motiues, and perhaps conditions more then the world 
knowes of^. I wish it may be happy to them both: and so much -I pray 
signifie to them both, especially to that good Father, to whom I beseech 
ye commend me hartily. Many things I haue to communicate with you, 
about my suite in Chancery ; and some fauours which some of my freends 
beare me in hand my Lord Keeper purposes to me. He is one that [I am] 
altogether vnacquainted withall, and therefore doe I the lease [knowe] how 
to governe my selfe toward him. Yf you doe know him let [me pray you] 
certifie me what you conceiue. Among other things though that [be] a 
circumstance of very slight consideration, when you goe to such [presence] 
[do] you goe with a gowne, and Tippet, or cloke or how? If you [have] 
particular acquaintance with any that are about him I pray let [me under-] 
stand by your next. Concluding with my harty commendations to [Mist]ris^ 
Warde I commit you to Gods mercifuU protection and doe rest 

Your assured freend 

W. Bedell. 
To the Reverend and my very 

good freend Mr Dr Warde, 

Master of Sydney Colledge, 

deliver this in Cambridge, 

not payd. 

November 25, 1622. 

1 Dr Chaderton resigned, 26 Oct. 1622, and Dr Preston, Fellow of Queens', 
was elected Master. The ' secret motive,' if there was one, seems to have been 
the desire to elect Preston (who was chaplain to Prince Charles) and to avoid 
electing Dr Travers, an ex-fellow. See Ball's Life of Preston. By electing 
f reston the feUows hoped to win back the favour of the Court, which their 
Puritanism had lost. MulUnger, University of Cambridge, p. 569. 

" The MS. here is torn. 



Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; proceedings in Parliament 

and Convocation ; Apr. 16, 1624 (partly printed). 

[Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 425.] 

Salutem in Ohristo. You may perhaps marvell Good Mr Dr that you 
haue not heard any thing from me these sundry weekes. The reason of my 
silence hath beene first my absence from lience, being occasioned by the 
death of my mother before Raster, and then my coming from Black Notly 
hoine to Horningsheath. And since my retourne here hath beene nothing 
done either in Parliament or our owne house which I could give you any 
account of, any other wise than by common fame I am sure you heare. 
Vizt. the examination of my Lord Thresor' liis actions, which haue beene 
sifted by the Lower house, who yesterday met with the vpper at Whitehall, 
and haue rendered him vp as a man convicted of many extortions and 
corruptions and wrongfuU impositions vpon the King's Subjects and euill 
advice to the King him selfe. In 'summe it's surely thought he will be 
deprived of his place and honors if the sentence goe no further. For our 
house we haue taken aduice of a Bill touching prohibitions, which is passed 
the lower house, giuing scope to prooue the suggestion before the judges of 
Assise in the Country. We have drawne a petition to the lords of the 
Vpper house Committees about the Bill, and presented reasons against it 
yesterday. We doe not thinck it will passe. There is another Bill in the 
lower house on foote to enable Ministers to take leases. This was yesterday 
committed. Mr Selden had the chaire. All agreed to passe it, but 
Sir Peter Heyman (once my Pupill as you may remember) with some others 
would haue a restriction that non residents and such as haue many livings 
might take no benefitt by it. After the ende of the committee sundry tooke 
him in hand. My selfe at last discovered my selfe to him, and told him I 
xommended his zeale to redresse abuses, but this course was not proper for 
it. Let them restore the Ministry to the common liberty and right of 
Citizens, and they should haue the more justifiable reason to take in hand 
the reformeing of that abuse. It is to be heard againe by the Committees, 
he tells me that assuredly the house will not passe it without some limita- 
tions. You haue here the publick affayres. Touching my booke '\ it slept 
in my absence save that Dr Goade would needs put a printer vpon me 
whether I would or no. I purposed Mr Barret, and he and the other are 
agreed to be partners : this day the first forme is set off. There is in it a 
touch vpon the changeing of the pointing of the hebrew text in Gen. 3 in 
the interlinear Bible Kin for X-in which Mr Dr liaynolds mentions in his 

1 Lord Cranfield, created Earl of Middlesex (1623), Lord Treasurer of 
England, was impeached for malversation by the House of Commons in 1624. 

" An Examination of Certaine Motives to Eecusansie, by W. Bedell. Camb. 


Conference with Hart, out of Fr. Lucas his Annotations, to haue beene 
done by Guldo Fabricius. I cannot come by the booke. If you haue it, or 
can heare of it I pray send me the wordes that concerne it. Mr Rudd our 
old freeud was here ; I saw him not till he was euen goeing out of towne. 
We remembered you. And so desiring to be remembered in your prayers I 
committ you to God and doe rest 

Tour assured freend and loving Brother 

W. Bedell. 
London this 16th of Aprill, 1624. 

To the Worshipfull and my verie Reverend and loving freend 

Mr Dr Warde, Master of Sydney CoUedge in Cambridge. 

16 Aprill, 1624. 


Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; Act of Convocation, Be libris 
theologicis examinandis ; prohibition of the sale of Ban. 
Featley's hook intituled, " The Romish Fisher caught " ; 
June 1, 1624. 

[Tanner MSS Lxxin. f. 443.] 

Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kinde letter, 
and according to your appointment have receiued one of Dr Whitakers 
bookes. I had nothing to write you the last weeke. Now this, that the 
Parliament is ended, yet not with so vniversall satisfaction as was wished, 
and by some hoped. I send you here a copie of the Act of our house, 
touching the Proposition of revising the Fathers etc. The penning of it was 
committed to Mr Dalby and me. Marvell not that nothing is sayd of any 
contribution to the charge etc., for we had no such commission. Dr Peatly 
his booke is not yet permitted to be sold. It is reported that some' have 
taken themselves personally touched in a passage thereof, where he mentions 
the staying the further proceeding in conference to have beene wrought by 
some, that tooke on them the office of the Divell who is tlie accuser qf the 
bretheren. I am sory that by this meanes Fisher and his Compagnions 
are ioyed. But possible it will come forth at last. You must against the 
3rd of November project this matter of reviseing the Ancients more 
distinctly, and I hope there will not want maintenance to that. I write 
these being to post out of Towne to morrow morning early. This day I 
dined with my Lord of Methe^, where you were remembered. This day 

1 Episo. Dunelm (Morton). 

2 Bishop of Meath, James Ussher, who was next year raised to the 
Archbishopric of Armagh. The book referred to was the Answer to the Chal- 
lenge made by a Jesuite {W. Malone) in Ireland, London 1625. 


the last slieete of his booke is printing. The Lord have vs all in his keeping. 
Lymestreete, June 1°, 1624. 

Your loving freend, 

W. Bedell. 

To my Reverend and vporthy freend Mr Dr Ward, Master of Sydney 
CoUedge, deliver this in Cambridge. June 1°, 1624. 


Bedell's letters to Dr Ward; directions for printing some pieces 

relating to the Venetians; March 19, and 28, 1626. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 178.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with my verie harty commen- 
dations remembered, I receiued your kinde letter, vpon Pryday last, and 
accordingly resdued to haue come to Cambridge, and principally to haue 
enjoyed the compaiiy of my Lord Primate 1 to whom I pray remember my 
humble service. But being yesterday at Bury I tooke cold, and find my 
- selfe not well, so as I dare not aduenture abroad, having for these 7 or 8 
weekes past found a dizzines in my head, and perpetuall tingling in One of 
myne eares, for which I haue taken a little Physiok, and do still vse a kinde 
of diet tonick. Yet I told Dr Despotine yesterday I would come (who 
remembers his love to you) and had not this my last distemper hapned, I 
would have troubled you. Touching the booke I cannot perswade the 
Printers to any thing, let them doe as they please. I haue resolued to add 
in the end besides the Rules of the Jesuites, 4 poenies of a Venetian, called 
Octavio Meniui, whereof 3 are in print already in litle loose papers, the 
4th which was vpon occasion of P. Paulo his wounding^ was not printed, the 
title is In Meretricem insignem. They are all pertinent to the story or 
story-writer. If they goe on I shall send them tyme enough. If not I 
desire you to send me the copy by the next Carrier. So with my true love 
to you and commendations to Mistris Warde, I rest 

Your very loving freend 

W. Bedell. 
Homingerth, this 
19th of March, 1626. 

These Letters I sent the last Tuesday, but the Carrier was gone before 
they came. My cold doth yet continue, yet now breaking away, I have sent 
herein the Epistle which I have contracted and altered in some thinges. 
I would entreate you, Sir, to peruse it and alter in it what you thinck good 
or at least advertise me of your opinion. The title of the first front I would 
haue altered according to that here set downe, for so it is in the Italian. 
And that other forme Interdicti Veneti I doubt will not satisfie the 

' George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1611-1633. 
" See p. 225. The book referred to is the Latin Translation of Paolo's 
History of the Interdict. Camb. 1626. 


Venetians who pretended a nullity in the Censure: and besides that the 
determination of the Interdict-in true Latine Vse is never, as farre as I 
find, from the patient but from the agent, as the Prajtor, &c. If your 
Printers take it in hand I doe earnestly intreate you to glue order that it 
may be carefully corrected. The title of euery page both in the French and 
Italian is Liber Primus &c. which I would imitate in this. Remember me 
againe to my Lord Primate. And I pray let me be so much beholding to you, 
as to vnderstand by your meanes his interpretation of the 1 Beast, and the 
2d Beast, the false prophet and the Harlot in the Revelation : which I 
heard of him at London, but haue quite forgotten. Let me heare from you 
the next retorne of the Carrier. The Lord haue you in his keeping. 


W. Bedell. 
March 28, 1626. 

To my Reverend and worthy friend Mr Dr Ward Master of Sydney 
CoUedge deliver this in Cambridge. 


Bedell's letter to Br Ward ; reasons for thinking the 

Dialogue of Maodmus a forgery ; Nov. 8, 1626. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 163.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. I thanck you (Good Mr Dr) for your kinde 
letters, and invitation to come to you : which I would not vnwillingly take, 
but at the present many things hinder me, so as I can not stirre from home. 
I thank you for your aduertisement about Maxinms Dialogue. I am some- 
tymes sorry that I haue not the bookes of our Adversaries, as Baronius, or 
other ancients whom they cite' nor the Councells whole ; but only Joverius 
and Caranza, yet if I were nearer to Cambridge I should haue supply of 
this want. I have a great suspition that Maximus his Dialogue is a forgery 
of some library-keeper of Rome. These thinges mooue me. It goeth about 
to excuse flonorius^ letters to Sergius^ by his Secretary as you know — 
contrary to the judgment of the VI Councell. It saith the Secretary wrote 
so much to Constantino at Pope Johns bidding ; but when Pope John the 
4th 3 liued, Heraclius was Bmperour. If it be sayd Constantino his sonne 
reigned with him. True, But so as the other ruled all. Why should the 
Secretary write to the Sonne and omitt the Father? Why was not this 
defence used for Honorius in the VI Councill by the Legates of Agatho* '? 

1 Honoriua, Pope 625-640. 

^ Patriarch of Constantinople, who maintained the monothelite doctrine. 

3 John IV., Pope 640-642. Heraelius I. Emperor 610—641, Constantine III. 
(also called Heracliua II.) 641. 

4 Agatho, Pope 678. 


Why did not Pope Leo' who translated the Councell out of Greeke vse some 
respect but cursed Honorius ? The wordes recited by Retlar out of the 
Dialogue do differ from those in Bisciola his Epitome of Baronius. One 
hath, qui Uteris suis quas ad terginna superioribus temporihus scripsit. 
The other— g'Mi aperti antecessori meo &c. If there were any such thing 
I would rather thinck it was by the procurement of John 5th^, who had 
beene at the VI Councell, and was after Pope. In the narration also of 
this Councill which Baronius sayth that Anastaaius makes, there be many 
suspitions : for all the Actions of the Synode that concern this matter be 
lacking, and yet he shewes that Leo translated the Councell and cursed 
Honorius. Sir, at your leisure reade ouer that Dialogue of Maximus and 
consider of all circumstances. Observe also whether Photius mention this 
Dialogue or no. Touching the history of the Interdict, I did guess that to 
be the reason that I wrote to you, that you did not sell them, especially 
being finished before the faire. And the last weeke Dr Despotine had 
a letter from Signor Pra. Biondi that the Venetian Ambassador will 
haue the Epistle taken away. For my part, I care not what they doe 
with it, and I thinck it will not hurt the sale of their Copies that there is 
difficulty in the passing of it. I haue receiued 12 copies from Leon. 
Greene, but vnbound. Desire him I pray that if he send me any more, 
they may be bound for we haue none that can bind them well here. So 
remembering my true loue to you and Mistris Warde with my Commen- 
dations to Dr Chaderton. I rest, 

Your true loving friend 

W. Bedell. 


Nov. 8, 1626. 

Sir, if Mr Buck come abroade yet, I pray remember me hartily to him. 
To the Worshipful! and my Reverend good friend Mr 
Dr Warde Master of Sidney CoUedge deliver this 
8 Novemb. 1626. 


Bedell's letter to Br Ward; Archbishop Ussher offers to 
procure for him the provostship of Dublin College ; March 
15, 162f. 

[Tanner MSS Lxxii. f. 176.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
Though I haue not heard yet of your retourne from London (Good 
Mr Dr) yet conjecturing by the tyme you should be retourned, with the 
opportunity of one of myne owne parish goeing to Cambridge, I write these 
lines. I could haue desired the last weeke to haue beene with you, if it 
had beene but for a few houres, to haue consulted with you touching 
a proposition as vnlooked for to me as that of my journey to Venice. 
I receiued 2 letters of like date and contents from London by appointment 
1 Leo VI., Pope 682-3. ^ john V., Pope 686-7. 


from my Lord Primate of Armagh \ demanding to know whether I would 
accept of the place of Provost of the College there, in case he procured 
that I were elected thereto : and requiring my present answer. I was and 
yet am altogether ignorant of the quality of the place. -I mesne as to the 
employment (for as for the meanes he writes it is \00li. per annum and may 
be bettered by the addition of a weekely lecture in the Citty) where in 
I thought you could somewhat informe rae, if it were but from Mr Alvey 
his report, of whose death you wrote in your last. I went to Bury to 
consult with Dr Despotiue, and my patrone Sir Tho. Jermyn. It was not 
Gods will I should finde either of them at home. So the answer I made was 
this, That I was married, and had 3 children, a good seate in an wholesome 
aire, with a litle parrish within the compasse of my weake voice ; and 
aboue lOOW. a yeare living : which made me together with the inclination 
of my wife, not desirous to change — yet if I should see clearely it was the 
will of God I should goe, I esteemed I was to close mine eyes against 
mine owne conveniencyes, and follow his call, which I should esteerae by 
this, if those that had power to elect there did procure those that might 
commande me here to send me. In which case I was resolved to goe, not 
only into Ireland but Virginia and that alle I were sure to m,eete with 
death in the performance. For my selfe I was resolved not to stiri'e a foote 
or finger to or against this motion, &c. This answer I doe not yet repent 
of. For in truth What to choose I cannot tell : but would doe what is 
my duty. To goe thither only to looke to the accounts of a College, I doe 
not apprehend how it can be of any great use, more then I may performe 
here, especially if, as / hope and lately vnderstand, there is Aop« m.ore 
then heretofore of som.e doing good at Venice. This I write as vnder- 
standing froin Sir P. Biondi that many of his friends there entreate him 
to answer a booke printed at Millaine lately about the warres of Boheme 
and the Jesuites ; wherein possibly I may afford him a litle helpe and so 
in some other occasions of that sort. Herein let me I pray vnderstand 
your opinion if you know anything of the quality and employment in 
Ireland. For the rest I pray (for so I am required) impart not this to any. 
One thing I will say to you that my Lord Primates worthy disposition doth 
much encourage me, if I might be of use to his designes of printing the 
authors of the midle tymes. Concluding I pray you (good Mr Dr) let me 
heare from you both of this, and if you heare of any new translation of the 
Councill of Trent whereof you promised to enquire. I receiued from 
Mr Buck the bookes he sent. L. Greenes man writes they tooke 20 sh. 
money : which if I had knowne they expected, I would not haue had so 
many. But they shall not loose by rae in that kinde though perhaps they 
gaine nothing by the booke. I rest, 

Your loving and euer faythfuU 

W. Bedell. 

this 15th of March, 

1 James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, p. 262. 



Bedell's letter to Br Ward; enquiry of Sig. Biondi for a 
book written hy an Englishman [Tho. Ryves] in defence of 
the Emperor Justinian ; Apr. 16, 1627. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 190.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with my verie harty com- 
mendations and like thanckes for my good cheere at my late being with 
you. These I now write at the request of Dr Despotine, who hath receiued 
letters from Sr F. Biondi with a note inclosed from Venice, to enquire for 
a Booke which a learned man of England should write and print against 
Nicolas Alemani keeper of the Vatican Library : who first published some 
few yeares since Procopii Arcana Historia with his Latine Translation and 
Notes, in which with the depression of the name and memory of the 
Emperour Justinian, the Court of Rome prepares the way to the condemna- 
tion of the Lawes made by the sayd Emperour which are read in the Code, 
which clearelykbesides other thiiiges shew the falsehood of their pretence of 
beeing exempted from the judgment of Secular Princes. From which they 
meane to proceed further to bring in an absolute Monarchy and Despoticall 
Dominion over all Princes &c. These be the wordes of the Note. Now 
Signer Biondi writes he can not heare of any such in London,- and desires 
our Dr to enquire at Cambridge. Dr Despotine is of the minde that it is 
the booke of Dr Crakanthorpe in defence of the Emperour Justinian, 
which I shewed him. Notwithstanding because he writes against Barouius, 
and not Alemani, nor once tliat I can finde mentions that History of 
Procopius, we both intreate you, if you can, to signifie wliat other Author 
it should bee. Procopius history of the warres against the Goths by 
Belisarius and Narses I haue scene and read in Venice. Other History 
called Arcana I never heard of^. I long to heare of the successe of 
Emmanuell College Statiites^; so much the more because I heare by 
Mr Hunt of second letters sent to the Heades about this matter. The 
copy of these letters (if you can gett it) I would be glad to see. And I 
pray send me your opinion about this point, whether a man inlightened 
and convinced of the truth of Christian doctrine may by that grace 
receiued, aske, seeke, and pray for the grace of Conversion. Or how you 
would reconcile these 2 : That Fayth is the gift of God, and yet mann shalbe 
condemned (and justly) for not beleeving in Christ as Joh. 3. 18, 19. I haue 
not yet the leisure to set downe the points we were speaking about ; I hope 
to doe it ere long. I haue now my handfuU of another taske. And so 
many distractions come upon me, and upon another, that I finde as litle 

1 The Arcana Historia of Procopius, with Notes by N. Alemani, was first 
printed in Greek and Latin at Lyon in 1623. 

^ The attempt to amend the College statutes and especially to get rid of that 
de mora sociorum, which terminated a Fellowship at the standing of D.D. 


leisure here as you tliere. Pardon this my adding to yours. I am and 
shalbe euer 

Your truely loving friend 
W. Bedell. 
Horningerth Aprill 16, 1627. 

Remember me to your wife, and Dr Chaderton. 

To my verie Reverend and much respected 
friend Mr Dr Warde Master of Sydney 
CoUedge deliver this in Cambridge. 
I think that prsecisely vpon the knowledge of our present misery, and 
the persuasion, and persuasion of so great a good, as the offer of life and 
happynes, a man is not enabled to desire it, and Christ the meanes of it, 
vnless he be trewly touched with a sense of his sins as displeasing to God, 
with a purpose to leave them. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; chosen provost oj Dublin 
College; theological questions [1627]. 

[Tanner MSS cxrp. f. 151.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Though I know this tyme is a busy tyme with 
you, so as it is almost a sinne (to speake in the Italian phrase) to interrupt 
you, yet I cannot but signifie to you the state of my buisines, and request 
your aduice. I receiued the last weeke a letter from Mr Temple one of the 
fellowes of the Colledge in Ireland, wherein he signifies that they liaue pro- 
cured his Majesties letter for the setling me in that place. And that he would 
haue sent me a copy thereof, but that Mr Floyd his Colleague had written 
already to me (as he vnderstood) and sent it. That he purposed to retourne 
vfith speede for Ireland. To this purpose also writes Mr Burnet a Merchant 
in Lombard Streete. This day I was advertised also, that Sir Nathanaell 
Rich did write to me by Mr Floyd, the same day the King's hand was gotte 
about 3 weekes agoe, and marvells that he heares not from me about it. 
Now I never receiued any letter from Mr Floyd, the copy of the King's 
letter I never saw, nor receiued Sir Nathanaels letter. I did answer to 
Mr Temple, that I accounted my selfe more beholding to him for his loue 
then his newes. That I could not conceive how by my setling there, any 
such good should be added to that house as he presumed. But would crosse 
the seas : and for giving hira directions, I did rather expect to receiue them 
from him ; especially when, and how he purposed to make his journey : 
desirous, if my affaires would comport, to accompany him, or else would 
glue him expresse answer, that he should not stay for me. Now in this I 
crave your aduice, whether I were better to goe presently or stay till after 
harvest. That were the safer way for me in respect of gathering in this 
yeares fruites of my benefice ere I put my selfe in the hazzard of the seas. 


On the other side, the College hath beene long a headlesse body, and very 
likely would thinck long to see him, that ere long they would think came 
to soone. Another thing also I cast in minde, my place here is certaine 
and quiet : Whether it were wisdome to put my selfe presently out of it, or 
take as it were a tyme of probation there, retayning this ? 1 might haue 
the Archbishops dispensation for 3 yeares, and he offered it me. But the 
Statutes of the house, as I heare, admitt not any living to be holden but 
within 3 myles of that place. Vnlesse I should forbeare for a tyme to take 
the oath and be admitted Provost : which is subject to a great many 
inconveniencies, as to haue no authority but precario, with other like. I 
pray advise me, whatsoeuer comes in your minde : and what else any way 
pertinent to this buisines God shall bring to your rememberance you shall 
herein much oblige me to you. For my part I haue no greater comfort in 
this affaire, then this, that I haue not sought it directly or indirectly : and 
shall hold my selfe better pleased to be quiet still at home, if any rubb 
happen in the way. 

To your last letters. An humbled sinner is not yet a true convert, 
though in proxima dispositione : as Mr Perkins well teaches. And the 
title Pater noster, may well be used of him that considers himselfe as gods 
Creature, or as entered into the Covenant of grace Sacramentally, though a 
man haue not the Spirit of adoption. But let vs leave the forme of the 
Lords Prayer ; the question is whether he can say, ' Convert me o Lord etc' 
' Giue me to beleeue' ; Consider the forme of St j^ugustines conversion in 
his Confessions ; and whether to one in the like agony you would not advice 
(and well might) to pray as he did. Cur nan modo etc'. 

Touching the 2d point, I conceiue not your answer, or else you mistake 
me : for doe not thinck but I will admitt, that both posse credere is of grace, 
and ipsum credere also ; and both free gifts of Gods, yet the last 
conditioned with aske, seeke, knock, which many that haue the former 
fayling in are worthily deprived of. Your similitude of one offering to 2 
beggers each a peny, which one acceptes, the other refuses ; is not like this 
matter. But rather that of one shewing money to 2 beggers with Christs 
word, Aske and ye shall haue, where both are ingaged for the promise, but 
more he that hath the proffer and performance. I thanck you much for the 
booke you were pleased to send me, which I haue read over this weeke, 
with your sermon ad Clerum, enlarged. I had noted before 3 places 
whereof I doubted : and thought in one of those 2 there was some fault in 
the print : It is in your latter edition page 22 voluntatis irresistihilitatem. 
I thought it should be resislibilitatem, or oppugnandi. The other is page 
23 nos dicimus. I thought it would be non dicimus. In the same leafe, 
formulis causa. I thinck you meane, proxima and immediata efficiens. 
But perhaps some Schoolemen speake so, which yet I doe not remember. 
See how much trouble I put you to beare with me, and remember me to 

• The passage to which Bedell appears to refer begins with quare (not our) 
Confess, viii. 12 iactabam voces miserabiles : ' Quam diu ? quam diu ? Cras 
et cras ? Quare non modo t quare non Kac hora finis turpitudinis meae ? ' 


Mistris Ward. If I goe shortly into Ireland I will see you at Cambridge ; 
if not, yet I will intreate you with her to see vs here, so I rest, 

Your ever loving freend, 
W. Bedell. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; the provostship of Dublin 

College; theological questim, ; May 8, 1627. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 194.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. I thank you for your letters, and the Copy of 
your latter reference from the King. I shall niarvell if those that be so 
zealous about the altering the statute of Em. Coll. do not likewise labour to 
overthrow the like of Q, Bliz. foundation in the College in Ireland, by which 
the fellows there may not stay aboue 7 yeares after their beeing Masters of 
Arts. For that I perceiued this last weeke at London whether I was sent 
for by Sir Na. Rich by order from my Lord of Canterbury the Chancelor of 
that University, who when I came to him used a very pithy and weighty 
speech to me to induce me to accept that charge. I excused me by my 
deafenes and other insiiflBciencies, but it auailed not. The fellowes haue 
put up a Petition to the King desiring I may haue the place conferred 
upon me. The successe of their suite I did not thinck it fitt to attend. 
But if they obtane it, I thinck to goe (with the helpe of God) at least to 
take some triall of the place. Touching my letter, your instance of the 
conviction of the Devills of the truth of Christian doctrine, who yet cannot 
pray, is not to the purpose. For there is no grace of Illumination or 
conviction granted to them to enable them to any supernaturall act. Nor 
doth Christian doctrine concerne them but mankind to whom Christ is 
giuen. It seemeth that precisely upon the knowledge of our present 
misery &c., with all the persuasion of so great a good as the offer of life and 
happiues made by God in Christ to the world, a man should be abled to 
desire it and Christ the meanes of it, and to pray, Convert me o Lord and 
I shalbe converted &c. I do freely grant that the belleuer hath euer a 
greater grace then he that is not converted. For he hathe the gift of 
Faith it selfe, but whether a greater before faith I doubt. And I would 
desire to vnderstand in particular what it is, and how, that being denied, the 
mouth of such as beleane not shalbe stopped, and their condemnation just. 
When your leisure shalbe greater, I could desire to receiue the further 
declaration of this point. Meane while with my true aflfection to you and 
hearty commendations to Mistris Warde I rest 

Your truely loving freend, 
W. Bedell. 
Horningerth this 
8th of May 1627. 

At my being at London Sir Na. Rich told me of a letter that goes about 


in the name of your College to the Duke^ ; a very flattering and absurd 
thing as wise men esteeme it : I laboured to get a Coppy of it supposing 
you are abused in it, but I could not meete with it. You may do well to 
search it out. 

To the WorshipfuU and my Reverend good freend Mr Dr Ward Master 
of Sidney CoUedge deliver this in Cambridge. May 1627. 


Tf. Bedell to Sir Nathanael Rich^. 

(From the original in the possession of His Gh-ace the Duke 

of Manchester at Kimholton Castle.) 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
Sir, I am retourned from Dublin vpon Michaelmas day, whether I set 
forth vpon St James day. My iourney I thanck God was prosperous, as 
farre as hitherto I can judge of it, if the vndertaking a place of that charge 
and burthen aboue my strength do not oppresse and crush me. At my 
comming I presented my selfe to my Lord Deputy, by whom I was 
graciously vsed. The next day came to me Mr Usher, who was elected by 
the junior fellowes, wishing me to be advised ere I entered a place whereto 
he had right ; He doubted not but when His Majesty should be informed, 
he would administer indifierent justice to all his subjects etc. I could not 
get of him the grownds of his pretension nor persuade him to go with me 
to Drogheda to my Lord Primates, whether I went the next day and com- 
municated with him of all things. He to the point of Mr Usher sayd he 
was sorry he would not be advised by his friends : wished me to proceede 
etc. I retourned and having perused the Statutes, went to the College, and 
took the oath, yet with Protestation that I entended not to binde my selfe 
to every clause and phrase in the Statutes, but to the Substance : and 
where the Provost might not hold any Benefice, except it were within three 
miles of DubUn, I did not intend presently to give over my Benefice,- in as 
much as the place was litigious', and my family and affayres in England 
vnsetled, but would do it when with conveniency I might. Thence 
forward having taken upon me the place I endeavoured to sow up the rent 
betweene the fellowes ; and to that end appointed a Communion the next 
Sunday (a thing intermitted tliese 11 yeares). Then ordered the members 
of our governing Senate, I meane the Seniors ; removeing (as by our 

1 The Duke of Buckingham. 

^ See ante p. 258. 

' Because there had been a dispute whether the Senior or Junior Fellows had 
the right of election. At the death of Sir Wm Temple, Jan. 15, 1626, the 
Seniors had chosen one the Juniors another. The king then nominated 


charter we were bound) such as by tyme after their Degree of Master of 
Arts were to be removed. Next we chose oflScers, gave graces in the 
house for Degrees, reformed some abuses in the Chappell and Hall : as the 
Evening Prayers were in the Hall, and Philosophical! Acts in the Chappell. 
But my next care was about the Statutes, which being part latin, part 
English, and in sheetes of Paper some stich'd together, some loose, a heape 
without order, with long preambles, and sometyme vnneeessary, and in 
many thinges defective : with the consent of the greater part of the 
Seniors, I so digested into a new forme, and at last perfected as I hope 
and published in the Chappell. The state of the College in respect of 
the Revenue and Treasure should have been the thing I would next have 
entered into consideration of. But it required a long tyme. And this in 
short I fownd, there was not money enough in the chest to pay the 
Commons and the stipends when the day should come. I consigned all 
the Bookes of former accounts into the handes of the Vice-Provost 
(Mr Lloyd) and the Auditor (Sir James Ware) desiring him to set me 
downe the Estate of the College especially in respect of Areares. Which 
hitherto he sayd he could never doe, in as much as he had not so much as 
a Rentall of the CoUedge revenue, but had made vp every yeares account, 
only- out of what was taken out of the chest and disbursed. Wherein 
notwithstanding sundry Bursars had left in their hands large summes of 
the College money, never satisfied. And to mend the matter a custome 
was brought in of giveing to the Senior Fellowes at ther departing 
a Viaticum as they call it. Which also was demanded by those Fellows 
who now left their places. But to these Viaticums I have I hope given 
a Viaticum.' And when ever I shall retorne to the house, I hope to looke 
a litle better to the Accounts : and if it be possible to recover some of 
those hundreds, which I doe already by a superficiall view perceive are 
unjustly witlihelde from the CoUedge, partly received and never accounted ; 
partly lent (as is pretended) but without assent of the greater part of the 
Seniors ; partly lent indeede, but never repayed ; and as it is now hoped to 
be granted for a Viaticum to the former Provost. Sir, you may by this 
which I have in short run over, conceive what a world of busines I am put 
into : -yet I repent me not of my journey, though I have not had there one 
houre voyd of paines, trouble, or thought, nor do looke to have when I shall 
retourne, for many moneths. But if I shalbe able to settle the College in 
a good state, for their manners, lawes, revenew, and studies, whereof in 
respect of many diflSculties in each I have great reason to doubt, yet the 
state of the Country considered, now wholely assubjected to Romish super- 
stition, and as it seemes, in respect of religion euen abandoned by those 
that should have the care and charge of it, I have litle hope euer to have 
comfortable day there. Unlesse with the Apostle I could rejoice in 
labours, and troubles, and euen to be offered up on the sacrifice and 
service of the faith of God's people ; which I do some tymes wish, and have 
some comfort I confesse euen in that very wishing. But I should enter 
into a Sea to goe about to relate vnto you the present state of religion in 
Ireland. Your selfe I beleeve would scarce beleeve it possible that in 


a few yeares since your being there it should receive such a headlong 
downefall. I shall reserve that to our meeting, which shalbe I hope ere 
long, when I shall receive the CoUedge, and my Lord Primates letters, or 
advice that they are in London for me. At which tyme also I hope to 
make my excuse and satisfaction for my not seeing my Lord of Canterbury 
at my parting, being in truth required by my Lord Primate to repaire to 
Dublin idth all possible speede. I hope you have in part made my excuse, 
and in any occasion will further doe it. Meane while desiring you to 
remember my humble service to the Barle of Warwick, my ever honoured 
Lord I committ you to the protection of our good God, and rest Sir 


To the Worshipfull and my Very 

good friend Sir Fathaneel 

Riche at Warwick 

house deliver these 

in London. 


Bedell's letter to Br Ward; queries about the University of 

Cambridge; affairs of Dublin College; Jan. 17, 162|. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 235.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I am ashamed that I haue kept 

your booke of the University Statutes so long : but I had a desire to draw 

out of it a project for our University, which lacks statutes as yet. And 

some rude lines 1 haue drawiie. But alas, we lack the facultyes of Physick 

and lawe wholely : and that of Divinity is never like to yeild us any Doctors 

resident in our University, or aboue one or 2 ; sith when they come to be 

7 yeares standing Masters of Arts, they must leave their fellowships : 

I could desire to know whether your University haue any licence of 



Mortmalne to purchase Landes : and to what value, and by what name 
you are incorporated, and whether the Vice Chancellor Proctors and 
Bedells haue any stipends out of the same, or else their stipends be meerely 
out of the Contributions for degrees. To what vse your matriculation 
money is put : and how the Schooles were first founded, and are yet 
repaired, if you haue vnderstood what summes of money Professors of 
Law, or Physick do pay to the University for their chairs, and whether the 
Professors of Divinity do the like or not. Whether the Physitians and 
lawiers do make any Profession at their taking Degrees of Dr as Divines 
do. And the copy of the Profession of Divinity if you can conveniently 
come by it. A hundred more thinges I haue to demand which now come 
not to my minde. As about your sheets (which I thinck were montes 
pietatis at first) whether there be any use of them now or not. What 
officers the University hath for their possessions, as Stewards, Auditors 
Surveyors or the like. For my journey, it is not like to be till the Spring. 
I haue not yet receiued my Lord Primates resolution of my case viz. 
whether I may, notwithstanding my oath to hold no benefice but within 
3 myles of Dublin, retayne the right of my living here, without receiuing 
any profltt thereby. For my selfe I do most incline to thinck, that I may 
not, since so long as I haue the title of it, and may execute the duty when 
I will, I hold the benefice. From the fellowes there, I understand of a new 
difference since my coming away, upon an opinion that we had made 
a statute that none should be chosen fellow under a Bachelor of Arts of 
V Termes standing at least, purposely to exclude the natives, and specially 
a Cousin of my Lord Primates of his name, this next Election. The truth is 
I assented to that Statute out of a perswasion of the good of the College 
for all future tymes, and no other regard. And that cousin of my Lord, as it 
is assured me, is altogether vnfitt for the place. I see it wilbe a very hard 
thing to please all sides. The fellowes complaine that my Lord Primate is too 
open eared to suggestions, an euill many tymes following good natures. 
How so euer I can yet stay where I am : but I shall perceiue more when 
I receiue his owne letters. They haue bestowed a grace of Dr upon me in 
the house, as I heare, though not from them, but my Lord Deputy his 
Secretary. And my Lord Deputy conferred upon me the place of the 
Threasurership of St Patricks in Dublin, which was holden in Commendam 
by the Archb. of Tuam (being of the Collation of the Archb. of- Dubline), 
advising me to get the Royal letters for it, &c. and as I heare passed it for 
me under seale. I wrote to his Lordship with thancks but refusing to 
medle in it, or hold any opposition with the Archbishop ; since I under- 
stand that the Archb. of Tuam is not dead, and I for my part had rather 
content my selfe with the meere wages of my place then goe to law for the 
best place in that Church, though I were sure to evict it. I haue made 
this honorable offer of his an occasion to petition for the wages of 40li. per 
annum, anciently granted to the Provost for maintaning a lecture before 
the Lord Deputy and Counsell, which for the 7 yeares past hath beene with- 
holden from the College, although the senior fellowes do yet uphold that 
lecture. I shall also see what that course will worke. I could haue 


desired that company here to haue imparted all things at large, but the 
weather is to unseasonable : and my selfe am shortly to goe into Essex 
upon occasion of the death of one of my Brother in Lawes who departed 
this life the last weeke. I doe entreate you to conceale that which I write 
touching the Lord Primate and the Lord Deputy : and if you can at leysure 
certifie me of the particulars of my demands touching your University you 
shall doe me a pleasure. I hope to see you here about Candlemas tyme. 
And so with thancks for the Note of your bokehouse and all other your 
kindnesses, I rest 

Your euer bownden and 
faythfuU freend 

W. Bedell. 
Homingerth this 17th 

of January 1627. 

I receiued upon Monday a kind letter from Mr Mede of Christs 
College with one of his bookes which I haue read or rather ramie over. 
I haue not now the leysure by reason of this bearers hast to write to him. 
I desire you at your next occasion to thanck him in my name. 
To my Reverend and very 
worthy freend Mr Dr 
Ward Master of Sidney 
CoUedge deliver 


Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; theological points on grace 

and justifying faith ; Jan. 29, 162^. 

[Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 239.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kinde 
letters. And touching Pre Paulo his opinion, as I remember it, was this. 
Where in discourse with him and Pulgentio we talked of the order in 
conversion, which, as I conceiued, was by excitation and Illumination and 
Conviction of the truth of the doctrine, before the giving of Justifieing 
Faith, so as it was not done in an instant but by certaine Degrees. He 
said : Grace was given in an instant, and might sometymes begin, but not at 
the understanding, but in some affection as Feare, Hope ec. and so affect 
the whole man : which also he seemed to make effectuall Grace it selfe, and 
not any prwparative thereunto. And for the acts prseparatory whereof 
you write, I thinck you haue most truly set downe this wliole matter, in 
your Suffrage at Dort touching the 3 and 4th Articles in the title De 
Antecedaneis ad Gonversionem. And the resemblance which you use is 
very proper. Nam sicut in generatione hominis naturali multae sunt 
perviae dispositiones &c. the very image which our Saviour borrowed 
John 3 — Where you demand, whether the mlyect may he sayd to he 



dead in sinne in the Apostles phrase Bph. 2 and Col. 2 : it seemes not. 
For he speakes of the state of those before their calling or any beginning of 
grace in them, while they walked in sinnes and were in like subjection to 
the Devil, with those in whom he did yet effectually worke. This is not so 
in those who haue illumination, and Compunction, desire of freedome, and 
hope of pardon. For looke, how much there is of the one contrary induced, 
so much is abated of the other. It is true that the forme is induced in an 
instant, which is ipsum credere in advitis whereby the Subject is com- 
pletely translated from death to life. But when the soule hath receiued 
the immortall seede of Gods worde, which St Peter speakes of, Ep. 1. 23. he 
is not all utterly in the same case as before, much lesse when it hath taken 
some roote, though in shallow grownd, as in those that beleeue for a tyrae, 
after falling away. And let it be marked, that it is the high way that 
answers to the estate of those that are wholely dead in sinnes : the other 
grownds haue at the least the lively seede in them, though in some through 
their owne fault it come not to fruite, as you say Thes. 5, Where you aske. 
Whether such acts proceeds from the motion of the Spirit, or initiall 
habits and dispositions. It seemes, at the first from the impulse and 
motions of the Holy Spirit : viz. when the habits or dispositions are working 
and inducing. After these are vitall actes, as motion in Embryone. 
Unlesse a man will hold that there must necessarily be a new impiilse to 
euery severall act even out of habit complete, which for my part I thinck 
is not so, albe grace and new grace in som sense there must be, even after 
conversion. But when we say Vitall actes, I take your meaning Philo- 
sophically not Theologically, unlesse you meane incompletely, and as tending 
to life, i.e. to Faith, by which the just lives. For it implies contradiction 
that before a man lives he should performe a Vitall act. Alwaies it must be 
remembered we doe not performe any one of these actes per naturae 
vigorem, as the Councell of Orange speakes : all our suflBciency is from God 
giving these habits, add also ministring occasions, remooviiig impediments, 
yea, if you will, giving impulses such as shall not irresistibly moove. For 
if they doe, neither is that possible which you say (1 Thes. 5, 19), Suffocari 
ac penitus extingui possunt hi effectus prsecedanei, et in multis solent. And 
if they were not resisted, the reason of Gods forsaking 1 Thes. 4. 7, 8, and 
consequently the justice of condemning men for not beleeving could not be 
cleared. And this agrees with that which you teach out of St Paul Phil. 2. 
12, though I thinck it is not the proper meaning of that place. God 
hath begun in you a good worke of his grace, and brought it tlms farre 
as that you haue a will to believe and convert : with feare and care do 
you endeavour to finish (as Karepya^ea-Oi doth rather signifle than as 
Chrysost expounds it) that whereupon your salvation depends. Fur as (iod 
hath begun, so it is he which will giue you inward and effectuall force, if 
you be not wanting to his grace, i.e. if you instantly use meanes, and askj 
seeke, knock. How be it as I sayd I thinck he speakes to men converted 
and delivered as yuu say, p. 5 a, and therefore exhorts rather to care and 
constancy in new obedience, than to care in the beginning of conversion for 
the accomplishing thereof. Their safety or health was already wrought, 


Veluti cum medicina morbum superavit : hoc tantum deerat ad perfectam 
sanitatem, ut aeger jam convalescens in victus ratione recte instituenda 
et alterantium medicamentorum usu ofBcium faceret — This for your de- 
mands. Perusing your letters which I receiued last from you before my 
goeing into Ireland, I finde these wordes you set dowue what you conceiue 
to be my meaning in that which passed before betweene us. [Your opinion 
is this, that God giving a man posse credere giveth him also posse inwcare 
et orare, as a meanes to worke actuall fayth, ipsum credere.] and you add, 
/ will admitt all you say. But wliether it be my infelicity in lack of 
expressing my selfe, or any thing fell froui my pen besides my meaning I 
know not ; this is not my opinion. For first I acknowledge no working of 
actuall fayth by us, but obtaining only. God is the worker, which by a new 
free and unresistible (or at least unresisted) grace, giues ipsum credere. By 
a new impulse induces this forme which after remaines per moduni habitus 
in the subject, where it was not in it before, but in poteutia. And (or posse 
credere, I do not thinck that a Reprobate ever hath it, any other wise then 
in that he hath posse invocare. So this, is not given together with that, but 
that is given in the giving of this. The thing you only contend (as you 
say) is that, if 2 haue posse orare, he that hath hoth posse orare, and doth 
actu orare also, hath infallibly a greater grace antecedenter ad actum 
credendijfor the act commeth from a greater grace then the hare posse 
credere — I thinck you would haue sayd posse orare. Otherwise you speake 
not to my meaning. And if so, that as it seemes can be no other but an 
impulse or motion ad orandum, which if it be irresistible in the one, and 
either not at all, or resistible in the other, you may soone see this mans 
mouth cannot be stopped, and he made inexcusable why he beleeved not. 
As' easily it may be on the other side, if there were no impulse at all but 
only a poWer ; or the impulse were resistible in both, but not resisted but 
only in the reprobate. To conclude he that doth actu orare hath infallibly 
greater grace viz. exorare, credere, salvari. See Act 9. 11. But this is 
consequenter. If he haue greater also antecedenter, 1 desire to know what 
it is in particular. I crave no pardon of this prolixity, but desire to be 
punished lege talionis. 

I pray certifie me if there be any recordes or abstract of your Privileges 
of the University which a man might obtaine the sight of. For the ori- 
ginalls I suppose are not easily to be veiwed. So with my commendations to 
your selfe and Mris Warde I committ you to the Lords protection, and rest 

Your ever loving freend 
W. Bedell. 
Horningerth, this 29th 
of January, 1627. 

To the WorshipfuU and my 

Reverend good freend 

Mr Dr Warde Master 

of Sydney GoUedge 

in Cambridge. 

deliver this. 



Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; scruples about retaining the rectory 
of Horning sheath ; the question of faith and justifying 
faith; Feb. 8, 162|. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 243.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kiude 
lettres although I haue a kinde quarrell to you, for styling me Provost of 
Queenes College neare Dublin. It was indeede of Q. Eliz' foundation but 
it is Trinity College. Where you add also. Parson of Horningerth, 
thereabout I haue a question to you, which I had sooner propownded, but 
that till of late I made litle question of it, and euer thought questions of 
this nature are as litle to be propounded to friends, as to a mans selfe, in 
his owne case. I haue taken an oath to keepe the Statutes of our College 
pro virili mea in omnibus. Amongst them one is in the Chapter "de 
qualitate Prtepositi — Nee lidbeat quicunque eleclus fuerit quamdiu locum 
et munus Prcepositi supplet Ecclesiastica ut voeant ieneficia una plura, 
idqiie non alibi quam intra tria milliaria a CoUegio ad parochialem 
Ecelesiam Ecdesiastici heneficij. Now because when I tooke the oath 
I had my benefice, I did before my taking it make a Protestation, that the 
place being litigious, and my family not transported, nor my affaires setled 
in England, I purposed not to renowuce my Benefice till my affaires were 
accommodated there. And truly I had then no other meaning but, so 
soone as I could retourne and dispach my buisines here, absolutely to 
resigne ray benefice. Now my question is, whether saving my oath I might 
not by dispensation from my Lord of Canterbury hold the title to that, 
allowing the whole profitts to him that discharges 'the cure, to be 
nominated by the Patrone and approued by the Bp of the Dioces. It 
seemes on the one side very expedient even for the College it selfe, that if 
I be unserviceable for it (as 1 much feare) by the Palsey or such like 
weakenes, I might retourne where I was, and my selfe haue aliquod 
senectuti prcesidium. And sith I haue no distraction hereby from the 
College govemement, nor shall gaine one peny by it, and never sought 
this emploiment, I might retaine the power to retourne. On the other 
side, I haue it in the eie of Law, and he that discharges the duty is but my 
Curate, and oathes are of strictest interpretation, and it may occasion 
offence, and I sware to accept no dispensation against myne oath or the 
Statutes. And should I not trust God without a pawne, having fownd his 
good providence so mercifully hitherto 1 I wrote to my Lord Primate from 
the Seaside hereabout, but haue not receiued his answer as yet. And 
because by our Charter we haue liberty to make Statutes and ordinances 
from tyme to tyme for the government of the College, so as we are 
conditores juris, it came to my minde even as I was sat writing into 
Ireland to propound it to the fellowes. Yet I shall ever remember that 
they are rather like to be desirous to gratifie me, and that it is my selfe 


that so shall decide the matter which in mine owne case I shall not 
(doubtingly) doe. I haue shewed you the Case. Now let me intreate 
your answer to it, abstracting it from my person and imagining it were AB 
not WB that is the party. Now to your last letters. 

I was and am of your minde touching Padre Paolo his opinion. Which 
I thinck proceeded from hence, that he conceived Grace to be a distinct 
quality from the habites or particular dispositions, proceeding from the 
Spirit of God, such as are Knowledge, Faith, Charity ec. And yet let vs 
consider, if in Children it must not be so : unlesse their grace stand in 
ameere relation betweene them and Christ. To be inlightned, pricked, 
convicted, hope of pardon, at the first impulse are Gods acts, and not ours, 
nor be vitall acts philosophically. After the receiving the habits of light, 
greefe for sinne, dogmatical! faith, and generall consolation that God is 
ready to be reconciled, the acts that are performed out of these are vitall 
philosophies. But I dare not yet say Theologies otherwise then tending to 
life i.e. to Fayth. Yet let vs consider of the termes of some distinction, as : 
They are — a Spiritu Sancto ut principio vitali interne, but, nondum in- 
habitaute ; or a semine vitali recepto, sed nondum concepto. And in truth, 
the worde is that which hath the efficacy in it and is able to save ; if it 
abide in the hearers, they shall abide 1 Joh. 2. 24. And following our 
Allegory, there is no Abortus in spirituali embryone nisi ex defectu 
matricis.- For new impulses to every severall act after the receiving of 
a habit complete, I am not yet perswaded. And for sensible proofe that it 
is otherwise, when God will try any man, as Abraham, Job, Hezekiah, ec. 
he doth not only not giue him any new impulse, but suffers the flesh, the 
Devil, or the world, to giue him an impulse to the contrary ; and which is 
stranger, some tymes himselfe seemes to giue him an impulse to the Con- 
trary, as in Abrahams, and in Pauls case Act 21. 11 — 12: by the pre- 
diction of Agabus and perswasion of the bretheren Paul is mooued not 
to goe to Hierusalem. In these cases what thanck were it, or what triall 
of grace, if God did vnder hand giue new impulses to euery exercise of his 
gifts % What occasion to giue such testimony of their loue and fayth as to 
Abraham, Gen. 22. 16. Consider also Deut. 8. 2 and Cap. 13. 3 and 2 Chro. 
32. 31. I doubt not but often new impulses are given, to avoide sinne, or 
put on the faithfuU to a higher degi-ee of any gratious habite : and that it 
is our duty to pray for these, and if it be the will of God that we may not 
be tempted, or at least heare that voice Here is the way, when we are 
ready to tume to the right hand or left [Is. 30, 21]. But that alwaies this 
is requisite, or else we can do nothing, me tliincks inferres vnavoidably 
that of the Monck of Adrumetum which gave occasion to St Aug' to 
write de Correptione and Gratia, Blame m,e not but pray for me, for, 
without God woiUd haue given me the impulse, I could doe nothing. 

Touching the Synodes that you write of, that mentioned in St Aug. 
Bp. 106 and the Africane, I find that they define Gratiam et adjuiorium. 
dari ad singulos actus. And I grant auxilium speciale to be given. But 
novum impulsum, or novum motum, or any such thing I finde not. 
Auxilium speciale is the same in spiritualibus, but commune is in natalibus. 


But that is not alwayes a new motion ; it suflBceth to sustaine the creature 
with the activity of it, and subminister objects, without putting it on to 
every new action : and so in the new creature when it is perfectly formed 
at least. 

Touching, posse orare and actu orare, I urge still if actu orare cannot 
be without a new impulse which Judas never hath, how is he not excusable ? 
and how can you say he was awanting to him selfe and to Gods grace ? 
Who had not that impulse without which he could not so much as pray for 
fayth aud conversion \ But admitt Peter and he do both receiue posse 
orare, and may both actu orare without any other impulse; now is he 
without excuse who hath discriminated him selfe by his owne negligence, 
yet hath the other no cause of boasting. As if two being fallen into a ditch, 
it is a poore pride that one might haue that he cried for helpe to a passenger, 
and being bidden reach't him his hand, where the other brutishly was 
content rather to lie there still and perish. If you say they both haue the 
impulse hut resistihly (as you do seeme to make all such impulses before 
grace inhabiting resistible) then albe you do no lesse make the diflference to 
come from the parties themselves, than if you had giuen only a power to 
each without any impulse at all, thus also, considering this diflference in 
deterius is not for lack of grace, but for being lacking to grace, you haue 
stopped his mouth that askes hot. And the other (sith what he doth is not 
vigore naturae) hath nothing whereof to glory, but in the Lord. Heere 
in I will not oppose. Consider if this be not the Spirit of supplications 
Zach. 12. ] 3 — Sed manum de tabula. 

It may be with the occasion of this Parliament my Lord Primate may 
come over, who hath (as he told me) the Copy of your Statutes, and 
I beleeve hath taken some paines already to view your privileges of that 
University which will ease me of that labor. I do earnestly desire, sith 
God hath called me thither, to helpe to bring the University to as complete 
a forme as I can. I thinck I shall see you in my passage : now I rest — 

'Sours for ever 

W. Bedell. 
Horningerth Febr. 8. 1627. 

To the Worshipfull and my very Reverend 
good freend Mr Dr Warde Master of 
Sydney CoUedge deliver this in Cambridge 


Bedell's letter to Br Ward ; St Paul's doctrine of Virginity ; 
the question of grace and faith; March 24, 162|. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 262.] 

Salutem in Ohristo Jesu. I thanck you good Mr Dr for both your 
kinde letters of the 5th, aud 9th of this Moneth, and for the paines you 


haue put your selfe and some others to for my satisfaction, in my Demands 
about your University. I retourne you your paper of the payments to be 
made for Degrees with many thanclis. 

For your opinion of my Case, I must still remember the bond of friend- 
ship betweene us, and therefore hold your judgment as suspect as mine 
owne. I desire of God (and so 1 pray do you pray for me) that i do no ill. 
I shall attend my Lord Primats and the Fellowes answer, ere I resolve. For 
the Answer of the Motiues to Recusancy^, in truth there is nothing in it 
worth the printing, saue that it is not unfitt to discouer their impudency and 
maintaine our point still against them euen by such skirmishes as these, 
and by the way to state our Controversies rightly. But if there be nothing 
yet done, there is no hurt done. I pray send it me by the next carrier. 
For as touching that doubt, whether Virginity make the party more 
acceptable to God, I can change nothing. It seeraes we may well allow it 
doth, if it be both in body and spirit, and holden to this end to attend and 
care the more for the things of God without distraction. This state, the 
Apostle seemes to say, is better 1 Cor. 7. 38—40 : and so that of widdowes 
than wives. Where I do not see the reason why our last translation changed 
more hlessed into happier ; unlesse they thought this life only the better 
for avoiding worldly encomberances ; which I feare is not the Apostle's 
meaning. You know the opinion of Antiquity better then I. 

For new impulses in habits com,plete to euery severall act, the strength 
of my Argument from cases of triall is this. 1. God cannot be sayd to try 
what is in mans hart (whether it be to let our selves or the world know our 
weakenes) if he still puts it on secretly against those things whereby he 
would trie it. As he cannot be sayd to try the weight of a peece of gold, 
that lifts up the scale wherein it lies, as oft as he puts in the other the 
weight which should examine it. 2. God shall seeme plainely contrary to 
hiuiselfe, if he secretly mooue one way, and openly another. 3. And nie . 
thincks wlien you say God would let m,en see their owne weakenes without 
him, your selfe do acknowledge, that God doth leaue them destitute of his 
assistance. I demand what assistance that is '\ It is not commune 
auxilium, no nor yet speciale, as it conserves gracious habites already 
giuen, for then they would faile presently. It remaines good, that it be 
meant of new impulses. And by like reason when God would let them or 
others see their strength through his grace, he doth stand by them, and 
with them, as with Job, Abraham, Paul, ec. but not encrease his grace by 
new impulses in this case, though often he do so at other tymes. Gratiam 
therefore et adjutorium dari ad singulos actus, as I take it is not meant of 
giving habituall grace alone, but of conserving and assisting it, and suh- 
ministring objects at least, if not giving new impulses.- Albeit let us 
consider well if the giving of objects be not giving impulses, as we say 
externa sensibilia feriunt sensum, et movent phantasiam,- intellectum, 
et voluntatem. Which, if it be so, we may perhaps come to a nearer 
point of accorde in this matter. For there ipsam immittere cogitationem 

1 Bedell's Book. See p. 261. 


boni shalbe an impulse. To retourne to our present purpose, I hold it no 
absurdity to say that facultas ambulandi datur ad singulas ambvlationei, or 
audiendi ad singulas auditiones. Although the terme facultas may seeme 
by use to be restrained precisely to signifie the habit out of exercise. But 
vim et adjutorium ad singulos motus dari may be very well granted of 
him that denies the concourse of God is proBvius and prcemovens by way of 
new impulse to every wagging of the finger. Which he that will aflBrme 
I beleeue will sweate when he comes to cleare how God is not the Author 
of euill ; for example in Cains killing of Abell, and the like. For my part, 
I thinck it sufficeth to the auerring that Deus is prima causa simpliciter 
omnium motuum naturalium, that he puts into naturall thinges formes 
and habits, and concurres to them assistenter. And the like may be sayd 
of his giuing gracious habites, and speciall concourse to them : though he 
doth often besides giue new impulses and ordinaryly obj^ts, ec. To your 
Arguments. (1) God beginneth every good worke. No doubt : But the text 
Phil. 1. 6 speakes properly of the whole worke of our salvation ; the 
beginning whereof is the fellowship in the Gospell x. 5. (2) He giues the 
will and the deede. Who denies it % For our ixai/oTTjs is of God euen to 
thinck or discourse any thing, 2 Cor. 3, 5. So as we must say with St Paul, 
not I but the grace of God with me. With us, to inable us : with us to 
assist our ability, with us to keepe us as with a garrison by his power, and 
not our owne, 1 Pet. 1. 5 : with us to further and giue successe to euery 
good endeavour. (3) Ab ipso initium bonce voluntatis — by giving gratious 
habits : db ipso facultas boni operis — by concurring to the worke with us : ab 
ipso perseverantia bonae conversationis, by keeping his grace in us that we 
grow not weary of well doing. But if the Master must not only teach the 
trade, and giue that stock, but euery moment put on to the exercise, or else 
nothing wilbe done, why is the slouthfull servant blamed ? (4) The good 
use qf habituaU grace is a speciall grace, and greater in moralls then 
hdhituall grace. The Apotelesme is grace. The ability and assistance is 
grace. The very exercise is grace, by that forme of speech wherby the 
operation of naturall things is called Nature ; as of the fire to burne, of 
a man to reason. (5) But if this be not from a new im,pulse, we shall 
giue the lesse principall to God and, the more principall to our owne will. 
Nay verily, Totum Deo, as to the goodnes of the Apotelesme. Even to do 
itselfe is Gods, as our selves that doe (Psal. 100. 3). But surely neither in 
naturalibus nor moralibus is the exercise more excellent then the habit, as 
farre as I can conceiue. The forme is better than the operation. True it 
is that the operation added to the forme is better then the forme alone. 
And so is a childe higher then a Giant when he is upon the Giants 
shoulders. (6) Thus the will (you say) shall determine itselfe to any good 
worke. So shall it (I thinck) by your owne doctrine, since these impulses 
you make resistible. Yea more, it shall determine Gods impulses which doe 
more exceede the power thereof, then its owne abillityes. (7) It shalbe 
primum principium et primum, se m,ovens simpliciter et primum 
liberum,. It shalbe indeede proximum principium operis, et se consti- 
tuens in aotu exercito : as for prim,um liberum,, I conceiue not how it 


should be so. Vere liberum it shalbe, tanquam a filio liberatum. Per 
(which is the proper Antithesis to Pelagius and his followers) it doth this 
or that good worke not by the strength of Nature, but by a new habit of 
Grace, by the power of the Spirit of Christ inhabiting in us. 

For posse orare and actu orare. Where I underlined certaine wordes 
of Florus the Monck of Adrumetum, I did not intend to binde myselfe 
to giue them by tale, but by weight. The force of them me thincks is such 
in the place you cite. But you do not (as you write in your former letters) 
say that impulses are requisite to giue posse agere, but ad agendum. 
Neither that without them a man may say / could do nothing, but I doe 
nothing," And in the latter, I say not actu orare can not be with out a new 
impulse, but that it is never without ec. This is a very nice difference. We 
are speaking of a power which may be brought into act. For the cause of 
just condemnation for not beleeuing must not be a remote power, if God 
would haue given an impulse to use it, biit a neare, yea, next power not 
used : viz. at least to call for Gods further grace, which a sinner by grace 
saw himselfe to neede, and God to be ready to giue. This negligence me 
thincks may well stop the mouth of all such as are inlightned and convicted 
of the truth of the doctrine, which come not to Fayth and conversion. For 
it may be sayd, ye had not because ye asked not, James 4. 2. If any shall 
say, I could not aske without a new impulse the answer is good 1 confesse. 
Thou hadst it but didst resist it I But whereas yovi seeme to feare least 
without some greater grace a beleeuer should glory in him selfe, that he is 
no more engaged to God then he that askes not— that feare is very needeles; 
and by that meanes you make way for a new excuse, / had not the grace 
which should make that impulse effectuall and vnresisted. And therefore 
it seemes to me of these points (salvo meliori judicio) that whosoeuer hath 
posse orare may actu orare without any other impulse, or, if he haue an 
impulse alike with him that is converted, needs no other grace. 

Touching my taking the Degree of Doctor by Dispensation, though you 
had put me in minde thereof, I thinck I should not haue made any such 
suite to be of that nomber you mention without keeping Actes. In truth 
they haue given me my Grace at Dublin (as I vnderstand since my comniing 
away) with what conditions I know not : but there, if any where, it may be 
I shall take that Degree. For my iorney toward Dubhn, I thinck it will 
not be till toward the latter end of Aprill. I had purposed to meete you 
at London at the begining of the Parlinment, but I haue beene hindered 
by some occasions of importance. The Lord in his mercy blesse this 
meeting and send a happy issue to it. And he haue you in his keeping 
with Mris Ward and all yours 

Your ever loving freend 

W. Bedell. 
Horningerth this 
24th of March 1627. 



Bedell's letter to Br Ward ; differences between the vice- 
provost of Dublin College and the fellows ; the retaining of 
H or ning sheath ;. the theological question of grace; trans- 
lation of a tract of Paul Sarpi's, relative to the bearing of 
arms by Roman Catholics ; Apr. 28, 1628. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 275 and f. 277.] 

Salutem in Cliristo Jesu. I haue receiued (Good Mr Dr) your letters 
sent by Mr Avis, since my retorne from London where I spake with our 
Chancellor, My Lord of Canterbury, and wrote to my Lord Primate oui- 
Vicechaiicellor, and to the College. There hath beene a new stirre there. 
The Vice provost hath holden an election of Pellowes Probationers, wherein 
he endeavoured to bring in one of his kindred, and name, which the major 
part not concurring unto, he would not consent to the election of some 
others that sate, but left the places unchosen. Thereupon the Lord Deputy 
hath put in 3 by mandate : aad the Vice-Provost hath admitted them. 
For which the Visitors (amongst whom my Lord Primate as Vicechancellor 
is one) have put him out of his Vice-Provostship and fellowship. This 
I understand by letters from Dublin to other men at London. For my 
selfe haue not receiued a worde from them hereabout. I do see well (as 
you write) how necessary it were for me to keepe the interest of my place 
here ; but yet from the College or my Lord Primate thereabout I can not 
yet heare any thing. My Lord of Canterbury touching my case concurres 
in opinion with you ; that I haue not beneficium, and sayth he will main- 
taine it against any man. I haue written to my Lord Primate, and purpose 
to expect his answer ; which I shall haue leysure to doe, one of my boyes 
being sick of an Ague, which he hath had these 6 weekes. I haue put my 
place there in my Lord Primates hands to dispose of as he shall thinck best 
for the good of the College : not so much for the stirres before mentioned, 
as because I haue scene it written from Dublin, that my Lord Primate sayth, 
/ am a weake man, and so accounted by wise men : which indeede is most 
true. Of this I haue plainely written to him. You may keepe this to your 
selfe, for my reputation. 

Touching Gods trialls of a man, where in you grant, God leaves him. 
to his habituall abilityes, without new prceventions , and that God con- 
serving gratious habits by his assisting grace may keepe men from 
falling vnthout a new impulse. I require no more then you yield. 
For surely the not falling when a man is thus pushed at, is a victory 
(acheiued by the Lords helpe, as must be acknowledged Psal. 118. 13.) 
Neither while we hue here, haue we euer any other victory, than that of 
Ajax — non sum superatus ab illo. And me thincks the new impulse giving 


no more but a further degree of strength to countervaile the temptation, 
if (by supposition) a mans habituall grace be emprooved and elevated to 
that degree of strength before the temptation, it may (if a man will use it) 
be able to overcome that temptation, as well as with a new impulse. Where 
you say in cases of tricdl that a man conscious to him selfe of his owne 
weaknes see/cs to God for support, and so by his grace becommeth victor ; 
I demand whether doth he thus seeke without a new impulse, or no ? If so, 
we haue that which we sought : If not, then there is no pytH in this answer, 
which leaues the matter as we fownd it. Questionlesse, the triall stands in 
that what a man will doe when he is thus and thus prooued: as Abraham 
whether he will sacrifice Isaac, Job whether he will curse God, Hezekiah 
whether he will boast of his wealth, Peter whether he will deny Christ, 
Paul whether he will goe back for feare of bonds at Hierusalem, — not if he 
will. When God, assisting only formerly-granted habits, leaves it to vs to 
doe or not to doe, the doing it selfe is an act of our will (as you grant in that 
Concio pag. 6.) The well doing is to be attributed to Gods grace : the ill 
to natural! corruption. 

I am yet perswaded Gratiam et adjutorium dari ad singulos actus 
was not vnderstood by Antiquity otherwise, then Gods preventing and 
assisting Grace is required to euery act ; so as without the same we will 
and doe nothing well. See St Aug. De Grat. Chr. Cap. 47. 

Whether an object alone can make an impulse, especially whether 
cogitatio includeth initium boni desiderii ; ampliandum censeo. initium 
is a false string, that giues an vncertaine sownd : for we may understand 
that which is so of it selfe, or that which may become so, if we will : as was 
the sight of the forbidden fruite to Eve. 

Vim et adjutorium dari ad ambulandum in singulis ambulationibus you 
will not deny : and that is parallel to the definition against Pelagius, 
Gratiam et adjutorium ec. Conservatio is indeede continuata donatio. 

In the killing of Abel by Cain (setting aside the deformity) I do not 
thinck you will seriously averre that God is the prcemovens, or in the 
eating the forbidden fruite. For my part I dare not say it : and I sweate 
to thinck it. 

I hold it enough to entitle God to the gift of the mil and deede, that he 
gives LKavoTTfTa. I say further against Pelagius, adjuvat ut velimus, adjuvat 
ut againus, nee tantumiiiodo ut velle et agere valeamus. And I beleeue, 
besides remission of siniies and Christs teaching and example, there is 
adjutorium bene agendi adjunctum naturae atque doctrinse per inspira- 
tionem flagrantissimse et luininosissimae charitatis. This would haue 
satisfied St Aug. and there is nothing more that I finde in the places you 
alledge. We haue not velle et operari per nos ipsos, nee in his duobus 
ejiui auxilio non indigemus. Et nihil omnino boni sine gratia Dei quod 
ad pietatem pertinet veramque justitiam fieri posse non dubito. In Sumnie, 
if Pelagius would haue acknowledged gratious habits and Gods perpetuall 
and speciall assistance to euery good worke, I do not thinck there had any 
question remained whether this must be by a new impulse at euery severall 
act Which is our question at the present. 


3^ Bona voluntas in the passage of Pulgentius, and in ordinary 
acception sownds not for an act, hut a habit. As for that of Bzekiel 
facere ut faciamus, I account it respected in the next members. And that 
this facere is, in perseverantia bonae conversation! s. For the place is 
I thinck Chap. 36. 27, 'I will make that ye shall walke in my statutes.' 
Which may be verified (though in sundry particulars a man faile) in the 
whole course ; and so leaues place for trialls. The runner indeede winnes 
the prize ; and what helpes it to haue the faculty and not vse it ! but that 
by your opinion can neuer be true, without a new impulse. 

4, 5. The good use of grace, in what sense it is grace I shewed in my 
last. The Topick place, that the end is tetter than the meanes, is vnder- 
stood of such as are properly so. The forme and operation, efficient and 
effect are so but only by a large and abusive analogy ; The heate of the 
Sunne doth not excell the Sunne ec. nor discourse reason, nor cutting the 
knifes edge. For that, wliMher supposeing the infusion of habits preceede 
acts, a man may be denominated fidelis from, the habit offayth, it is 
but a controversy of wordes. An opinion may make a denomination, 
where there is no habite at all, much more a habite. But the supposition 
I remember we haue doubted of sometymes ; and the question is no more, 
but quid est fidelis ? 

6. I say still, Tolum, Deo. The good use of any habit, both as it is 
good, and as it is an act; but in different dependency, the one as super- 
naturally impressed, the other as connaturally assisted. Consider your 
owne words in your Concio. pag. 6 a, Quorsum hsec omnia ec. I haue seene 
the place in St Aug. 2 de peccat. meritis Cap 18. But farre be it from me 
to thinck that bona voluntas ex nobis est. We are now speaking of 
volitio : and that also, not (quA nos ad Deum) converting — quod nisi ipso 
excitante atque adjuvante non possemus, as St Aug. sayth there, — but after 
we are converted. The question is of the exercise of this good will, whether 
it be more worth then the goodnes. I trow not. Of the end and meanes 
I spake before. The forme is not medium to the operation (which it 
produceth immediately). Media are understood such, as the Agent useth, 
out of it selfe and his inward abilityes, to compasse the ende, and not of his 
owne facultyes and functions. 

To the WorshipfuU and my Reverend 
freend Mr Dr Warde. 


Bedell to Dr Ward. He is about to return to Ireland. 

[Tanner MS ixxii. f. 277.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu, 
These inclosed I wrote in answer to your Letters receiued by Mr Avis 
(Good Mr Dr) before the Fast. The next day I went into Essex where 

1 See p. 282, 


I haue beene euer since till Saturday last, so as they haue lyen by me by 
for lack of carriage. Since the writing them I haue receiued letters from 
my Lord Primate, certifieing me of their proceedings and requireing my 
speedy retourne : and conformably to them other from the College. 
Neither he, nor they, doe declare their opinions touching the case I pro- 
pounded, but diflferre till my comming thither. I haue resolved to goe ; 
and, when I come there, either to resigne or (if they be of opinion I may) to 
send hither to my Patrone to substitute in my place, and obtaine the 
Faculty : which if I resigne shall not neede. I wrote this day fortnight to 
Dr Preston in answer of a letter which he sent by his man while I was at 
London : and I sent him inclosed a letter from Mr Rice, a Gentleman of 
this Country, to me which I entreated him to send me back, or deliuer to 
you. If he haue not yet deliuered it, I pray you send to him for it, and 
send it me. 1 haue begunne to translate into Latin a litle Tract of Padre 
Paulo, set forth in Italian, and Englished also, as I.thinck, by Dr Brent of 
Merton College, touching the question whether Catholicks may beare 
armes vnder the States. Wherein sundry tricks of the Papacy are 
discouered. If that be once finished I purpose presently to put my selfe 
on the way for Ireland with my family. I hope to be at Cambridge about 
the 12 or 14th of May. I thanck you for your newes of Mr Mawes 
disputation which made his mother a glad woman. So reserveing the 
rest till our meeting, I committ you to the Lords mercifuU protection 
and remaine euer 

Your assured loving freend 

W. Bedell. 
I pray know of Mr Buck whether he will print the Tract of Pre Paulo 
aforesayd : in the same letter and volume with the history of the Interdict' 
It may perhaps helpe him to dispatch those Copies which are yet vnsold 
the better. It is not aboue 4 sheetes of paper in the Italian. It is entitled 
in English The free Schoole of Warre, printed by John Bill. 
Horningerth this 28th of Aprill 1628. 

To the Worshipfull and my very 

loving freend Mr Dr 

Warde Master of Sydney 

CoUedge in Cambridge 
deliver this 

Aprill 28, 1628. 

' Interdioti Veneti historia, by Paolo Sarpi, translated into Latin by 
W. Bedell. Gamb. 1626. 



Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; the question of grace ; 
May 6, 1628. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 279.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, your letter of the 27th of April! 
being left at Bury, came not to me till the Wednesday after. Your last I 
receiued yesterday. I thank you for them both. For the words, or set vp 
in Churches, I would they were stricken out altogether. For they were not 
in the originall Copy I sent to Sir Th. Barker^, but came sub styli acumen 
as I wrote this Copy out of my first blotted and enterlyned papers. 
Although with that addition (to that purpose) they might passe, yet they 
are not necessaiy to the point in question. The other 12 tymes for 13 
tymes, let it stand stiU ; touching which there will be no question, and the 
rownd number of 12 will avoyd the seemeing too much Xfn-roXoymi/. 

For the differences yet betweene us about the necessity of new impvlses 
to euery exercise of supernaturall habits, beare with me I beseech you 
though through my dulnes and incapacity I be not yet satisfied. First to 
the points of your former letter. 

6. Where in your letter of March the 9 you brought this as an 
argument against me, that with out a new impulse the loill should excite 
and determine it selfe ec. I sayd that according to your doctrine it doth 
so : which now you denie not. So that here we agree. For I denie not 
that God's grace doth inable it so to do, and by a sweet influence and 
perpetuall assistance and frequent impulses induce it so to do, and inure it 
still to delight and rejoice in the doing, with consolations and mercifull 
visitations : adde herevnto corrections and hedging the way with thornes, 
when it goeth a whoring from God, all which, as I take it, do serve to 
make good that of Bzekiel, 'I will cause you to walke in my statutes.' 
These speeches of the whole course, whereby God workes Perseverance, 
do not seeme to me to compell that in euery severall act, especially in 
trial], God giues a new impulse. 

7. The will is not primus motor for it makes not it selfe, either as a will 
or a good will. In mooving libere, if / must make the will to be primus 
motor, so must you too by your owne doctrine Cone. p. 6 a. Yet I would 
not say it is primus m.otor, but proxintus ; sithence the precedence of him 
in quo movemur is necessary to our mution both in nature and grace; 
causaliter to make vs m.oovable, and concomitanter to moove with us. 

For posse orare and actu orare : if posse orare be not posse actu orare, 
the giving of that giues not this : and so a new impulse may seeme to be 

1 To whom the treatise An Examination of certain motives to Recusancy was 


necessary. But if contrarjwise, the distinction is needeles as I conceive it, 
to say that impulses are necessary not to giuejoosse, but ad orandum. 

I come to your 2nd letters. My argument was this : An impulse seemes 
not necessary but to giue a further degree of strength to countervayle the 
temptation. But that by supposition might be granted -before the tempta- 
tion. What needes then a new impulse? Let the grace giuen be as (2)^ 
without a new impulse it will not countervale a temptation as (3). But 
suppose before the temptation come grace were emprooved or encreased to 
be as (3 or 4) what needs now a new impulse? This was my argument 
which I make not as if it were the order in all temptations, as you seeme to 
conceiue, but to shew that, if it euer be so, an impulse is not alwayes 
necessary. In your order I cannot conceiue how you make not him that 
conquereth the temptation to difference himselfe euery whit as much as I. 
For you say III. God excites the will by an effectual motion to use the habit, 
yet resistibiliter I demand them, whence it comes that it is not resisted but 
from the will it selfe. But I would say it is no inconvenience that a man 
differences himselfe by grace, though not a new speciall grace. Or to 
speake better, he that yeildeth differenceth himselfe by his cowardly castiug 
away his armes. And his having as great an engagement to God, encreases 
his sinne, but diminishes not the grace of God by which the other 
conquers and stands. 

That the Faith of Abraham is tryed when his will is left to the 
habituall grace it had before triall, is truly sayd by you and without any 
extraordinary emproouement at the tyme of the temptation or new 
impulse. In his case we both agree, that he doth propend to defection 
naturally unlesse he be supported by God. I hold the sustentation of his 
former grace was sufficient (as the euent shewes) to his ouercoming. The 
will could not hy naturall power excite it selfe to resist or pray. For these 
be supernaturall acts. Abrahams victory is by you very truly sayd to be 
by an act of firme relieing upon God's truth and power, ec. Habits excite 
not to act, — that is also granted. But by the supernaturall habit the soule 
gets a supernaturall power to excite it selfe to exercise, according to the 
strength of grace receiued. This is the point you must infringe. 

Bradwarden I neuer had, nor read. If it be so that by auxilium speciale 
he meane a new impulse, it is true he contradicts me. And for that you 
say you know no divine holds with me in this, — I haue not turned any 
authors : but. you shall not lightly in conference meete with any but will 
grant that when God hath giuen grace, we can vse it, without a new impulse 
to euery severall act. 

Adjutorium ut bene velimus et agamus, in St Augustine (place cited 
by the pag. 25) speakes of the first receiuing a good will and resolution to 
do well, not of the severall acts succeeding, which is our case. Not but 
that I acknowledge such adjutorium to be giuen also ; but whether anew 
giuen is the question. In that speech Gratiam et adjutorium dari ad 

' This and the following numbers appear to refer to the numbered heads of 
the letter of March 24. 



sinffulos actus — ^these 2 wordes seeme to me to be put analogic^ (as Faith 
Heb. 12) for either the first giuing the habits, or a gracious conservation of 
them, or a concourse of God, or representing objects, or a new impulse, or 
all. For all these are c/rMe and helpe to the Apotelesme. And ad singulos 
actus is to aduantageously translated at the producing of euery act ; where 
as it meanes no more but to the producing. And thus vim movendi dari 
ad singvlos motus, amhulandi ad singulos ambulationes, doth justly 
parallel the former. 

In the case of Bue or Cains acts, you change the state question with the 
terme. I denie not that God is the author of these motions, and that by 
his ayd and influence they are done, as Augustine and Anselme say. The 
former terme was primum movens and it was brought to justifie impulses. 
To say then that God did first give the impulse to Bue or Caine in their 
motion, I do thinck under your correction is very oflensiuely and untruly 
spoken ; and differs nothing from that in the Comedy Deus mihi impulsor 

Touching that which you call my old defence of Durand's opinion, and 
the truths thereupon depending. Indeede my discourse is this. That 
which is commune auxilium in naturalibus is speciaie in spiritualibus. 
But in naturalibus to a habit sustayned by the author of nature a new 
impulse is not necessarily required. Ergo that to euery burning there 
is a new impulse or speciall immediate action prsemovent (as you. seeme to 
hold) from God, — I cannot conceiue. Deus urit, I grant, sed mediante 
form^ ignis. But for these, — Deus volat, Deus ambulat, or Deus credit — 
I thinck you would not use them. Yet he giues them also, but as it seemes 
to me by giving the iKavorrjTa. 

All the passages that I haue yet met withall in St Augustine, where he 
sayth God giues not only the posse but the velle, oppose Pelagius his 
naturall possibility ; and stablish on the other side an actuail beleefe and 
regeneration, — venire, velle, and operari. I haue not found any professed 
handling of our question. I doubt not but bona voluntas sounds for bona 
volitio, euen the actuail willing conversion and Charitas^, with which the 
habit is brought in : but more frequently the habit it selfe, as in Fulgentius, 
because he sayth ab ipso initium bonw voluntatis. St Augustine saith 
directly Quasi vero aliud sit bona voluntas, quam Cliaritas. De gratia 
Christi, Cap. 21. 

The prayers and thancksgivings of the Church are not for ikqi/ot?)? only : 
who doubts of it ? For what is more to be desired, then that God would 
giue us new, frequent, yea perpetual! impulses to good 1 And what safer 
then to ascribe iotum Deo, in the exercise of euery good grace in us ? 

I haue respect to the corruption of nature ; and know it opposeth 
gracious habits. Yet do I make those habits with their perpetuall assist- 
ance of no lesse potent operation than those in Adam or in naturall agents. 
Otherwise what should there neade the vouching so potent a cause stronger 
than he that dwelleth in the world, so strong a forme as charity as strong 
as death a divine flame, and unquencheable. So watchfuU a keeper and 

1 For the meaning of Charitas here see p. 285. 


mighty as God and his power, 1 Pet. 1. 5. Consider your owne testimony 
out of St Augustine, p. 28. Where you desire me to object against the 
reasons in your Concio, Excuse : I doe not conceiue they appertaine to our 
question. I yeild the conclusion for which they are brought. Viz. Quod 
in opere conversionis Deus non tantun operatur posse convertere, sed etiam 
dat ipsum velle convertere. For which conclusion (as I hope) I should not 
doubt to shed my blood. But that is not our question. Nor was it my 
intention any way to oppose that ; and in my poore judgment it were good 
to discerne these 2 questions. As for the confirmation of the 4th Argument 
(out of Bradwarden as it seemes) pag. con. 27, these assertions. Actus 
secundus est nobilior quam actus primus vel habitus, and, habitus non est 
causa principalis secundi actus sed instrumen talis, I am afirayd they are not 
found in Philosophy. These things I wrote this morning, but what with 
the length of the matter and some other distractions, it is now too late to 
send it by the Carrier. Pardon I pray my tediousnes, and troublesomenes 
and account me euer 

Your much beholden freend 
W. Bedell. 
Horningerth, May 6, 1628. 

I thanck you for your kinde invitation. I cannot certainely appoint the 
day of my coming ; for it hangs vpon the coming of a Chester waggon hither 
from London. I hope it wilbe toward the middle of the next weeke at the 

To the Worshipful! and my 
Reverend freend Mr Dr 
Warde at Sydney Coll. 


Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; sends the translation of 
Sar-pi's tract for publication ; May 7,1628. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 281.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

Good Mr Doctor : I send you here the Tract that I mentioned in my 
last which I haue since coming from London (where I got the Italian copy) 
put into Latin. The English Translator in sundry things vnderstood not 
the Author, especially towards the latter end. I do tliinck it a treatise 
very worthy to see the light, whereby sundry mysteries of the Papacy are 
discovered. What Title to put in the first leafe I doubt : what thinck you 
of QucBStio Quodlibetica. An liceat ec' For the name of Quodhbet seemes 

1 The book had tliia tiile—Quamtio quodlibetica. An liceat stipendia sub 
Principe religione discrepante merere. 4° Cantab. 1630. 



to be from thence because in them Schoole men followed not the order of 
the Sentences but disputed de quovis proposito. [The Italian Copy is the 
same in the first leafe which I haue set in the Latin : only in this Order. 
Tractatus An Uceat ec] Whether it might not be fitt to ad the authors 
name at least thus, Authore R. P- P. S. V. recens ex Italica eonversa ? 
For dedication I would make none, not set to my name. But the print and 
volume I would wish the same Svith the History of the Interdict. If 
Mr Buck will print it, the sooner the better. If not ; I desire to receiue 
the Copy at my comming by you. These enclosed I wrote to haue sent 
yesterday but it was so late ere I finished them that they could not be 
sent. Touching my L. Primates censure', which you aduise me not to lay 
to heart, I do no otherwise esteeme him then as you characterize him 
a true vpright man. And therfore writing as he doth to myselfe, I cannot 
but doubt whether he spake the words or no. But the thing it selfe is very 
true concerning my weakenes, and the more because of my defect in 
heareing, which makes me committ some impertinencies in conversation. 
Yet both he and the College urge me to come, and I am resolved to goe. 
Bt cum periero periero. For my benefice I shall determine when I come 
there. Thus againe commending you to the grace of God I rest 

Your euer loving freend 

W. Bedell. 

Horningerth this 
7th of May 1628. 

To the Worshipfuil and my 
Reverend freend Mr 
Doctor Ward Mr of 
Sydney College in 
Cambridge dr 


Bedell's letter to Br Ward; farewell letter on going to 
Ireland; May 13, 1628. 

[Tanner MS Lxxii. f. 282.] 
Salutem in Christo. 
Good Mr Dr, I should haue beene glad and desirous to haue scene you 
before my departure. But it is not the will of God it should be so. For 
your occasions call you to London, which I beseech you do not forslowe or 
neglect for my uncertainties. But my last letters from London I under- 
stand that my wagon will not come hither before this night, or to morrow 
at the soonest. A day or 2 it will cost me to lade before I can get away, 

1 The Archbishop of Armagh (Ussier). For his remark as to Bedell's 
weakness, see p. 284. 


and a day to Cambridge. Thus the most of the weeke will be past. But in 
truth Mr Burnet writes it may be longer ere my wagon come, and I do 
beleeue it will be so indeede. Wherefore, if it be not the pleasure of God 
that we should see one another in the face, let us be content. Often may we 
meete at the throne of grace in heaven by our niutuall intercessions each for 
other, which agreement let it stand betweene us for euer, One thing more 
I haue to request of you, that if it please God to call me out of this life 
before you, as I haue named you in my last Will together with Dr Despotine 
and Mr Sotheby ouerseers for the performance thereof, you would be 
pleased to afforde your helpe that all may goe right. And if my children, 
according as I desire, prooue SchoUers, let me leaue them besides their 
portions this inheritance of your freendship, to direct and further them in 
good courses. And now, Good Mr Doctor, mercy and truth be with you 
and with Mris Warde, and all yours. The Lord haue you in his mercifuU 

Your assured loving freend 
for euer W. Bedell. 

Homingerth this 13th 
of May 1628. 

To the WorshipfuU and my Reverend good freend 
Mr Dr Warde Mr of Sydney CoUedge in Cambridge 
dr this. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; state of Ireland and of Dublin 
College; notice of some of his works; July 16, 1628. 

[Tanner MS lxxii. f. 288.] 

Salutem in Ghristo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, since my comming into Ireland 
I haue not yet had leysure so much as to, write aboue one letter into 
England, now the opportunity of a hasty messenger makes me breake 
through all buisiness and salute my freends. Amongst whom neither haue 
I any more ancient, nor more confident (as the Italian worde is), i. e. more 
trusty then your selfe. I cannot but begin with thancks for your kindnes 
to me, my wife, and your Godson on parting, which I desire you also to 
render in my name to Mris Warde, and to salute all the good company 
that were at your house. I deliuered your and their letters to my 
L. Primate who kindly remembered you all. I had a good jorney I thanck 
God : a calme but slow passage. Being come to this place, we fownd that 
the whole country was by proclamation of the L. Deputy in a publick 
course of Fast for 8 weekes euery Tuesday, in respect of the dearth which 
the last yeares unkindly harvest and this winters morraine of cattell had as 
2nd causes procured. Our preachers here lay the higher cause on the 
tollerating and countenanceing Idolatry, Church robbery, swearing and 


blasphemy, blood, drunckeiies, pride and other open and insolent sinnes : 
and they speake marvellous plainely and too truly I feare. For the 
College, I finde a world of busines. The arrearages of Bents, and 
accounts formerly runne into, with the vnnecessary expences and allow- 
ances, haue set it behinde hande in the estate thereof, and the journeyes 
into England before my Election and since, haue beene a meauos to 
exhaust the Bents; and there is demanded a matter of 15011. by Sir 
W. Temples widdow, as a gratuity promised him if the next Provost 
should consent to it : which I haue not yet done nor know how I can with 
my oath. All this is notliing to the trouble about suites in Law for lands 
which none in the house knowes what they ai-e, and here come up, poore 
people complaning of wrongs done them by their neighbours, which we 
know not how to remedy, ec. Besides the disorders to be redressed dayly, 
assignation of chambers, taking notes of the going out and retorne of ■ 
SchoUers, meeting for publick buisinea, searches for evidences, and the 
like, take up my time, so as I haue not had in all the tyme of my being 
here, so much leysure as to set up my bookes, much lesse to use them. 
I haue undertaken this yeare the office of Cateehist in our College, which 
wilbe some meanes to eucrease my Stipend. The preachers place in 
Christs Church is yet executed by some 4 of the Pellowes, which had it 
ere I came hither, only into one of them 1 am to succeed within these few 
dayes, but my voice I feare wilbe too weake for it, and I shall haue no 
leysure to provide to performe the duty. For my L. Primate, he useth me 
with as much respect as I could desire, and I take him to be as you 
describe him, a marvellous good and true harted man. He rather inclined 
me at my being with him to retayne the title to my Benefice (forgoeing the 
profltts) then otherwise. Yet I haue simply resigned it in his presence 
before a Publick Notary, and sent now the resignation to my Patrone 
Sir Tho. Jermyn. I haue many reasons : that especially — in an oath I hold 
it not safe nor honest to play the Interpreter to mine owne advantage, 
especially God having by his providence now safely brought me hither 
with my family ; which was the only cause of delay which I did except in 
my protestation, when I tooke mine oath, why I should not resigne 
presently. For my Degree, I thinck to take it at our Commencement 
which is deferred till about the begining of Michaelmas Terme. 

At which tyme it is sayd we shall haue a Parliament here, and therein 
the Graces which the Agents obtayned of his Majesty there, confirmed if it 
may be; if (as good men hope) the Parliament there crosse them not 

I did what I could to withstand the deferring our Commencement till 
then, avoyding so long and great an expectation and greater charge, which 
it will draw with it but others will haue it so. It is desired much that we 
should make a Theatricall pompe of it, at St Patricks ; which would haue 
beene better intra domesticos parietes. For my health, with my wife, 
children and family, I thanck God we haue beene all well hitherto : and 
although corne is yet very deare, and bread small, yet the price of it 
falleth by transportation from England, and flesh is reasonable enough. 


Thus haue I endeavoured to certifie you of the state of this Kingdome, 
this College, and my selfe in particular, and my affaires. Of ray studyes 
you can expect nothing till my bookes and I be freends^, and then also my 
1st endeavour shalbe to vnderstand the toung of this Country which I see 
(although it be accounted otherwise) is a learned and exact language and 
full of difficulty. I haue taken a litle Irish boy, a Ministers Sonne, of whom 
I hope to make good vse to that purpose, when I shall haue a litle more 

At my parting from Cambridge Mr Buck had not fully printed my 
answer to the Motiues to Recusancy. There was wanting the first sheete, 
with the Epistle, and the Motiues themselves. If they be added by this 
tyme I would desire him to send me some Copies, so many as he will allow 
me for the Copy, and some 50 more. If he had rather let me haue some 
copies of the History of the Interdict it shalbe at his election. If he haue 
printed the Quodlibeticall question I desire to haue some 30 or 40 or more 
of them, the money shalbe answered from Mr Sotheby ; the bookes I would 
entreate to be sent to Mr Francis Burnet at the, golden-fleece in Lombard 
streete. Some I hope to receiue for that copy also without paying for 
them. Good Sir, deUuer this inclosed to Mr Maw from his mother : he may 
retourne answer by Mr Burnet aboue sayd. 

And so vrith my true loue remembered, I committ you to the Lords 
mercifuU protection, and do rest 

Yours for eugr, 

W. Bedell. 
Trinity CoUedge neare- 
Dublin this 16th of 
July 1628. 

To the WorshipfuU and my very 
Reverend freend Mr Dr Warde 
Master of Sydney CoUedge 
dr this 
in Cambridge. 
Leave this with Mr Sotheby or with 
Mr Francis Burnet, at the 
golden fleece in lombard St. 
16 July 1629. 

' Imitated perhaps from Cicero ad, fam. ix. 1. 

296 Life ai<!d death 


Bedell's letter to Ussher ; solution of chronological difficulties 
in the hook of Judges; progress in the Irish language at 
Dublin College; Irish translation of the Psalms; July 30, 


[Tanner MS lxxh. f. 290.] 

Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 

I vnderstood by Mr Puttock that your Grace requireth me to set 
downe the interpretation of the places in the Judges Chap. 3. 11. 30 and 
the rest, whereof at my beeing witliout you we had speach. That the 
yeares of the oppressors are to be included in those formes there is no 
doubt: the matter stands all in this, how to expresse so much without 
using force to the text. For; hcBC gesta {|8 annorum seemes very con- 
strained : and the later forme of Junius, ad annum quadragesimum ec. 
though the way is good, and the words D''1?3"IN be put for an ordinall 
elsewhere, as Deut. i. 3, yet me thincks it might be better ad quadraginta 
annos sell, completos, only the account is to begin from the beginning of 
the former trouble, after which the rest ensued. This I know not how to - 
expresse better in English then — and the land had rest till forty yeares' 
ended &c. 

I haue according to your Graces letters, imparted to me by Mr Thomas, 
propounded Mr Burtons sonne for a natiues place, and we haue chosen him 
therto, with condition that he shall haue allowance when he can reade the 
toungi. We haue brought Mr King to reade an houre euery day to those 
that are already chosen, to frame them to the right pronunciation and 
exercise of the language, to which purpose we haue gotten a few coppies of 
the booke of Common prayer, and do begin with the Catechisme which is 
there in. I hope this course will not be unfruitefuU. The translation of 
the Psalmes into prose and verse, whereof I spake to your Grace, would be 
a good worke, and Mr King hath giuen us an assay in the first psalme which 
doth not dislyke Mr Fitz Gerald and Mr Lisiagh ; yet I doe forbeare to vrge 
that yet, because I heare that there is a translation made of the Psalmes 
already, in the handes of the late Archb. of Tuam's wife, which 1 also put 
in hope to obtaine by meanes of one Mr Brimigham sometymes of this 
house. I beseech your Grace to helpe what you may to the obtaining of this 
Copy, and in this and in all other our attempts direct us with your aduice. 
Here haue been with me of late the Bp of Clogher his sonne, and the 
Bp of Raphe's sonne (with whom Mr Puttock hath to doe) for one cause ; 
about certaine livings whereof the King that dead is gaue the right of 
Patronage to the College, recompenceing them with lands for the same as I 
am informed, and yet they stand out, denieing to resigne the right of these 
livings to the College. 

1 Irish. See Life, p. 25. 


I haue also heard that there be some in your Graces bandes of that like 
nature : which if it be so, I make no question but you will goe before them 
in example, (as you doe in place and loue to this Society) and use your best 
authority that the College may sustaine no damage. Concluding with my 
humble service to your Grace, and your deare consort, I committ you to the 
Lords mercifuU protection, and do rest 

Your Graces in all duty, 
W. Bedell. 
Trinity College this 
30th of July 1628. 

To the Right Reverend Father in God my Lord Archbp of Armagh 
Primate of all Ireland my verie good Lord deliuer these. 


Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; state of the dioceses of Kilmore 
and Ardagh; purposes printing an answer to Paul 
Washington's pamphlet against Ussher ; May 24, 1629. 

[Tanner MS Lxxi. f. 8.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kinde 
letters of the 28th of Aprill. There is no reason you should be solicitous of 
excuse of your silence, for my fault may be set against it, if it be a fault : 
but I know now better by experience the manifold distractions and litle 
leysure of him that is the governor of such a Society as yours is. And 
somewhat also I perceiue by your letters of your Consistory, and other 
Vniversity buisines : I am assured of your loue and I hope also you are 
no lesse of mine, the expression of it, shall take fltt opportunityes as either 
of our occasions shall allowe. I am glad to heare of Mr Brigges his 
meeting with you, I haue mett with John Widdowes, and if I can effect it 
in the letting of our Northern lands (which my Lord Primate perswades us 
to ere I leaue this place) 1 will do him a good turne. God hath according 
to your motto {DeuB providebit) provided for me without my seeking, or 
knowledge, the Bishopricks of Kilmore and Ardagh, which haue beene 
long united ; and if there were in me sufficiency thereto, ether of them both 
hath worke enough : the people almost all popish, the Irish without 
exception : all complaining of the exactions of the Bcclesiasticall Juris- 
diction, whereabout now the Chancellor is sued and contriued against (and 
he hath a Patent of his place confirmed by Deanes and Chapters), the 
Country also hath a complaint of the exactions of the Clergy and hath had 
an inquisition by commission thereabout. The poore people of that 
Country many are come to you into England (aboue a 1000 as I am 
assured out of one County in my Dioces), many are dead, the residue haue 
no bread ; horse and dogs flesh is eaten, and an extraordinary Assises and 
goale deliuery is granted, as my Chancelour this day informed me, least the 


prisoners starue in the Gaole. Touching the Quodlibetica questio,- let 
Mr Buck take his tyme : if I could get your Italian copy of that other litle 
booke touching the Valtalitie, I would add that also. It is worthy the 
knowledge of posterity. If I get once a litle leysure I may chance print 
my answer to Washington (so I viiderstand he is called and he was 
sometymes of Christs Coll.) about Mr Alablasters Demandes, with some 
other thinges of like argument. This fellow hath set abroad a scoffing 
railing pamphlet, against my L. Primates Wanated sermon touching the 
succession of our Church, wherein he bestowes the batle vpon me. And I 
heare it is in print : I haue it in written hand. I may perhaps, when I am 
a litle more free, print all that which hath passed betweene vs. I could 
desire to vnderstand if Mr Buck will deale with it. I am of your minde 
touching our I7th Article of the English Confession, that it thwarts 
predestination ex fide praevisa. Touching St Augustine's opinion, that no 
non-electi are truly regenerate, I tliinck he was variable, for other places 
there are that shew he thought some that had dilectionem, or fidem quae 
per dilectionem operatur, might utterly perish ; and that none can be 
certaine of perseverance except by speoiall revelation. Touching our Irish 
Articles I did not know there was such a good Confession of this Church, 
till I read your letters. The 38 Article is most orthodoxall in my opinion 
also. For our question, an novus impulsus dctur ad singtdos actus, at our 
better leisure let us thinck more of it. This bearer calls for my letters 
which makes me make an end. The Lord in mercy looke vpon his poore 
Church, and this part of it as poore as any; and my particular Diocesse^ 
poorely furnished of a Bishop. The comfort of whose hart is, God is rich 
in mercy to all that call upon him. Assist him therfore, good Mr Dr, with 
your earnest prayers and the same kindnes I entreate of Dr Chaderton and 
Dr Sancroft^ and all my good freends with you. Remember me and my 
wife to Mris Warde and continue to loue your euer assured freend, 

W. Bedell. 
Trinity Coll. this 24th 
of May 1629. 

To my Reverend and most 

Worthy freend Mr Dr 

Warde Mr of Sydney 
CoUedge deliuer 

at Cambridge. 

' A fellow and afterwards Master of Emmanuel. Uncle of the Archbishop. 



Junij 2, 1629. Mr Beedle (to Laud). About the freedome 
of Election in the Goll. at Duhline. 

[State Papers Ireland 1629, June.] 

Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 

The undeserved favour your Lordship hath beene pleased lately to 
shew me, makes others presume to use me as a Mediator for them. And 
especially this house which doth esteeme it selfe thereby entered into your 
Lordships patronage and protection. The fellowes of this College having 
received an inhibition from his Majesty to elect a new Provost, till they 
shall understand his further pleasure, and jealous least their silence in this 
second suspension of their Privilege should in tyme make it worthlesse, 
have sent two of their number to supplicate to his Majesty for their 
freedome in Election. I could not with mine oath but give way to this 
their desire, and .some furtherance also by these lines. I beseech your 
Lordship to vouchsafe them audience, and that favourable assistance in 
their suite which their Proposition upon the hearing shall seeme to your 
Lordship to meritt. You shall thereby both engage this Society unto you 
and more oblige 

Your Lordships ever most 

W. Bedell. 
Trinity CoUedge this 2d of June 

(addressed) To the Right Reverend 

Father in God and my 
verie good Lord, my Lord 
Bishop of London 
deliver this 
at London house. 


Bp Bedell's letter to JDr Ward; the vacant provostship of 
Dublin Gollege; state of Kilmore ; Oct. 6, 1629. 

[Tanner MS lxxi. f. 16.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, having the opportunity of this 
Messenger now retorning for England, I could not but salute you, though 


it were shortly ; and without any serious matter more then the profession 
my true love to you. These letters are the first I wrote into England 
from this place, whither I came the vijth of September, having beene 
consecrated at Droghedah the \Zth. The delay of my Consecration so long 
was occasioned, partly by the desire of our fellowes to haue a free election ; 
partly out of my Lord Primates aiid mine to renew the College Ulster 
Leases, before an vnknown successor should come ; which I thanck God 
I haue happily effected so as within these 6 yeares there wilbe almost 
double the present rents, which it had of these lands formerly. I haue not 
yet heard whom they haue chosen for my successor. But I make no 
question but it is Dr Usher my Lord Primates Cosin, and sometymes 
fellow of that house. Whom they nominated to the King and had leaue to 
elect but were forbidden to elect till they heard from the King, vpon my 
Lord Primates approbation of him and testimony to the King. I am come 
hither into a Country fertile enough and pleasant, but where Popery hath 
possessed not only the ancient inhabitants, but also our English which 
planted here at the first, almost universally : and our late plantations are 
yet rawe, the Churches ruined. My Cathedrall Church is such another as 
Horningerth was, but without Steeple, Bell or Font. You may imagine 
the rest — the Popish Bishop of this Diocese is lately chosen Primate, and 
dwells within a mile or 2 of me. I am in deliberation to write to him, and 
offer some intercourse ; as I see the African Churches and Bishops did to 
the Donatists. I desire ypu to helpe me with your prayers and aduice in 
any thing which God shall put into your minde for the furtherance of the 
common cause. So with my true loue and commendations to Mris Ward 
I rest 

Your loving Brother, 

W. Kilmore. 
Kilmore Oct. 6 

My wife hartyly salutes you and Mris Warde, and would request you to 
put Mr Mawe in minde to write to her. He may euery weeke write to 
Mr Francis Burnet at the golden fleece in Lombard Streete, from whom 
his letters shalbe conveyed to Dublin and so to us. This I thought to 
aduertise you of also against you haue spare tyme. 

To the Right WorshipfuU and 
my verie Reverend freend 
Mr Dr Ward Mr of 

Sidney CoUedge in 

Cambridge deliver 



Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; question on the effects of 
baptism ; legacy of Sir John Brereton's ; difference betvjeen 
himself and his Chancellor, Alan Cooke; Apr. 2, 1630. 

[Tanner MS lxxi. f. 43.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I receiued your letters of the 
12th of January the 15th of February, and there being with me the Deane 
of Kilmore, then going towards my Lord Primate, I sent your bookes not 
opening the packet (as Mr Deane desired me) to him, who retourued them 
to me signifteing that he had them long before : I thanck you hartyly for 
them, and read them over greedily, the rather (besides that they came from 
you and my L. of Salisbury) for that some 2 or 3 yeares since I remember 
you communicated some thoughts of yours with me concerning that argu- 
ment, and I thinck I retourned a short answer. I haue not the leysure to 
giue you my opinion now at large, neither do I know when I shall, so am I 
distracted with multiplicity of buisines euen aboue strength. But this I 
do yield to my Lord of Sarum most willingly, that the justification sanctifi- 
cation and adoption which children haue in Baptisme, is not unavoca- 
mente the same with that which adults haue : and this I hkewise do 
yeild to you that it is vera solutio reatus et veraciter, and in.rei veritate 
performed : and all the like emphaticall formes. But all these Sacra- 
mentaliter : and it is obsignative, ex formuld et conditione foederis. 
Where you make Circumcision and Baptiame to be the remedy of originall 
sinne : I thinck it too specially sayd, which is true of all sinne. And so 
much the text Act. 2. 38 and the rest do shew. I do thinck also that 
Reprobates coming to yeares of discretion after Baptisme shalbe condemned 
for originall sinne. For their absolution and washing in baptisme was but 
couditionall and expectative, which doth truely invest them in all the 
promises of God ; but vnder the condition of repenting, beleeving, and 
obeying ; which they never performe, and therefore never attayne the 
promise. Consider well what you will say of women, before Christ, which 
had no circumcision ; and of all mankind before circumcision was instituted : 
and you will perceiue I thinck the nature of Sacraments to be not as 
medicines but as scales ; to confirme the Covenant, not to conferre the 
promise immediately. These thinges I write now in exceeding post hast, 
in respect that this bearer goes away so presently ; I will only giue sapient 
occasiones. I thinck the Emphaticall speeches of Augustine against the 
Pelagians (and of Prosper i) are not so much to be regarded ; who says the 
like of the Eucharist also touching the necessity and efficacy in the case of 
Infants ; and they are very like the speeches of Lanfranck and Guilmund 

^ Prosper Aquitanus Episoopus Ehegiensis, Fro gratia et libera arbitrio 
secundum Sententiam Divi Augustini, Mogunt. 1524. 


of Christ's presence in that Sacrament, opposing veraciter and vere to 
Sacramentaliter, which is a false and absurd contraposition. Sed ' manum 
de tabnia.' The right definition of a Sacrament in genere will decide this 

I thanck you good Mr Dr, for your conference with Mr Mawe, to whome 
my wife hath written. I shall not haue that leisure, but if it please you let 
me intreate you to giue him this aduice ; to follow his profession which I 
weene wilbe Physick. That wilbe a certaine revenew, this casualty other- 
wise will not long last him. 

Touching your legacy of Sir John Breereley, If I were yet in Dublin I 
could promise you my best service. Now I can do litle; but if you do 
thinck to employ any Attorney here, and not send any of your fellowes to 
prosecute the suite, there is one Mr Greenham which was of Bmanuell 
CoUedge in your tyme, a principall Attorney, and sayd to be an honest man 
and truly religious, whom though I haue no interest in him I durst commend 
vnto you. Peraduenture your Letters, with my Lord Primates prosecution, 
will spare the paines of sending till the buisines be a litle riper, which you 
shall perceiue by Sir Randall's answer. In all this my Lord Primate can 
giue you the best aduice, for I am yet but a Novice in these affayres and 

Touching myselfe, I thanck God I haue my health, and would do 
something, if there were any overture or occasion. That which I can do as 
yet is no more, but by integrity and justice (as farre as I can procure it) in 
my Courts, to gaine the good opinion of the people. I haue inhibited my 
Chancellor, and because I am persuaded his Patent is naught, do sit in my 
Courts myselfe, which costs me many a hard weary journey to all the parts 
of my Diocesses. But the clamor of the people was such as I could not 
endure ; though for this he hath appealed me to my Lord Primates Court, 
and I am cited to appeare there, which is meerely to vexe me and put me 
to trouble. I haue refused the triall of that Court, and appealed ad quern 
vd quos for 3 or fower gravamina in the Citacione : that they receiued his 
appcale, not presenting as he ought my inhibition ! Another, that they cite 
me, where as Inhibition alone did suffice for my Chancellors indemnity, 
neyther doth it appeare that he did require it. 3. They appoint no certaine 
terme of my appearance. 4. They say he hath rit& and legitime appealed 
before I appeare. Principally they call him Vicarius qui Kilmorem et 
Ardaghen legitime fulcetur • which is a plaine prejudice before the cause 
be heard. Notwithstanding I do submitt the cause to my Lord Primates 
judgment omni appellatione remotd, if my Chancellor will do the like, 
which he refuseth. In short, whether it be for this, or some other doth ill 
offices against nie, I have receiued a very angry letter from my Lord 
Primate : wherein are strange passages, accusing me to pull downe t?iat 
which others haue beene so long in building, and to build castles in the aire, 
vrith other more like wounding phrases. I haue desired to know, what 
these things meane, which in truth I do not as yet. The sum is, I shall 
euer love him and honor him, let him use me as he will. 

The sentence which the good Archbishop of Canterbury did animate me 


withall when I came hither, hath hitherto carried me on. I will go on in 
the strength of the Lord God, and his righteousnes will I remember, and 
his alone. These thinges effundo in sinum tuum, but this bearer is come 
againe for this letter. The Loi"d of heaven be with you Good Mr Dr, with 
your wife and all my friends, or ours rather in Cambridge, to whome 
remember me as by name. Who am and shalbe alwayes 

Your constant and affectionate 

W. Kilmoren et 

Kilmore this 2nd of 
Aprill 1630. 

To my verie Reverend 
and loving freend Mr 

Dr Ward Master of Sidney 
Colledge in Cambridge 
deliver these. 


Copy of Letter to Downame ^ Bp of Derry, on his " Covenant 
of grace"; -from Bp Bedell; Oct. 11, 1630. 

[Tanner MS Lxxi. f. 49.] 

Right Reuerend Father my Honorable good Lord. 

Since my comming to this place, I haue by meanes of Mr Pryce, my 
sonnes Tutor, had a viewe of your Lordships worke which is now upon the 
presse, and haue thereby somewhat satisfied my desire, which I had to 
vnderstand more distinctly, that which by my ancient friend Mr Doctor 
Ward I was told of touching your Lordships opinion concerning Justifleing 
fayth, whereabout while we were together in Cambridge aboue 30 yeares 
since he and I had much Inquiry, and resolved differently from that which 
your Lordship holds. And although (as your Lordship writes most 
Christianly) uo man is to mervell, much lesse to take offence, at these 
differences, since we know in part and prophecy in part, and the variety is 
rather in the rexvoKoyia than the substance of reUgion ; Yet because I haue 
the occasion offered by Gods providence, to write to you, ere that part of 
your booke be printed, and me thinks your Lordship doth not fully conceive 
the opinion which you dissent from, I will shortly set it downe, that it 
may obtaine either an approbation or fuller confutation from your Lord- 

• George Downame, formerly professor of Logic at Cambridge, ob. 1634. 


ship's learned censure. And to proceede a confessis : Justifieing faith hath 
for the obieot therof Christ. This truth is so evident, as it is often 
expressly layd downe on all sides (your Lordship pag. 73). The obiect of 
Fayth quatenus justificai is Christ; for it justifieth as the Instrument to 
receave Christ who is our righteousnes. Againe pag. 137 'howsoever the 
proper obiect of fayth, as it justifieth, is Christ notwithstanding &c.' We 
haue therefore the obiect of faith, not any truth or assertion concerning 
Christ, but Christ himselfe. The act also is many tymes rightly made to 
receive, to lay hold upon &c. — an act certainly of the will; as also, the 
contrary to reject and refuse, and resembled in Scripture to the appetite of 
eating and drincking. I know well that knowledge and assent to the truth 
of the Gospe)l are sayd to justifie and called fayth. But these precedent 
habits are common to elect and reprobate, yea to the Devills. Heere is the 
first plaine and vndeniable difference ; these receive not Christ. Wo haue 
then the obiect, act, and subiect of fayth. Now for the maner how the 
hart or will receives Christ, prosecuting affections of desire, affiance, trust, 
resting upon, are in sundry formes expressed or implied ; and often also by 
the way acknowledged to be in true and liuely faith, by those that yet make 
it to be assent or speciall fayth. Your Lordship [pag. 86, so pag. 96 and 112] 
sayth that when assent is willing, lively, and effeotuall we doe receive Christ 
not only in our judgments, but also in our harts by an earnest desire that 
he may be applied unto us, (expressed in harty prayer) and in our will by 
acknowledging him to be our Saviour, and to rest upon him for our 
salvation. Touching affiance, you allow it to be an inseparable fruite of 
fayth, and which seemeth to be implied sometymes in the phrase of 
believing in Christ : but Jiducia you say indeede is not fayth [pag. 73]. 
Here especially I desire your Lordships carefuU intention to observe that 
the trust which we are speaking of is not that n-apprjo-ia nor Tren-oMijo-is — 
whereof the Apostle speakes [Bph. 3. 12] whereby we come boldly to God 
to aske any thing at his handes [1 Joh. 3. 21], whereby we dare lift vp our 
heads at Christs appearance [cap. 2. 28], whereby we rejoice under the 
crosse itselfe upon the hope of the glory of God [Rom. 5. 2], much lesse is 
it that hope it selfe, albeit Christ is called our hope, and deservedly, as the 
base of it. Trust in Christ goeth before all these as the cause wherupon 
they follow, yea fayth in God by Christ goes before all these, for by affiance 
in Christ we haue entrance and ficcesse to God [Rom. 5. 2], and by him we 
beleeve in God that raised him from the dead, and gaue him glory that our 
faith and hope may be in God [1 Petr. 1. 21], for though the first and 
immediate obiect of justifieing faith be Christ the mediator, the finall and 
complete obiect is God that justifieth the ungodly [Rom. 4. 5]. As for hope, 
betweene which and affiance your Lordship saith there is very litle differ- 
ence in respect of the tyme to come : — it seemes to me there is the same, 
that is betwixt the trust that he which is ready to be drowned hath in the 
planck which he layes hold upon floating neare him, and the good hope he 
hath to saue himself from drowning when he hath once gotten it. Even the 
hope that goes before this trust in Christ may be distinguished from it, for 
that is (me thinkes) very formally expressed in the words of the woman in 


the Gospel: "If I may but touch the hem of his garment I shall be whole." 
This is the touching it selfe, or laying hold upon Christ (as Doctor Redman 
in Mr Foxe shortly calls it amplexug Christi) v^hich followed indeede 
knowledge, and assent in those that haue it, and ought to follow in all that 
haue it. And where your Lordship makes not all assent to be justifieing 
faith, vnlesse it be conditioned, willing, true, lively, and effectuall, under 
which you bring in also desire of Christ and resting" on him for salvation : 
if these conditions be intrinsecall in the assent you speake of as the two 
first are willing and true — for the understanding being convicted, suppose 
de numero arenw, how unwilling soever a man were before, he doth 
willingly assent ; and the act of assent must needs be willing and true, how 
loath and unwilling soever a man be with the obiect — If as I beganne to say 
this liveliness and efficacy be in the nature of the assent it selfe, all assent 
to the Gospell must be justifieing fayth. If againe these be forraine and 
accidentall, presupposing or requiring other thinges without which assent 
justifies not, because it is not efiectuall, it is evident that in these we must 
seeke the roote of justification. And such is the receiving of Christ by 
trust in him. 

Touching speciall fayth, that is the habit of a conclusion, made by that 
practicall syllogisme which you set downe pag. 95 : " That it is a very 
erroneous opinion to thinck we are justified, or doe obtaine remission of 
sinnes by being assured, and much more fully assured thereof etc." — long 
since upon the discourse of Vasquel, and many other reasons, seemed to 
Mr D. W. and me, thereof I shall not neede to add any thing to that 
purpose. For your Lordships appendix to the treatise of Certainty, in 
answer to Mr W. P. his first proposition, was the opinion of Pailre Paulo 
of Venice. The 2d may, as it seemes, be defended by that the under- 
standing is sanctified by the truth as the hart rest upon Christ. The 3rd, 
4th, 5th and 7th I take to be very erroneous. The 6th in what sense it 
may be true I haue shewed. The 8th speaking of assent per se as I haue set 
downe before, I see not how it can be reprooved, wherby the way, touching 
fides formata & informis I thinck (and so mantained when I was in Italy) 
that taking Charity for that holy inclination of the hart whereby it desireth, 
trusteth in, resteth upcm Christ and God by him (which in the Elect is 
a>nother degree of faith, added vnto that of assent to the doctrine of the 
Gospell which they call commonly Catholick fayth) it may very well be 
granted that this is informed by Charity, so as a living faith credere in 
Deum, is as St Augustine saith credendo amare, credendo in Deum ire, et 
membris eius incorporari &c. or Fiducia in Deum per Christum 
Mediatorem. My Lord, I haue adventured more than perhaps may stand 
with discretion and humility to write this much, but I know the temper of 
your ingenuous minde, and the Lord that knowes the harts is my witnes, 
that I follow tlie truth in loue, and with all reverence to your Lordship, and 
not out 'of any desire, of opposition. Sundry thinges more particularly 
might be said, but your Lordship will conceive my meaning by this litle, 

I See Duraud L, 3, d. 23, g. ,8. 



which In the middest of my law businesses I haue snatched tymes to write. 
Desiring your Lordship to take this same as the fruite of the honour 
and true respect which I beare you, who am and will allwayes desire to be 

Your Lordships servant in Christ Jesu, 

Will. Kilmoren and Ardachen. 
June 24, 1630. 


Another letter to the Bishop of Berry. 

In your Lordship's answer to my letter, you doe first premise some 
thinges, and then come to the severall points contained in it, which order I 
will also follow. And first for the state of the question betweene us, without 
which rightly setled we doe but beat the aire. It seemes to me thus. It 
is not whither there be 2 such degrees of fayth as your Lordship names, 
viz. that which you call true and lively assent to the truth. The other 
which our Divines call speciall fayth. For both these I willingly acknow- 
ledge. Neither do I dissent from you about the 2nd whereby you say we 
are justified in our owne conscience, which is not properly justification, but 
the assurance of it. But besides these 2 I acknowledge another comming 
betweene them, which is afiiance in Christ, being the effect or consequent of 
the former, and cause of the latter, wherby I account a sinner is justified 
before God. Neither (as I thinck) doe we dissent in this, that such a trust 
is in Christ or that it is working to Justification and Salvation ; for thus 
you write after, touching the efiBcacy of assent. This efiBcacy is actus 
secundus, whereby that fayth which is true and lively doth worke both to 
Justification, working in the hart an earnest desire to be made partaker of 
Christ and his merits, and in the will a resolution not only to acknowledge 
and professe him to be our Saviour but also to rest vpon him alone for our 
Salvation &c. And a litle after speaking of trust or affiance : Those who 
beleeue and are persuaded that Christ is their Saviour, do also trust in him 
for Salvation &c. Neither do we dissent about the order, viz. that assent 
must goe before and affiance follow. Nor that one of these is not part of 
the other, as being the one in the minde, the other in the hart, one haveing 
for this obiect verum, the other honum, the act of one to assent to the 
truth, of the other to trust, as for that which ye add, and hope for the 
performance of some good, this addition I do disdaine, makeing the obiect 
of trust as it justifies no other but Christ himselfe, as in my former letter 
I shewed. These thinges before being granted, let vs see what remaines as 
yet in controversy, which as farre as I conceive is (1) whether this affiance 
be called fayth or no ; (2) and whether this be that which is ment, when it is 
sayd, fayth justifieth only, principally, or at all, and that which you speake, 


hath the condition of the promise of Justification before God^; (3) whether 
this affiance be hope and differ or not. In which three, 1. I hold it is 
called fayth. 2. It is that disposition of the hart that properly justifies. 
3. It is not all one with hope, though sometymes called by that name. 
These thinges premised touching the state of our question I proceede in 
the letter. The ground you say of your affection is the notation of the 
worde in the originall tongues. Heere (I shall not neede to teach your 
Lordship) I might well fasten my foote and say, that the notation of wordes 
is a very slender proofe, for as much as wordes oftentymes are diveraly 
extended or straightned by use (which claimes to be master of speech) 
from their originall derivation. And particularly in religious and ecclesi- 
asticall use, they are often otherwise taken than among prophane authors, 
is not to goe farre, as Erasmus notes of this very worde Fides, which in 
true Latine magis pertinet ad eum qui pollicetur aut preestal, quam ad 
eum qui fidit (Ad. math. 6). For the other terme also of this proposition 
' Fayth iustifles' may be scene. But the truth is I do not know what you 
would proove by the notation of the worde. If this — that there is such a 
faith of assent to the truth of the Gospell as you descriVje (I will not change 
wordes about it) I do not deny it. But I crave leave from the same ground 
and place of Invention, to proove the fayth of affiance also, for the word 
ttiVtii, and those conjugates ma-rvs ma-Tom and aTTia-Tia aiTKTTOs anidTai 
oXtyoTTio-Tos haue all a signification of trust and distrust as well as of beleefe 
and unbeleefe both in Scripture and in prophane authors, the Glossaries 
TTUTToa credo, fido, iria-recos a^ios credibilis, fidelis, ma-Torepos magis fidus, 
dnta-Tia Injidia, DiffidentAa, Incredibilitas, awta-ra diffido, non credo, 
Koranta-Teva^ confido, the like signification doth Scapula giue, and Melanc- 
thon, Chemnitius, and others haue gathered sundry places out of prophane 
authors to his purpose, out of Phocylides, Demosthenes, Theognis, Sophocles, 
JBschines, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, which I forbeare to set downe. The 
Scriptures them selves giue the like force to these wordes, the fayth of the 
centurion, Math. 8. 10, so great as Christ our Lord had not found in Israel, 
was trust. So of those that brought to him the sicke of the palsie, of her Chap. 9. 2; 
that had the bloody issue, whose faj th saved her, of the Syrophenician to ^- ''• ^^■ 
whom he said ' O woman great is thy faith.' It was the fayth of God (trust jj^^ g 22. 
in God which Christ required in the Apostles, and would raise in them by Lu, 8. 25. 
the example of the withering figtree when he had cursed it ; which he J^^'- ^- ^^• 
missed in them, when in the storme he said, 'where is your fayth %' It was and 16. 8. 
lacke of confidence in Peter that he blames vnder the name of litle fayth, 
and in the rest of the Apostles also : upon which place Erasmus — magis 
gaudehat exiguce fiducice quam, modicmfidei, sive, ut nos veriimus, parum 

1 This note iswritten across the page in the margin, "which you call the 
tenet of the Lutherans and of some papists, yours which I might say also is the 
tenent of BeUar, and of all papists ; but let us abstaine from aggravating either 
opinion from the conceipt of the names of such as follow them." 

" This word does not occur in the N.T. 



The verbe jrio-retim also hath the like force of trust : as Jesus committed 
not or betrusted not himselfe to some that beleeved, the same word is twice 
put, so Luc. 16. 11, who shall betrust ye with the true wealth ? So St Paul 
'I know whom I haue beleeved and I am perswaded that he is able to keepe 
the thing that I haue committed to him against that day,' where the word 
beleeved answers the like phrase of credere for trusting in the Latine as iu 
that place of the Comedy, tuw fidei credidi aurum^, sayth the Covetous 
old man, when he had hidden his pot of gold in the Temple of Fides, and 
after when he caried it into the wood, certum est. Silvano potius credam 
quam Fidei^. And of this kind of trust committed, the ancient true and- 
proper name of the action vasfiducia, as Budeus shewes in his notes to the 
Pandects ad. 1 post de origine juris. 

The like notion is easy to discernein the worddjrto-TiaasMar. 9. 19, 24 and 
Mat. 17. 20, where the lack of confidence both in the father of the possessed 
chield and in the Apostles is blamed ; whereupon perhaps came the request 
mentioned, Luc. 17. 6, ' Lord increase our fayth,' which Jansenius expounds 
well : Appone nobis Jidem velfduciam quam toties commendarat, as appeares 
by the like wordes, if ye had fayth like a graine of mustard and in other 
places. But that which is most considerable in this matter is the forme of 
beleefe and beleeving in, or vpon, which the Holy Ghost useth in the N.T. 
Gal. 3, 26, Acts 20. 21; 24. 24; 26. 18 (where Christ himselfe speakes 
personally, niarei rfj ets e'/je), according to which the fayth of Jesus Christ 
must be taken (Rom. 3. 22 and 3. 26, Gal. 2. 16); in the blood of Christ 
(Rom. 3. 25) ; ' The fayth of the son of God, who gaue himselfe for me,' 
Gal. 2. 20, 3. 22, and Bph. 3. 12, 'we liaue boldnes and accesse by the fayth 
of him' : so cap. 6, 'the sheild of fayth to quench the firey dartes of the 
Devill' Abrahams fayth was trust in God, notwithstanding the impotency 
of his old age and Sarah's wombe, Rom. 4. 20. So Phil. 3. 9, 'the 
righteousnes by the fayth of Christ,' declared to be of God ; ' grounded 
upon fayth,' Col. 1. 23. So the verb irurTevo) with the preposition eVI as 
Rom. 4, 6, oTi f7rnroi6fi(Tav tV avrm, Dan. 3. 28, on inlfrrfvirev iv ra 6e& 
avra, cap. 6, 23. There is a notable place, 2 Kings 18. 20, where besides 
confidence, and staying vpon as upon a staffe, trust is put to express the 
act of King Hezekiah emboldning him to refuse to be subiect to the King 
of Babell. Therupon we haue there 6 tymes the same worde, irerroiBm, the 
Heb. nD3. Sperare in Deo, non sperare in Baalim 2 Chron. 3.18: quod 
sperasset {i^eCiJTria-e) in Domino Deo, 2 Chron. 17. 4 : Credits {ifima-TevtraTe) 
in Domino Deo vero et securi eritis, 2 Chr. 20. 20, Credite {ijiivuTTevaaTf) 
prophetis eius et prosper oMmini *,*3 lyoxn ei sit in 2do membro"- 

Will. Kilmoren et Ar. 

1 Plaut. Aul. 4. 2. 8. ^ lb. 4. 4. 20. 

8 'the first of these references is wrong (? 2 Chron. 13. 18 or 14. 11). 



^rd Letter to the Bishop of Berry. 

Right Reverend Father in God my Honourable good Lord. 

By your Large letters received by Mr Price, I easily perceive the 
largenes of your loue, that would spend so much paines, and borrow so 
much tyme from your more weighty studies, to endeavour to giue me 
satisfaction in the point of Justifieing Faytli. And yet more liberally in 
the closing up of your letters do offer your selfe, if yet you haue not given it, 
after you haue finished some present worke which you haue in hand, to putt 
yourselfe to further paines to procure it. For both I can but restore 
humble thankes and desire of God, the most liberall requiter and rewarder, 
to restore you that time with multiplied interest and requite your paines 
with all happy successe in the worke you haue in hand, and in all other 
your laboures in his Church. But the more liberall you are the more it 
concernes me to be sparing of your paines and tyme, lest I be not only 
ti'oublesome to you, but injourious to tlie publick by distracting you from 
more profitable employments. And for my finding as I do in this new 
calling such a multiplicity of busines, as it were conspiring against me on 
every side. I see how much it concernes ine to take the Apostle's counsell, 
to study to be quiet and to do mine owne busines. Especially tlie difference 
betweene your Lordship and me, being rather in termes and manner of 
teaching than in the matter it selfe. As whether Justifieing Fayth be 
an assent bringing forth afliance as a necessary fruite and consequence, or 
in aflSance presupposing assent, as a necessary seede roote and Antecedent. 
In this case so long as we both teach that both are to be had to Justifica- 
tion, what importes it to the edification of the hearers in which the reason 
of Justification be chiefly placed ? 80 as it seemes to me that this matter 
falls within the precept of the Apostle, lu) Xoyofiaxelv els ovSev ;^p7)'o-i/ioj', or 
that other of avoiding unlearned questions, which do but gender strifes. In 
which very wordes he seemes to medle with these colourable motives which 
do often prick men forward to contention, viz. the affecting the opinion of 
wisdome and learning, shewing them indeede these questions are foolish and 
unlearned which hinder loue and peace with them that out of a pure hart 
call upon the name of the Lord, which is the deepest point of all our 
Christian wisdome and learning. In these regards I haue resolved to lay 
my hand upon my mouth and for the present to reflect only upon that 
passage of your Lordship's letter where you answer as it were in merriment 
to an argument which you framed also out of my letter in merriment a re 
judicata, viz. that I and Dr Ward 30 yeares agoe having examined your 
opinion had resolved differently, this I never wrote nor meant, that we 
examined your Lordships opinion. But that about Justifieing fayth, while 


we were both young divines in Cambridge, we had much enquiry and 
resolved differently from what is I now perceive to be your opinion [whether 
it were that which the Romanists call Catholick fayth, or Speciall fayth, or 
which we then resolved, affiance in Christ the Kedeemer]. As for your 
Lordships opinion what then it was, to my remembrance, I never heard, not 
till within these few yeares that Dr Ward told me, that you placed fayth 
in the understanding and made it to be assent, from which indeede we did 
then resolve differently, as I wrote in my first letter. 

Bnt so farre was I from prescribing against your Lordships opinion a re 
judicata, as I do verily thinck your authority alone would very much haue 
mooved me, had I knowne it to be well advised ere I embraced that other 
(with which I haue now dwelt these 30 yeares) such respect haue I alwayes 
had to your name ; and even yet also (because the mariage of the under- 
standing and opinion can never passe in rem judicatam to the prejudice of 
truth) I am not so wedded to mine owne that I should not giue place to 
youis if it appeare to be the truth. Thus much I thought it necessary to 
signify to your Lordship presently, touching that misconceived argument. 
Desiring you thus to judge of me, that I remember very well mine owne 
lowly place at your feete when you had the honour of the Logicke chaire in 
Cambridge. I know and acknowledge in all humble and sober sadnes the 
advantage of riper yeares and riper judgment also which your Lordship 
hath (and ever will haue) of me, no way decayed but rather authorized 
with age, not languishing and mouldy through want of employment, but 
alwayes active and bringing forth something for the common good. And 
because your Lordship now writeth that you haue prooved your affection 
by evident testimonies and undeniable arguments I shall attend the coming 
forth of your booke, which I could not at Dublin otherwise then cursorily 
peruse, hoping therein to find more full satisfaction than I could at the first 
reading, nieane while with all humble thanckfullnes for your Lor.iships 
paines and pacience with me, I rest 

Your Lordships very loving Brother 

and servant in Christ Jesu, 

Will. Kilmoren and Ardachen. 

Oct. 11, 1630. 

To the Right Reverend Father in God 

my Honourable good Lord and Brother George 
Bishop of London Derry giue 



To the Bishop of London (Laud), as to the Bishop of Kilmore's 
Chancellor Mr Allan Cooke. State Papers, Ireland; 
August 10, 1630. 

Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord. 
"With my humble service remembered, since my last to your Lordship 
of the 1st of Aprill, 1 have set on foote my suite at your Counsell bord for 
the rights of my Bishopricks ; fownding it on that beneflciall clause of his 
Majesties gracious letters, wherein he was pleased to give order that if I 
fownd myselfe wronged by any unlawful! act of my Predecessors either in 
the pro8tts or jurisdictions of my Bishopricks, I might be releeved there. 
I propownded first my jurisdiction, empayred by my Predecessors appoint- 
ing me a Chancellor. Wherein, before I relate my successe, I shall declare 
to your Lordship the grownds and maner of my proceeding, whereby I 
shall with one labour endeavour to satisfy some part of your expectation 
from me, viz. to certifie you of such occurrents as concerne the Church of 
Ireland, and free myselfe from the false imputations of slanderous toungs 
who there perhaps as well as here liave or shall misreport my proceedings. 

My Lord, I do thus account that amongst all the impediments to the 
worke of God amongst us, there is not any greater then the abuse of 
Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction. This is the opinion of the most godly judicious 
and learned men that I have knovvne. And the demonstration thereof is 
plaine. The people pierce not into the inward and true reasons of things ; 
they are sensible in the purse. And that religion that makes men that 
professe it, and shewes them to be, despisers of the world, and so farre 
from encroaching upon others in matter of base gaine as rather to part 
with their owne, they magnifye. This bred the admiration of the Primitive 
Christians, contrary causes must needs bring forth contrary effects. Where- 
fore let us preach never so painefuUy, and live never so piously ourselves, 
so long as the officers in our Courtes do prey upon the people, they account 
us no better then publicanes. And so much the more deservedly, because 
we are called spirituall men and reformed Christians. In this kinde there 
hath beene they say wonderfuU abuse in this kingdome. While I was in 
Dublin, before my Consecration, I understood by many principall men both 
of my Diocese and others that of all those that have exercised Ecclesisticall 
Jurisdiction in this land, these late yeares, the most noted man and most 
cried out upon was one Mr Alane Cooke, Chancellor to my Predecessor. 
Insomuch as he had beene questioned in the Starre chamber, and rather 
by error in proceeding for the manner or some other cause than the want of 
matter, escaped the trial 1. Among the Irish he hath gotten the nick-name 
of Pouke^ And indeed they feare him like the fiend of hell. To his 

1 Puck, Gothic and Icelandic for goblin, fiend: from Scandinavian puki, 
'a boy.' 


austerity the abandoning the Country by above 1000 of the inhabitants 
the last yearei was more imputed than to the hardnes of the tymes. And 
a principall man of his Majesties Oounsell sayd it within these 2 raonethes 
to me, that he had beene more burthensome to that part of the Country, 
than the contribution to the Soldiers. This man, as was told me by others, 
had a Commission to be my Chancellor : himselfe would not so touch as 
shew it me, or desire that with my good leave he might hold it. Which 
although it seemed to me somewhat uncivill, yet I was not willing to breake 
with him or infringe the Acts of my Predecessor, till by the dayly complaint 
of my neighbors, and some of my Tenants, and of the clergy I was enforced 
to demand the sight of his Patent. I fownd a vast heape of authority 
conferred upon him, without due forme, latine, or common sense. One 
period before the ^Habendum,' consisting of above 540 words, and yet 
without any one importing a grant, or any other principall verb at all. 
Nothing left to the Bishop but a meere shaddow of authority. I called the 
chapter, examined whether they confirmed it or no, which they denied 
not, accounting it more concerned the Bishop than them, acknowledging 
that the Bishop's great seale was not put to it : whereupon I accounting it 
void or surreptitious, or revoking it in case it had any validity, did inhibit 
Mr Cooke to do anything by vertue of it as my vicar, and the clergy to 
assist him therein. Upon this he appealed to my Lord Primates Court, 
from whence I was inhibited and cited to appeare to answer him. He 
being in the citation styled vicar of the Courts of Kilmore and Ardagh 
lawfully established ; For this so apparent a forejudgeing the cause, ere it 
was heard, I entered a Recusation before a publick Notary, which I sent 
to my Lord Primate : yet submitting the cause to his owne censure, otnni 
appellatione remold,, if my adversary were so pleased. This he refused. 
Thus did it hang till Hilary Terme. In the meane season, I went about 
my Dioces myselfe, and sate in myne owne Courtes redressing the disorders, 
and mitigating the Fees (whereof yet I tooke no peny but sequestred them 
only) and in a short space have as I hope disposed the people to some better 
opinion of our religion and jurisdiction, than before they had conceived. 

The case at Dublin was divided in pleading by my Oounsaile. 1. That 
no Bishop may grant a Commission longer then during his owne tyme. 
2. That my Predecessor holding 2 Bishopricks, united only for terme of 
life, could make no greater estate then his owne. That by his death the 
Bishopricks were againe divided, and anew united by his majesty, so as in 
them I am not his successor. The other part would make a vicar Generall 
a standing office, and sayd the Deane and Ciiapter anciently might choose a 
Bishop, nmch more then confirme a Bishop's vicar for life. Especially they 
urged Precedents in England, and some here. The Lord Chancellor 
seemed unwilling to have this case determined here, which he sayd was 
never yet adjudged in England. Those of the Counsayle that are of the 
profession of the Law required jt might be argued againe at the beginning 
of Michaelmas Terme, which was granted. 

1 See p. 297. 


Since that Mr Cooke hath procured me to be cited againe to the Lord 
Primates Court, where I appeared July 29, alledgeing that the cause is 
depending before the Lords Justices and Counsel), and refusing againe 
the Chancelor Mr George Synge to be either Judge or Assistant therein ; 
as having beene Mr Cooke's Master and Patrone, and now his familiar 
freend, and having discovered some spleene against me in certaine letters 
which since this cause came into that court he had sent me. 

Your Lordship hath here the historicall part of this busines, whereto if 
I shall be bold to add the Prognosticall, it is this. That although I have 
his Majesties Patents as large for me as I can desire; the Canon law as 
cleare as the sunne (whose maxiraes are these, vicarius perdil Jurisdic- 
tionetn morte Episcopi: vicarius removeri potest ad libitum Episcopi, 
etiamsi sit constitutus cum juramento de non revocando : vicarius m,ortuo 
Episcopo non potest perficere causas inchoatas viro' Episcopo). And de 
facto Mr Cooke after the death of my Predecessor tooke a new Commission 
from the Lord Primate to execute the Jurisdiction sede vacante ; lastly 
though I have the common law sequall, if this be but a Commission, and 
as the Lord Oheefe Baron sayd openly, by the Law one Judge cannot 
appoint another in his steede : yet because in lands and possessions the 
grant of the Bishop with consent of Deane and Cliapter is good, it will 
be carried so here also. I consider niy Adversaryes cunning, potency, 
freinds in all Courts, purse. The Kings Sergeant and Attorney are for him, 
against his Majesties Patents. The Lord Chancellor had some tymes a like 
Commission bestowed upon him by his uncle, as I have beene told by some 
of the Counsaile. He perswades me to compownd with Mr Cooke, which for 
the incredible scandall that would follow I can never doe^ He (as Mr Cooke 
in a manor boasting told me) hath nominated him since the Terme to be 
Judge in a cause of the Admiralty touching a Prize here taken. Add to all 
these, the confidence of the man that comes and sets himselfe by me, and 
quarrells with me in mine owne Court, and will sit there and aske me no 
leave. In these respects I give it gone, unlesse it would please his Majesty 
to interpret his owne meaning in his gracious letters for me, and the 
Patents thereupon fownded ; or to signifle his expresse pleasure that this 
cause may be maturely discussed according to his lawes, notwithstanding 
any examples there or here inuring^ ; or lastly to give order to his learned 
Counsell, to see to the interest of his Crowne in upholding his Grants and 
Patents, and by what warrant they are infringed by the pretended Patents 
of others. 

My Lord if this were mine owne particular case alone I should not be 
so bold as to request your favour and assistance hereunto. But it is the 
common interest of Bishops, who througli their owne sufferance do now but 
serve for cyphers to make up the wronges and extortions of their officers. 
They begin to scorne to be our vicegerents. Two citations I have received 
from my Lord Primates Court, in the former whereof my pretended 
Chancellor is called vicarius Curiae Kilmorensis et Ardaghensis ; in the otiier 

* inviring, ' occurring.' 


Diocessios. If they were as anciently constituted only durante heneplacito, 
they would know themselves. For my part God is my witnes that if I 
thouirht I could be excused in conscience for the misgovernment of the 
people, whom God and his Majesty have comitted unto me, I could easily 
suffer Mr Cooke to exercise the Jurisdiction, though there be left me 
nothing but the name of it : but when the blame also and the shame of 
religion lies upon it, I hope good men will not account me Pragmaticall, \i 
I be sensible, and desire to ful611 my profession made at my consecration, 
that I would be gentle and mercifuU for Ghrists sake to poore and needy 
people and such as be destitute of helpe. These poore people (to whom to 
be put into the Bishops Booke as they call it hath beene worse then their 
imaginary Purgatory) do beseech your Lordship, and by you his Majesty, to 
pitty them. Religion intreates you to remoove this scandall ; the church 
to reforme this disorder. I have sayd and done what I can. I leave the 
successe to God. To whose gracious protection I committ your Lordship 
and shall ever remaine 

Your Lordships most obliged 
Will. Kilmoren and 
Kilmoren, Aug. 7, 1630. 

To the Right Reverend Father 

in God WiUiam Lord Bishop 

of London my Honourable 

good Lord deliver these. 


The Bishop of London {Laud) replying to the letter of the 
Bishop of Kilmore. State Papers, Ireland; Sept. 11, 1630. 

Salutem in Christo. My very good Lord. I have read over your 
Lordships large letters, both the historicall and the prognosticall part. 
And truly my Lord I must needs acknowledge that there arises a great 
deal of hurt to ourselves, and scandall to our calling by the courses which 
our under officers take in our Courtes, and the harrowing of the poore 
people there. And I easily conceive, it must be worse with you than with 
us, because the State of that Church is somewhat more broken of the two. 
Your Lordship hath expressed a great deal of care, and a great deal of 
zeale to that part of the church with which God and the King hath trusted 
you, and not without a great deal of Judgment. But my Lord we live in 
Tymes in which the Church is overgrowne not only with Weeds within it, 
but with Trees and Bushes about it, which though they were sett at the 
first for a Fence yet, now they are growne up, they drop sowrly upon 
^atsoever is good in it. 

And now my Lord to descend lower and nearer your buysines, you 
must first give me leave to tell you I see little hope of any remedy in the 


thing and waye as you propose. For, if I mistake not, the question is 
whether (in that Churcli especially) it be fitt that Bishopps Chancellors or 
Vicars Generall should have or hold theyr oflBces by Pattent during lyfe, or 
stand only at the Bishop's pleasure, and as theyr merit and Justice in theyr 
Courtes shall deserve. And this being the question I shall promise your 
Lordship, soe soone as I come to London among my Bookes, to looke into 
the ancient Canons and Lawes of the Church, both those which you mention 
and others, but in the mean tyme desyre your Lordship to consider these 
Particulars following. 

First the Canon Lawe hath been blasted in these KingUomes, soe that 
any use taken up, of allmost any continuance, will be able to bear head 
against it. Secondly they answerd you truly, that told you this case had 
never yet been decided in England : or, if it were, the Over-ruling was that 
they should hold for lyfe, for soe the practise goes in all the Cathedralls of 
England. Thirdly whenever this question shall come on foot, whoever 
appears in it must looke that all the Civill Lawyers and all the Preinds 
they can make, which are many and great, will be sure to oppose it. And 
they will plead Reason, that where soe great a part of the burden of a 
Diocess lyes upon them, it will be fitt, if not necessary, they should be 
invested for tyme of lyfe. Fourthly I think now for many years together 
the practise through Christendome hath been (except in some few Exempts) 
that the Chancellors have held by Pattents for lyfe. Piftly I would be 
peremptory against that hold, and all graunts of a Bishop longer then his 
owne lyfe, if I were sure all Bishopps were and would be such as they 
should. For otherwise the pressure of the people would be as great by a 
bad Bishop as by a bad Chancellor, and the scandall greater. Wheras now 
somtymes a good Chancellor moderates an ill Bishop, though at some other 
tyme a bad Chancellor troubles a good. Last of all, and which is most 
forceing amongst us, I doubt it will appear that Pattents for lyfe have been 
soe long graunted in both kingdomes that tlie common Lawe will make 
them good, doe you or I or any man else what we can. For to imagyne 
that all Bishops will agree to rectify such'an abuse as is consequent upon 
these Pattents for lyfe, is mere buyldyng in the ayre. 

For the particular person with whom you have to doe, Mr Alan Cooke, 
I never heard of him before, but it seems by your Letters he knowes very 
well how to licke his owne fingers. As for Mr Singe I think my Lord 
Primat (if I forget not one of his letters) hath had as harsh musick from 
him as another man hath had of his Chancellor; and therefore it is not 
very probable tiiat your Lordship should fynde any more favour in his 
Court against Mr Cooke. And for the bringing of your cause to the 
Counsayle board, though I make noe doubt but you shall there fynde all 
honorable Justice with favour, yet I fear they will doe nothing in a buysines 
of this weyght, being alltogether without Example and Precedent here. 

And for the Proposals towardes the end of your Letter which are 
three, without all or some of which you seem to give your cause gone, to 
deal openly and freely with you, I doe not yet see how they can releyve 
you. For first for his Majestyes interpretation of his owne meaning in his 


gracious Letters for you, and the Pattents thereupon founded : you may be 
sure he will make noe other interpretation then may stand with his Lawes, 
neyther may I desyre more. For the second, for his Majesty to signify his 
express pleasure that this cause may be maturely discussed according to his 
Lawes notwithstanding any examples in eyther Kingdome, I doubt that 
the Common Lawe which upon a prohibition will be Judge, will upon never 
see mature discussing make good theyr Pattents, unless you can infringe 
any by some particular Bxcepti(ms. And thirdly, though his Majesty 
should give order (as you desyre) to his Learned Counsayle never soe 
strictly to looke to the interest of his Crowne in upholding his Grauntes 
and Pattents etc., which were noe hard matter to obteyne as I conceyve, 
yet that would be to noe purpose if the Lawe be for theyr Pattents : for 
then they will easily make that Answer to his Majesty. 

Now therefore upon the whole matter I have but these two things to 
say. The one is 1 doe not beleyve you will be able to doe any thing 
against Mr Cookes Pattent, unless you can fynde that it is drawn against 
Lawe : (and if he refuse to shew his Pattent, there is means enough I 
think in the ordinary waye to force him to it,) or unless you can legally 
prove that he hath carryed himself soe ill, as that he hath forfeyted the 
Pattent though rightly graunted. The other is mentioned by your self, and 
it is an offer made by the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, if I understand you 
right, that you should compound with Mr Cooke, to which you say you may 
by noe means yeeld for the infinite scandall that would foUowe upon it 
Indeed it is true if you compound with him only to settle his Pattent, and 
take mouye for that, and leave him to vex the People more till he hath 
made up his moiiye, it must needs be a very unworthy Act in you, and 
full of scandall. But if (where you cannot remedye it otherwise) you there 
compound, and in that Composition bynde up Mr Cooke, that the People 
may have justice and ease, I doe not yet see what ill is in that, or what 
scandall can foUowe upon it. For I shall not advyse the making of any 
other composition than that which shall be free from corruption on your 
part, and for the just and orderly setling of your Jurisdiction on his. 

My Lord, my occasions are many and great, yet I have stolne tyme such 
as I could to give you Auswere. The case never fell under eyther my 
studye or practick consideration, yet I have adventured to wryte freely 
unto you. You must pardone both the freedoine and the weaknes, the case 
especially being such as a man cannot tell of whom to aske counsayle: Fot 
none can be asked but a Bishop or a Civillian. And if a Bishop beasked 
he is lykely to say for you, but if you aske a Civillian I am sure he will be 
for Mr Cooke. And where I now am I can meet with noe experienced 
man of eyther. In court hast therfore I leave you to the Grace of God and 

Your Lordships very loving Freind 
and Brother. 
FuUham house 
Septemb. 11, 



5p Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; falsely accused to the 
primate of a leaning to popery ; questions about the efficacy 
of the Sacraments; Nov. 14, 1630. 

[Tanner MS lxxi. 1 57.] 

Salutem in Cliristo. I haue receiued (Good Mr Dr) 2 letters from you 
since my last to you, the one of May 28 the other of Sept. 11. In both I 
acknowledge your ancient lone, as also in a passage of your letters of May as 
I remember to my Lord Primate, with whom I was in the latter end of 
August. He asked me whether in my letters to you I had not made 
mention of the passages betweene us. I told him that I had signifled to 
you with greefe that some had endeavoured to alienate his aftection from 
me. Therevpon at my going to bed he shewed me your letters, and left 
them with me. The next morning we walked into the garden, and I told 
his Grace I could not sleepe till I had read your letters. Whereby he 
perceived how much I was bound to you. And the rest I wonld ascribe to 
your affection to me; one thing I was assured that you had written 
according to truth that I did truly hue and honour his Grace; which 
made me the more grieved at the losse of his good opinion. At this I 
could not -refraine teares, which he perceiving sayd there was no cause 
I should be so grieved. That he did neuer thinck amisse of my intention 
ec. and with many good wordes confirmed his good opinion of me. I 
desired still as I had done before to know my accusation. It was in summe, 
that I seemed to come neare the Papists in certaine Instructions which I 
had given touching reading prayers in Irish, about the signe of the Crosse, 
and the presence of Christ in the Sacrament. My words for the former 
were, that if at the saying the name of the Father and of the Sonne ec. any 
of the people did Crosse themselves, the Minister should tell them it was 
not amisse if they did so, provided they put no confidence in the signe hut 
in him that died on the Crosse. And touching^the Sacrament that Christ 
was truly present, not to the bread and wine, but the worthy receiuers. 
For the first of which I referred my selfe to Mr Perkins Probleme, and for 
the 2d to Mr Calvine. He (who as it seemed had not seene my Paper) told 
me that himselfe had taught the presence of Christs body euen in the word 
really. We were soone of accord. I telling him that I had euer professed 
here, and in England and in Italy, that the,diflferences betweene us and the 
Church (or Court rather) of Rome, were not in Payth (which we had 
common) but in certaine additions forreine to it, which by corrupt custome 
were crept in, which he acknowledged : and fell into discourse of his 
Wansted Sermon, and how it pleased K. James. At which discourse in 
one place I smiled, and sayd, This is not lawfull for me to say. In 
conclusion he sayd those letters were written in his sicknes, and seemed to 


put blame on these that were about him ec. The truth is, they were in 
answer to those, wherein I had inclosed a recusation of his Court (ex- 
cepting his owne judgments), and his Chancellor perhaps was about him, 
who had beene Mr Cooke my pretended Chancellors Master. And (which 
I then suspected, and is now broken forth) Mr Barnard his Chaplain 
Deane of Kilmore, who carried my letters, and brought back the answer, 
had beene the informer against me. Whose malignity towards me grew 
because I would not give way that he should by my concurrence haue a 4th 
Benefice to three which he hath already : my Lord Primate making the 
motion at my Consecration. I answering, the people being meere Irish, 
I could not see how he could discharge the duty to them ec. For this, he 
hath borne me a grudge, and coming to -my table, and using all outward 
signes of loue, hath (I beleeue) traduced me to his Lord. Lately he hath 
gotten the living, as in the lapse, and is presented to it (being of my 
collation) and instituted by the Prerogative Court, having (as I heare) 
compownded under hand with the former incumbent. At my visitation he 
opposed me openly with a Protestation, because I visited not (forsooth) the 
whole Diocesse at one meeting, but by Deaneryes. Lastly at our Quarter 
Sessions in a Sermon he aymed at me personally, in the Judgment of the 
most understanding of the auditory, for coming neare to Papists, counten- 
anceing Sabbath breaking and swearing, because 1 aoquited one brought 
into my Court for Sabbath breaking, who had bought skins on the Lords 
day at night by candle light ; and did punish one I2d. for saying in my 
Court as I remember, be/ore God you do me wrong ; which I sayd I could 
not tell whether it were an oath or no. I wfis and am very glad that his 
secret malice hath broken out into open opposition. I referred the whole 
matter to my Lord Primate, who examined it, Nov. 5°, and enjoined him to 
make me amends. I required no other but the resignation of the living. 
But that he will not part from, alleging his charges about the procuring it; 
halfe whereof 1 offered to leave, conditionally that some Irishman who was 
able to discharge the Cure might be presented to it, euen a Convert Frier 
who is in ray Lord Primates house, being a Gentleman of good byrth. Sed 
venter non habet aures. In all this I do perceiue the Deuils malice, 
seeking by all meanes to distract and disharten me in my endeauour to do 
my duty and the worke of God. But I hope, through the assistance of 
God, in vaine. For which purpose I still entreate the helpe of your 

I come now to that point of your letters. Concerning the Efficiency of 
Baptisme in infants, whereabout also I sawe what you wrote to my Lord 
Primate. But I shall now reflect only upon those to my selfe and touch 
the principall heads of them. 

First you say If sacraments be meerely obsignatory, and the ablution of 
the sinnes of Infants in Baptisme only conditional! and expectative, of 
which they haue no benefitt till they beleeue and repent, then Infants 
baptized dicing in infancy haue no benefitt by Baptisme. This conse- 


quence me thincks is not good. For they are by Baptisme receiued into 
the visible Church which is a notable Priviledge, of comfort to their 
Parents, and honour and profitt to them selves. Againe there is presently 
granted them an entrance into Covenant with God, as was anciently by 
Circumcision with the God of Abraham, wherein God promises pardon of 
sinne and life eternall upon their fayth and repentance, and in this they 
haue 2i present right, though the accomplishment be differred. Yet if God 
take them out of the world while the condition is in expectation, most pious 
it is to heleeue that he takes the condition for performed. Like to him 
that solemnizeth a mariage with her to whom he was betrothed suh 
conditinne. And sure if the soules of children be endued with any actual 
knowledge at all, so soone as they leaue the body, it seemes the mystery of 
Redemption by Christ is revealed unto them, and Fayth is giuen them, 
wherby they cleave to God by him, the author of their blessednes : although 
they haue no neede of the obsignation of the promise, whereof they are in 
present possession. 

Your second reason. Non-elect Infants living shall thus haue no 
benefltt at all by Baptisme. I answer : Where there be divers ends of one 
thing, the deniall of one is not the deniall of the rest. These Non-elect 
Infants haue offered by God the same with the other, with the obsignation 
of the Covenant and aggregation to the Church. The same that he hath 
also, quifictus accedit 'eel ponit obicem gratiae, as to the present possession 
of it. All that come to the Sacrament, elect or non elect, receiue the 
pardon of sinne originall and actuall, Sacramentally: and who soeuer 
performes the condition of the Covenant hath the fruition of that whereof 
before he had the graunt under seale. So as the Sacraments are not 
nuda et inefficacia signa on Gods part to the one or other. 

Thirdly you say What necessity of baptizing Infants, if their baptisme 
produce no effect till they come to yeares of discretion 1 I answer : 
Though the most principall effect ■ be not attained presently, the lesse 
principall are not to be refused. So children were circumcised, which could 
not understand the reason of it, and the same also did eate the Passeouer. 
And so did also children baptized in the Primitive Church communicate in 
the Lords Supper, which I know not why it should not be so still, de quo 

4. Our Divines (you say) generally hold that the Sacraments do offer 
and exhibitt the grace which they signifie, and in order of nature do first 
offer and exhibit before they assure and confirme. For 

1. God doth offer and exhibitt Grace promised in the Sacraments. 

2. "We exercise our Fayth, resting vpon God promising and exhibiting. 

3. So we receiue the Grace promised. 

4. Then the Sacrament assures us of the Grace received. 

And this order you endeavour to confirme out of the definition of a 
Sacrament in our Catechisme, you declare it in the Eucharist, and bring 
divers testimonies of our writers to proove it. 

I answer : The Grace which the Sacraments conferre is of three sorts : 
The 1st the spirituall things which are proportionable to the outward : The 


2d the eflfects of those : The 3d the certification of the party in the lawful! 
use of the outward part of the enjoying the 2 former. As in Baptisme, 

1. The blood and Spirit of Christ, 2. the washing of sinne and new birth, 
3. The obsignation to the party baptized, that by Christs blooud his sinnes 
are cleansed. The first of these is signified in that common sentence That 
Sacraments consist of 2 parts An outward signe and an inward invisible 
grace. . The 2d is the most usuall and common notion of the word Grace, 
meaning some spirituall favour in order to salvation, promised in the New 
Covenant. The last is most properly the grace of the Sacrament itselfe. 
For the 2 former (which our catechisme seemes to reduce to one) are 
properly the grace of the Covenant, which God doth confirme and scale by 
the Sacrament. As when the Kings Majesty grants lands and tenements 
with certaine immunityes and privileges therunto appertaining, as in his 
letters Patents at large appeareth, and setts to the great scale ; all the 
grants and articles in the Patent are confirmed thereby materialiter and 
subjectivfe, but the ratification of the Patent is properly and formally that 
which the seale workes. Which also according to the forme of the Patent 
may be simple or conditional, present or ad diem, according as his Majesty 
is pleased. 

As touching the termes also ofifering and exhibiting they may be taken 
Instit. 1. 4. two wayes. 1. Either of the ofifering and propounding (so doth Calvin 
e. 17, § 10. take the word exhfbet), in the Covenant or institution of the Sacraments, 

2. Or of conferring in the use of them. These things thus premised, It 
seemes to me that the order is this : 

1. God doth offer his Covenant vnder the condition of fayth and 
Repentance and therein Christ and his benefitts. 

2. We accept of the Covenant according to the tenor of it. 

3. God doth offer to confirme it with Sacraments proportionall. 

4. We receiue them, and so are certified of the performance of the 
Covenimt and haue the promises thereof conveied by covenant and by seale 
also unto us. 

Where you say in the Eucharist God doth first offer and exhibit growth 
and increase of grace, and a nearer and faster Communion with Ohristes 
body and blood and all the benefits flowing from thence, and then it is a 
pledge to assure vs thereof ec. It seemes to me that God, having in the 
New Testament (confirmed with Clirists blood) offered unto us life, under 
the condition of our receiving him, would confirme to as many as receiue 
him that they haue life. Therefore he hath instituted bread and wine the 
meanes of naturall life in a certaine use to be scales of spirituall life. We 
now receiving them they are pledges vnto us and do certifie us of that 
spirituall life we haue by receiving Christ. 

Where you say that the instrumentall conveyance of the Grace signified 
is as true an effect of a Sacrament as obsignation, and is pre-existent in 
order of nature unto it. I do conceiue that the setting of Christ and 
his benefits before us in the Gospell (the bread that came downe from 
heaven) and in the Institution of the Lords Supper in the proportionall 
creatures of bread and wine, with condition that these worthily reoeired 


shall conferre those benefits, must needs goe before any obsignation. But 
then our partaking of these creatures duly giveth unto us the possession of 
the former by way of obsignation, which in our purpose is the sole and only 
instrumentall conveiance which the Sacraments have. 

You will aske what is the due participation 1 That which God requires. 
There can be required no more of Infants but the receiving of the outward 
washing in Baptisme. They cannot prooue themselves nor repent and 
beleeve. Very true. Haue they then that obsignation ? Yes doubtlesse 
according to the forme of the Covenant. How is that ? That repenting 
and beleeving their sinnes are washed away. Then because they do not 
yet repent and believe, nothing passes. Yes this passes, the confirmation 
that this Sacrament giues upon repentance and b^liefe of all Gods promises 
of the N. Testament. The same thing which passes to him quijictus ac- 
cedit. Who when afterward he doth indeede repent of his fiction, and 
receiues Christ by fayth, hath also the actuall enjoying of the thing so 
confirmed to him. 

The opinion of the Franciscanes out of Scotus and Bernard mentioned 
in the Councell of Trent, seemes to be the true opinion. For they make 
the Sacraments to be effectuall, because god gives them effectus regulariter 
concomitantes, and to containe grace no otherwise than as an effectual 
signe, and that grace is receiued by them as an investiture by a ring or 
staffe which is obsignando. Which agrees also with Catharine's opinion 
de intentione Ministri. And Eisingren^ sayth that God only can giue to 
sensible signes vertue to conferre grace (Confess, c. 1.). Yet I beleeue they 
vnderstand the matter otherwise then I haue before expressed. Their 
opinion is of litle moment either way. Beza^, Ursine^, and Calvin haue 
no other meaning then I haue expressed. Mr Hooker I haue not. 

Since infants (say you) are capable of Bafitisme why not of spirituall 
ablution of originall guilt which is the thing signified though not of actuall 
obsignation of this, since they cannot interpose any impediments 1 Ques- 
tionlesse they are partakers of the actuall obsignation of ablution from 
originall and actuall guilt (say I) suppose they understand not of this 
obsignation, nor receiue this ablution otherwise then Sacramentally. As I 
sayd before, the Counterfeyt convert also doth, though he put a barr to his 
present ablution of his sinnes, and consequently his owne certification 

Where I sayd the true definition of a Sacrament in genere will decide 
this question, which you grant, and commend it of our Catechisme. I do 
not disallow it, being well interpreted, but do thinck incomparably better 
that of the Apostle : That they be scales of the righteousness of fayth. 
Or if we will include the Sacraments of the state of Grace before the 
fall. They be scales of Gods Covenants concerning euerlasting happines. 
If yet more generally we will include the Rainbow, Gen. 9, They be 

1 W. Eisingren of Spire, in the second half of the 16th century., 

2 Beza (1519—1605). 

' Zackarias Ursine of Breslau (a celebrated Calvinist), 1534 — 1583. ' 



L ^t^d' ^^^'^^ <>f Gods Covenants. The definition of Sistus, signum sensibile 
1. q. 2. ' Qi^d'tiom Dei vel ejus effectum gratuitum ex institutione divind efficaciter 
signans ordinatum ad salutem hominis viatoris, me thincka is a good 
definition, especially declaring efficaciter as he doth, and in hoc efficaciter 
(sayth he) includitur tarn certiiudinaliter quam prognostiee. I know 
that he acknowledges no Sacrament pro statu innocentiae, but without all 
reason, and the definition will serve well enough for both states. Where 
he and the Schoolmen require since the fall some remedy for originall 
sinne, and I perceiued the same forme in that detennination : Certum esse 
Christum Sacramentum Baptismi instituisse in remedium originalis 
peccati et reatus ejusdem veram sohitionem. I conceiued you meant to 
make that the proper end and effect of Baptisme, which seemed alsq to be 
implied in the explication of the question in the first sentence, and after. 
Cumque Baptismus potissimum institutus sit ad solatium originalis 
peccati, &c. You know what it is to demonstrate specially of one sort 
of Triangles what is true of all, which made me a litle touch upon that 
point. But verily I thinck this conceit of Sacraments to make them 
medicines, is the roote of all errour in this matter, and that it is good 
to take light from the tree of life, and that of the knowledge of good 
and evill, that they are scales only to gods promises. 

In my last to you, as I remember, I gaue you occasion a litle to consider 
the case of women under the law and of all mankind before circumcision. 
Methincks it is very inconvenient to say, that the males should have a 
remedy against sinne and the females none. And the Schoolemen when 
they will first lay downe their owne conceyt, that such a remedy there 
must be, and then divine what it must be, they make Bellarmine ridiculous, 
who from the silence of Holy Scripture herein labours to shew the Scriptures 
are insufficient and yet he cannot helpe us heere by any Tradition i. 

This inconvenience is well avoided, by making the Sacraments to 
conferre grace only by obsignation of Gods promises, and the end of them 
to be certioration. For so long as God would haue men rest upon his 
meere worde and promise without a scale, his word alone was to suffice, 
when he gaue a scale, that was to haue validity as farre as he ex- 
tended it. Now he extended circumcision to all Abrahams seede, males 
and females, yea to the males and females of all that were adjoined to 
Abraham though but bought with his money, so as the circumcision of the 
males was an obsignation of Gods covenant to the females also. Lastly 
in the New Testament willing to make more ample demonstration of his 
love, and more abundantly to conflrme the truth of his promises, he hath 
appointed both the obsignation of them, and scale common to both sexes 
and to euery severall person. Wherby he hath not made their condition 
worse who without contempt do want it, but theirs better which are par- 
takers of it. Which I speake in regard of the imagined necessity of 
Baptisme to Infants to salvation, as if it were indeede a medecine to save 
life, where as it is only an assurance that Christ glues life. 

1 Bellarmine (1542 — 1621) de Ghristo non Script, c. 4, 


Consider how Baptisme was giuen to them who had remission of 
sinnes and the giftes of the Holy Ghost also before ; who therefore could 
haue no other intention therein, but certification only, and adjoining to 
the Church : Act 10. 44. 

Consider how it hath force about sinne not only going before it, but 
following also, yea euen to them that at the tyme of the outward receiving 
it do ponere dbicem : else such ought to be rebaptized. 

Consider that if the Fajth of the Parents or the Church were effectuall 
before Circumcision was instituted, for the taking away originall sinne from 
Infants, or under the law for female children, it is no lesse effectuall at the 
present under the Gospell. And this, presupposing that some meane must 
come betweene to make them partakers of Christ. Wherefore the same 
meane yet standing, the effect of Baptisme needes not to be assigned 
justification or ablution from sinne, but testification to the receiver, when 
he repents and beleeues that he is washed from sinne: 

Consider that if you will averre that Baptisme washeth away otherwise 
than Sacramentally (that is obsignatorily) originall sinne; yet you must 
allow that maner of washing for future actuall sinnes. And you must make 
2 sorts of Justification, one for children, another for adulti. And, which 
passeth all the rest, you must finde some promise in Gods covenant wherein 
he binds himselfe to wash away sinne without fayth or repentance and 
sanctification : for that all or any baptized infants in their infancy haue 
these I thinck you will not say. You seeme also to breake the chaine of 
the Apostle (Rom. 8. 30) " whom he hath justified he hath glorified." 

Lastly, by this doctrine, you must also maintayne, that children do 
spiritually eate the flesh of Christ and drinck his blood, if they receiue the 
Eucharist, as for divers ages they did, and by the analogy of the Passeouer 
they may (perhaps ought) since they do not ponere obiceni contrariae cogi- 
tationis et pravae operationis. And sith the use of this Sacrament toties 
quoties must needes conferre grace, it seemes it were necessary to let them 
communicate (and the oftener the better to the intent they might be 
stronger in grace) which opinion, though St Augustine and many more of 
the Ancients do maintaine, I beleue you will not easily condescend unto. 
And I as hardly, that children dicing without Baptisme are damned. 
Which if Baptisme be the remedy that takes away originall sinne, I see 
not how you can avoide. 

I am sory that Arminianisme finds such favour in the Low Countryes 
and amongst our selves, and glad that my Lord of Sarum (whom I truly 
loue and honour) came of so well in the buisines touching his Sermon. 

Touching the Propositions of Molina^ opposed by the Dominicanes, 
and the letters of HippolytuB de monte peloso, I am glad you haue met 
with them. For I sent you the originalls which P. Paulo gaue me upon 
occasion of speech with him touching that Controversy, reserving no Copy 
to my selfe. The occasion was the contention of the Jesuites and Domini- 

1 L. de Molina (1535 — 1600), de Concordia Qratiae et liberi Arlitrii. The 
Dominicans attacked it as savouring of Pelagianism. 



cans before P. Clement the 8th. And these letters were week by week 
sent from Rome to Pre Paulo of the carriage of the buisines. When you 
flnde a trusty messenger I desire you to send me them. 

For the Quodlibeticall questions, there is no hast. I would joine with 
it another Tractate about the Valtelline set forth by Sir Robert Cotton in 
English, (as it is sayd at least) but I cannot yet get the Italian copy. I 
pray tell Mr Buck I wilbe answerable to him shortly for the coppyes 
of my Lord of Sarum's booke upon the CoUossians^, which at length I 
haue distracted and partly giuen away. Such bookes are not so vendible 
here. But the lectures you promise to put to the presse wilbe greedyly 

And now I come to your latter letter of Septem. 11 especially, as to 
the report of Dr Hoyle. The Lord is my witness I neuer thought, neuer 
spake (much lesse pro condone) that which he charged me with all : viz. 
that the difference betwixt the Church of Rome and us was only in matter 
of Ceremony, and I do thanck you that you haue giuen me your testimony 
to my Lord Primate in that behalfe. But I haue heretofore suffered at 
Dr Hoyles hand or toung rather (god forgiue him) undeservedly, all be- 
cause there beeing maintayned in our cbappell in my presence — and he 
being moderator of the disputation — very wicked, blasphemous, and scan- 
dalous assertions and he being silent at it, both in the course and end of 
the Disputation, I did according to my oath and with the consent of the 
fellowes censure it. And verily the question which he then allowed to be 
disputed of, if he had beene so discreete as all men wish he were, should 
not haue passed, viz. Sancti in gloria sunt aequ^ puri atque ipse Christus, 
but this was the best of 5 or 6 which he let passe. Thereupon the next 
Disputation I did shortly censure them and brought the Respondent ad 
palinodiam. Afterwards Dr Hoyle in a common place vpon that in the 
Revelation, " come out of her my people," laboured to shew the Church 
of Rome to be no true Church, and ran into the refutation of all the 
pointes of Arminianisme, useing the same forme that I had done in the 
censuring the former, viz. It is false and erroneous that, ec. After the 
place of the Provost being either voyd or to be voyded, he prayed publickly 
in his Church that God would send to the College a good head, no Armi- 
nian ; no Italianated man, ec. I complained hereof to my Lord Primate, 
who I thinck spake to him his minde. But what he effected I know not. 
God knowes I am wronged. Touching my Lord Primate him selfe, he 
hath lately used me with all demonstration of loue, and written to me 
with this subscription; Your owne Jac. Arm.^ I would entreate you in 
your next to thanck him and to assure him that [I] am satisfied of his 
good mind toward me which I desire him to hold donee me gessero secus. 
And for conclusion Good Mr Dr, I know I haue neede of that same pru- 
dence which you mention more now then euer, and withall of patience, 
having in this place suffered more than euer any where else, and of them 

1 Jolin Davenant, Bp of Salisbury, 1621—1641. 

^ James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, 1624 — 1656, 


most of all who are of myne owne profession. God grant mg both, and 
keepe you with your wife and family as my selfe, who am and shalbe while 
I aru 

Your true and faythfuU freend 

W. Kilmor & Ardaghen. 
Nov.>14. 1630. 

Concerning that you write of Dr Masons report from Mr Cr[oft?] I 
never heard word. The English * * * * * is now with me 
in Ireland when ***** uour. to accomodate as well as I 
can * * * [the ChancejUor hath brought our cause into my Lord 
Primates Court, and hath libelled against me, that / seehe to roote out all 
the Professors of the Givill and Canon Law. They have here setting out 
a booke in defence of that profession in answer to Sir John Davis preface 
before his reports of the Irish Cases^ : whereof yet I haue seene but 3 
sheets : a sorry thing it is like to be^. 

To my Reverend and very 

loving freend Mr Dr Warde 

Master of Sydney CoUedge in Cambridge 
deliver these. 

Leave this letter at Mr Francis 

Burnetts in Lombard-streete at the 

signe of golden fleece. 


To the Bishop of London (Laud). 

[State Papers Ireland, December 1630.] 

Eight Reverend Father, my Honourable good Lord. 

I have received your Lordships Letters inclosed in those of Mr 
Hamilton which after long errors as it seemeth came to my Registers 
hands, who sent me them hither this Terme. In every line of them I reade 
your wisdome and love to me. And in truth the declining the ordinary 
way of the Pacquett I interpret as your favour, that would let me know 
your minde without noise, and as tymely as might be. My Lord, I did 
begin to draw in myselfe even before I received your Letters. For having 
beene cited againe to my Lord Primates Court, and received there an 
infamous and calumnious Libell, whereto I have made my personall answer 

1 Sir John Davies, Kt. (1570—1626), Solicitor-General in Ireland, 1604— 
1607. Reports of Gases in Law in the King's Courts in Ireland 2nd to 9th of 
James, Dubl. 1615. The first reports of Irish oases. 

^ The MS. of this postscript is torn. 


upon mine oath, I did forbeare to presse for a heareing at the Counsayle 
bord this Terme, where I perceived well I should have no sentence. And 
if my Lord Primate be so pleased, he may decide the case by the canon 
Lawe. If he put it over to the Common Lawe I am advised to send the 
case into England and require the opinion of Lawiers of that profession, 
which I have done by Sir Thomas Jermyn. I did by my Lord Primate 
offer Mr Cooke the yeares profitts, which was rejected with great indigna- 
tion. Your Lordship hath beene a true Prophett concerning yo"\ir bringing 
all the Civilians and Canonists upon my topp, for Mr Cooke libelleth 
against me that I seeke to roote out all the professors of that learning. 
On the other side it is given out by some inconsiderate and appassionate 
people, that I incline to the Popish side and that I should say pro condone 
that we differ only in ceremonies. This is written to me from thence. 
Wherein Q-od knowes I am wronged. Howsoever I shall endeavour to do 
what good I can, at least to do no evill, nor put impediments to Gods 
worke. My Lord I must not forgett your scant tyme, and more important 
occasions. Wherefore with only thankes for the continuance of the un- 
deserved love, and that fruite of it your large and free letters, I humbly 
require the blessing of your praiers and do rest 

Your Lordships loving Brother and 
humble servant 

Will. Kilmore and 

Dublin December 6, 1630. 
(Addressed) To the right Reverend Father 

in God my verie good Lord 

and Brother the Lord Bishop 

of London these. 


To the Bishop of London {Laud). 

[State Papers Ireland, May 1631.] 

(Indorsed) May 10, 1631. 

The land of the Bishop of Ardagh lett in Fee farme to Robert Ferrell, 


Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 

That which I heeretofore threatened, to be troublesome to your 
Lordship about the setling of the disjointed state of these two Bishopricks, 
which by your mediation his Majesty hath conferred upon me, I should not 
certainely so soone have taken in hand, if T had not beene urged by the 
present occasion. But this giving no respit, and enforceing me to have 


recourse to your favour, I am bold to iise it to the full, that I may not be 
often importunate. My present case is this. Lisagh Perrall sometime 
holding the place of the Bishop of the See of Ardagh (for he never had 
orders, as is acknowledged by his owne freends) granted in Fee ferme to 
the use of his naturall sonne Robert Perrall, the Castle of Glinne, and 
twelve cartrones of land, lieing hard by and in Ardagh, and being not 
only the corps but the verie soule of that See, insomuch as when he had 
done it, he boasted he had marred it for ever being a Bishoprick againe. 
The same lands were againe granted by Robert Draper his successor to 
Robert Perrall himselfe Anno 1608. My next Praedecessor Thomas 
questioned these grants ; and might easily while the matter was fresh have 
overthrowne them. But he brought it to this agreement that Robert O 
Perrall should surrender his Pee Permes, and take a lease for 3 lives : for 
which agreement he gave also i^li. Thus it lay 17 yeares, and nether were 
the fee fermes surrendered nor the lease sealed. Since my comming to be 
Bishop, almost by miracle this agreement came to my knowledge, and the 
verie writing itselfe at length came to my hands. I brought the cause to 
the Counsell bord, and in Michaelmas terme had an Order (with the 
consent of Perrall himselfe) that the former agreement should be per- 
formed. In the meanewhile that the cause was in suite, and after that 
Perrall had condescended before witnesses to stand to the former agree- 
ment, one Sir Thomas Gary a kinsman of the late Lord Deputyes, and 
Master of the Chancery (the same man that would have gotten the Patent 
of the Advowsions of his Majesties gift in Ireland) came betweene as an 
enterloper, to deale with Perrall for his interest. He tampered with me, 
assaieing to bring me to yeild, that the Pee Parmes might be continued 
still, with encrease of the rent, yea doubling it. He offered to build the 
Church &c. Or else he would have the 3 lives to be turned into a lease of 
100 yeares. Or that there should be a grant of certaine yeares after the 
3 lives, if it were but 21 yeares. At last, that I would give my consent 
under my hand that he should deale with it. I told him I was to hold me 
to my agreement which was the grownd of my suite. That I would have 
nothing to do more but confirme the Lease to Robert Perrall, for 3 such 
lives as he should name. And in conclusion he sayd that Robert Perrall 
and he were gone through, and he named the 3 lives, 2 of his owne children, 
and another. The first day of Hillary Terme when Perrall ought by the 
Order to have given up his Fee fermes and make me an assurance, he 
came not, nor all that Terme after. He sayd he had sent them to Dublin. 
Now at my comming to this Towue he sayth he is ready to do as he was 
ordered : and hath indeede surrendered his Pee Permes into the Gierke 
of the Gounsells hands. But where he was also to make me a good estate 
free from all incomberances, there comes a servant of Sir Thomas Caries 
and shewes a lease of a 1000 yeares from Perrall to his Master, also a release 
or surrender to me, provided that I should make the Lease for 3 lives of 
such persons as his Master did name &c. Sir Thomas himselfe is gone 
into England, and (as I was by good information advertised) to see if he 
can by any devise establish his Lease of a 1000 yeares, either by entitling 


his Majesty or how else, I cannot imagine. Ferrall sayth, this Lease was 
but a Mortgage, and the money was brought to Sir Thomas at the day and 
was not received, but he was desired to keepe it in his hand still. As for 
Sir Thomas Caryes release or surrender, it cannot be good to me, who have 
no estate. And Ferrall cannot make me any estate free from incomberance, 
whiles that lease of 1000 yeares is in being. Your Lordship may by this 
narration see the reason I have to make hast, to implore his Majesties 
gracious favour, both for release of his title (though 1 know not of any in 
the world) and licence of having againe my land being alienated in fee from 
the church, a rent only of Ali. ster. reserved. With this occasion also 
I desire the renewing of the letters formerly granted to my Predecessor : 
and will by Gods helpe endeavour to establish Ardagh into a Bishoprick 
apart, as farre as the present matter will allowe. I meane by laying out 
the Lands and rights of it, recovering the Site of the Bishops house there, 
and building the church as I shalbe able. It is most true, that this might 
better be done by giving to this See a proper Bishop ; and on that condition 
I will most willingly resigne it : neither do I know any man in the world 
80 fitt for it as Mr Dr Richardson, who hath already the principallest 
benefice in that Dioces, and is a man of meanes, freeuds, and ability every 
way to wade through the suites which he must enter into. But because 
I know not how his intentions and affections stand hereunto, and methincks 
I do undervalue him when I mention him to so meane a condition, and in 
the meane space something must be done, I humbly beseech your Lord- 
ship to procure his Majesties Letters in conformity with this Petition, 
which, whether this See remaine still in my charge or be recomended to 
him or any other, shall I hope availe to the good of the church, the 
furtherance of religion, and the glory of God : which be the ends I am 
assured your Lordship propounds to your selfe in all your actions i. 

Concluding I beseech God long to continue your Lordship a worthy and 
able instrument to worke to them ; wherein is included your comfort, 
honour and happines. So I rest 

Your Lordships loving 
Brother and Servant in Christ 
William Kilmore and 
Dublin this 10th of May 1631. 

To the Right Reverend 

Father in God my Honourable 

good Lord and Brother 

William Lord Bishop of 

London deliver these. 

1 Two documents referring to these transactions are printed in Appen. I., II. 



-Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; remarks on Ward's "Readings" ; 
difference between himself and his chancellor; miscellaneous 
matters; Feb. 17, 163^. 

[Tanner MSS i.xxi. f. 111.] 

Salutem in Christo. 

Good Mr Dr I haue receiued 2 large and wellcouie letters from you, 
the one in August last, with the letters of Hippolytus de monte peloso, 
together with your answer to the observations that I wrote to you 
touching that point of the efficacy of the Sacraments yet (as you write) 
imperfect, by reason of the approaching Commencement. The other since 
Christmas, wherein was the good newes for the King of Swedens successe. 
I thanck you for them both, and have diflferred hitherto to answer, as 
hoping to receiue your compleate replication for which I will be beholding 
to you. In your readings where as you write you sustaine that Grace in 
conversion giveth not only posse but also to velle, I would desire to know 
whether you make that to velle all one thing with to evepy^iv ; or an act 
preceding it ; and infallibly produced by grace and perfected ; or, else, ' 
post inspirationem boni aflfectus, exspectet Divina gratia cooperatiouem 
voluntatis, saltern suspirantis et anhelantis ad to evepyelv. Let this to 
ii/epyeiv be conceiued to be the first act of beleeving though I thinck the 
place [Philip. 2. 13] speake of subsequent obedience. Whether then doth 
Grace infallibly worke this credere in Christo by the inspiration of a full 
will so to do ? Or else thus, (1) by shewing the necessity and excellency of 
Christ puts in a desire of him, (2) which the will of him that after truly 
beleeves, cherishes, and calles therupon ayd from God : like to the father , 
in the Gospell, Credo Domine, succurre incredulitati meae, (3) and 
thereupon God giues ro credere, ec. Herein I desire to receiue your 
resolution. Touching your Quaere, whether the Church may not as lawfully 
enjoine to adore Christ at the holding up the Crucifix in divinis as at the 
name of Jesus : It seemes not, for the perill of Idolatry. For by how 
much more expresse the Image is and liker the prototype the more is the 
weake understanding in danger to dote vpon it. The name of Jesus is an 
Image I will not deny ; but not so lively. But as it were no sinne if upon 
euery tyme the name of Jesus is named the minde and soule did adore 
him ; no more if euery tyme the eie did see an Image of him, if there 
were no hazzard of surreption of the afiection to the representation itselfe. 
You haue my opinion, let me also haue yours. Touching your feare of the 
Gout ; it is a signe you grow rich. We here haue Spiders enough, what so 
euer you say of Ireland there ; and howsoeuer they say here they be not 
venemous, I dare not warrant it. For my part if lack of exercise do bring 
the gout, I haue no feare of it, being almost perpetually in journies. The 


Spiders in the meane while take their pleasure in my study amongst my 
bookes impunfe." 

Touching my Lord of Derry's opinion about Fayth. I am resolved for 
mine owne persuasion : and ere the booke came out I did signifie to him 
what I thought thereof. I haue too many irons in the fire to enter into a 
debate with him thereabout, and it is but a T€xvd\oyia wherein Fayth 
formally standes, so long as both assent and affiance axe granted to be 

I come to your 2nd letters where in first for the point of my Chancellor, 
it is not as you haue heard referred to Arbitrators, but to Delegates. 
I make account he will obtayne his place and cause. Gods will be done. 
Touching my sonne your Godsonne indeed e I wrote so, / toill send Mtk to 
you. This Midsomer he is to take his degree of Bachelor of Arts, after 
which I shall resolve ether to send him presently or perhaps bring him the 
next yeare if we live so long. I shall haue then important occasion of 
coming into England about the greatest part of my estate, which I left 
there ingaged for my Sisters sonne to redeeme his land from a forfeyture, 
and reserve it for him till he should come to be of age. Touching 
Lincolniensis his propositions before Pope Innocent, I pray see what you 
can doe. I pray send me your answer of the animadversions upon your 
sermon. And desire Mr Buck to send me some Ooppyes of the Quodli- 
beticall questions, for as yet I haue receiued none. At my comming away 
I receiued of him 12 Copies of my Lord of Sarisburyes readings vpon the 
Colossians. Which I endeavoured to sell whiles I was in the College, but 
could not. I haue giuen them away all save 2 and appointed aboue a yeare 
since that Hi. should be satisfied him for them, which 1 had a bond should 
be payd me in London for so much lent here out of my purse. But Mr 
Burnet nor Dr Despotine (who is now in London) could get the money. 
Notwithstanding I have written to Mr Burnet to pay him out df other 
money which I am to receiue of Dr Aylett sometyme your pupill there. 
There is an Appendix of the history of the interdict set forth in English in 
the end of a Sermon of Dr Potter at the Consecration of the Bp of 
Carlisl, which if I could get in Italian I would pat in Latin, and add to the 
History. I pray desire Mr Buck to send me some Copies by Mr Burnet, 
and a note of them what they come to, and of all reckonings which I will 
discharge ad vltimum quadrautem. I haue not heard a long tyme from 
Mr Mawe. I pray write me whether he be yet in Cambridge or no. Thus 
in hast with my harty prayers for you (which I desire you would requite 
with the like) I recommend you to the grace of God with Mris Warde and 
all yours ; and shall euer remaine 

Your assured loving freed, 

W. Kilmore and Ardaghen. 
Dublin this 1 7th of 

Febr. 1631. 

My Lord Primate is now in towne, with whom 1 am almost a dayly 
guest, neither are we unmindfull of you. He is, God be thancked, in very 
good health. 



B-p Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; continued opposition of his 
chancellor ; recommends Mr Copinger for the vicarage of 
Preston ; May 30, 1673. 

[Tanner MSS lxxi. f. 189.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

I haue no better coUour to lay vpon my long forbearance to write to 
you (Good Mr Dr) then the dayly expectation of the accomplishment of 
your promise touching your more large Vindication of your arguments 
of the BflScacy of Baptisme which you renewe still in your letters which 
I haue receiued ; & in your last by my Lord of Ardagh. Wherein also you 
giue me hope of the advertisement what hath passed betweene you and 
the Deane of Cassells. I did thinck that the multitude of your occasions 
might be the reason that you deferred the performance thereof, and me 
thought it should be uncivill to call vpon you for it. Which made me more 
backward to write. But if this excuse will not serve me, 1 have another, 
that being to write as our old freendship and your desire requires, how 
things stand with m,e; and not being able to write what I would, or what 
you would willingly reade, I held it better to be silent : so should I neither 
grieve you nor ofifend any other. But this suUennesse must not endure 
allwayes : I do every day profitt (I hope) in the Schoole of Pacience, and 
learne to kisse the rod. For my affaires therefore, thus they are. After 
my cause betweene my Chancellor and me had received a deadly wound by 
the hand, that afterward would have cured it and could not, my adversary 
brought a Commission to certaine Delegates here out of England; who 
takeing compassion of the lingering death of it, cutt the throate of it at 
once, pronouncing both of the Appeale and principall cause (which they 
never heard) and condemned me in lOO^i charges; which yet they write 
my Chancellor had promised them never to require peny of, so he might 
enjoy my freendship and his place without interruption. I committed the 
cause to him that judgeth righteously : and since that medle not much 
with Jurisdiction, which before with some toyle of body and charge 
I exercised in diverse parts of my Diocesses, and with some ease to the 
people in the matter of their Pees, who now are retourned in statu quo. 
And because I fownd my suites for the rights of the Bishoprick of Ardagh 
had so cold successe, as in three yeai-es I could not get so much as a place 
where to set my foote in that Diocesse ; although the leases were made 
contrary to an Act of State, and were upholden by forgery and perjury, 
for which I was enforced after a suite at the Counsell Table to begin anew 
in the Chancery and Castle chamber (which answers with us to the Starre 
chamber with you), I accounted it my best course to quitt that Bishoprick 
to Dr Richardson (who had the best living in it) and good freends, and an 


able purse, to see if he might obtaine more right then I could. And to 
tell you the whole truth, I was loth myne owne example should serve 
for a pretext to the detestable practise of many of our Nation, who have 
gotten 4, 5, 6 — 8 benefices a piece and commonly Vicarages, and which 
is yet worse maintaine no Curates, imlesse it be sometymes one for 2 or 3 
liviugs, by meanes whereof the Popish Clergy is double to us in number, 
and having the advantage of the toung, of the love of the people, of our 
extortions upon them, of the very inborne hatred of subdued people to their 
conquerors, they hold them still in blindnes and superstition, our selves 
being the cheefest impediments of the worke that we pretend to set 
forward. This was the chiefest reason of my resignation. And it is most 
true that I did write once or twice to my Lord of London in this purpose, 
occasioned so to do by this, that having by suite at the Counsell bord 
obtayned the reassuring to that Bishoprick of a Castle and 12 Cartrones' 
of Land (which was granted away in fee ferme for euer) upon the grant of 
a lease foi' 3 lives, one Sir Tho. Gary, a kinsman of the late Lord Deputy and 
Master of the Chancery, had like an interloper put himselfe betweene, and 
gotten a lease for a thousand yeares of the party, after that I had an order 
at the Counsell bord. Wherein my Lord of London shewed his zealous 
affection to defend the Church from spoile, and his favour to me : for he 
opposed Sir Tho. to his face in England, and procured me the Kings letters 
in such forme as I desired, and (though with great charge by the reason 
of the sending out a licence of Mortmaine) I assured that land againe to 
the Church. 

Having got sealed to it this fruite, I resigned it^, and since that tyme 
keepe here at Kilmore, studieing to be quiet and to do myne owne buisines, 
as the Apostle adviseth. It is true, that whether it be out of the sweetnes 
of ease after former travell, or my retourning ad ingenium, now that I am 
freed from enforcement to the contrary, I do litle or nothing in respect 
of what I threatned. And this lasines (which you know in me of old) you 
must take for one cause of my long silence to you. Touching the Propo- 
sition of Pacification in Germany, I did indeede write something to 
Sir Nath. Rich, occasioned by his sending to me a printed sheete of a 
Probleme to that purpose, which I doubt not but you have scene. Arid 
I required of Sir Nath. this only that he would conceale my name : for 
the rest making what use of it he would. I suppose he guessed by our 
inwardnes that he did not breake mine injunction in comunicating it with 
you, but I should have violated myne owne lawe if I had done it. The 
matter is of great importance, and when you were at Dort, I thinck I did 
write to you, to try if you might make any introduction to it. I am sure 
I spake with Deodati thereabout at Cambridge. And I was bold to write 
to my Lord of London about it. Who answered me verie worthily and 
Christianly, that he would employ his uttermost forces and endeavours 
thereto. I have received a letter from Mr Durce in this purpose, and I do 

1 A Cartrone is a quantity of some 60 to 80 acres, English. 

2 The Bishopric of Ardagh. See Life, pp. 52, 102. 


not doubt but you haue better intelligence of the proceeding thereof than I. 
Here I will make bold to intreate you to bend your thoughts a litle this 
way ; or rather not a litle, but earnestly, or wholly. For a better Propo- 
sition was not made in Christendome since you and I were borne. And 
one thing (in my poore opinion) we should abide, viz. to drive at too much 
exactnes in opining about the causes of difference of one man from another 
in Conversions; which may me thinckes be well left at that old stay, Per- 
ditio tua ex te; salus ex me. But this by the way. One other matter 
there is whereto, if I had your abillityes and formerly layd grownds, and 
opportunity of books, my fingers itch to be laying hand, which is, the ancient 
government of the Church and execution of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall ; 
which in our tyraes alas, especially in these parts, is no other then a meere 
nundination, serving to litle purpose but the oppression of Clergy and 
people. And albeit all good men cry out vpon it, and there be who lay the 
blame upon Bishops, yet for our lives we can not tell how to mend it. 
At my request thinck also hereupon. I remember that when I was at 
Venice I receiued a large letter from you about the ancient Codex Canonum, 
and once at Cambridge you shewed me the booke : and the Ecclesiasticall 
lawes made in King Edwards tyme (as I thinck) by vertue of an Act in 
King Henry 8 his dayes, that 32 persons should examine the Canon law 
and set downe what should stand and what should be cassed. I did not 
then much apply my minde to this thought, as litle thincking it would ever 
much concerne me more then to suffer with pacience some wrong. Now 
I do conceiue it imports me (if I may) to helpe to prohibit it to be done. 
To do any, by Gods grace, I hope never to consent. 

I have beene mooved once or twise by my Lord Primate to set forth 
a part of my Conference with Mr Alablasters Proctor who vndertooke the 
oppugning my answer to his 4 Demands (it was as I since vnderstood 
one Paul Washington sometymes of Christs Coll.; and now calleth 
himselfe Paul Haris, the same that wrote the rayling libell against his 
Graces Wainsted Sermon^, and hath beene the cheefe Opposer to the 
Regulars" here). The demande is why it should not be lawfull to pray 
to Saints. I haue forborne for these reasons to set it forth. The matter 
is stale, being performed almost 30 years since. Mr Alablaster returning 
to us againe', it should be in a sort a traducing of him. To sever that 
Tract from the rest were a kind of yeilding they had reason in the other 
three. To set forth, all drawes vpon me a necessity of replieing to his 
rejoinder about the first Demand. Wherein there is nothing but words, 
and a Catalogue of all the bitter and uncivill speeches that he could finde 
and rake together betweene Lutherans and Calvinists. But that which 

1 See pp. 298, 317. A sermon preached by Ussher before James I. 

^ The Carmelite friars, who had ventured to establish themselves at Dublin 
on the accession of Charles in the belief that toleration of Catholics was to be 
granted. A furious outcry arose among the Protestant clergy, the house was 
seized, and the friars driven out. 

' W. Alabaster of Hadleigh had become a Eoman Catholic, and then re- 
joined the Protestants. 


most of all mooues me (or rather holds me) I am purposed, with Gods 
assistance, to set forth the Bible in the Irish toung, which I haue procured 
to be translated, and am now causing to be written out faire. I should 
(by publick appearing in print against that Article wherein all here are 
so strongly perswaded) hinder that workes acceptation with many : who as 
I am assured would stand more indifferent, if not inclinable therto, for the 
opinion they have that I am a well wishervto their side, which conceit I had 
rather yet nourish. Therefore I am rather Inclined to forbeare and 
prosecute that which I do conceive may be of more profitt. 1. the setting 
forth the Scriptures, wherto I purpose if God send me life to add some 
Homilies chosen out of the Fathers. And I have already Chrysost. 3d Hom. 
in Lazarum, and Cyprian on the Lords Prayer turned into Irish^. And 
I would entreate you as you meete with any of that kinde which might 
serve that turne, you would aduertise me : especially about Justification or 
Conversion of a sinner or preparation for Death, or any other importante 
point which you conceive is fully and shortly and popularly handled. 

I haue thus shewed you how things stand with me heere. Vnlesse 
I shall ad, that I have incurred some blame for putting my hand to a 
Petition of the Gentlemen Freeholders and Ministers of the Country where 
I live; upon whom there being now about a yeare since imposed a con- 
tribution to the upholding the Army, and the Soldiers brought vpon them 
by a Popish Undersheriffe, they drew a letter to the then Lords Justices 
wherto they required my hand. I excused my selfe both by the matter; 
and forme being undutifuU. But they urging me, I reformed it, and 
subscribed it. The summe was to desire them to forbeare to impose 
the Contribution till they should signifieto his Majesty those considerations 
which were annexed. The Lords Justices then being, and the Counsaile, 
did not Censure me or any of the Petitioners. But the now Lord Deputy 
since his comming hath at sundry tymes shewed his displeasure against 
me. And I have received letters from Mr Vicechamberlaine, and after 
from my Lord of Canterbury, wherby I am advertised that his Majesty is 
enformed that I opposed his service. I have made my defence both to 
the Lord Deputy and to his Grace of Cant, and shewed according to the 
truth, that I neyther opposed the upholding tha Army, nor the forbearing 
to require the Recusants Fines, nor the applotting moneys upon all the 
subjects indifferently to that end (which were applotted and payd before 
our petition) but thought fitt to joine with the County to giue them content, 
being that very day to lay above lOOOZi upon them toward the repaire of 
their Churches, by vertue of his Majestys Commission to me and many 
of the principall of those directed. In truth I made no doubt but the 
Army would well enough be upholden, and by loining with the countey 
I had them pliable to ioine with me for the Churches, and besides kept 
them in good termes for the forme of their petition, whereas in some other 
Countyes the petitioners were clapt up, and after sundry Moneths im- 
prisonment bound over to answer the matter in the Castle Chamber. 

1 See Life, pp. 55—6, 131—135, 


What the successe will be of my defence I know not, It availes yet litle 

or nothing here. For my part I am prepared in omnem eventum. And 

I hope the wisdome and integrity of my Lord Deputy (who indeede hath 

made a very noble beginning of his government here^) is such, ashowsoeuer 

he makes shew of a severe judge iu my case, now he understands it to 

the bottome will not wrong innocency. I have not yet scene him : for at 

the first I abstained from his presence out of desire that he should spend 

some of his displeasure upon my name which he did upon all occasions. 

After there was a report spread of my death; which had almost beene 

verified on Michaelmas day by my swounding at Church iu tyme of 

prayers. Since which tyme I have beene for the most of this winter crasy, 

and troubled with a Oatarrhe into my breast, joined with an Agvie, and 

so hath my wife also: although now God be praised we are both well 

recovered. Touching my eldest sonne, your Godsonne, I do thanck you 

very hartily for the kinde and freendly offer of entertayning him. Which 

I shall perhaps accept. He hath beene hitherto as idle as his Father, now 

I hope doth begin to fall to his studyes : and his yeares require it, being 21 

complete. But if it be the will of God, I could wish that, as God hath 

brought me into this Country, so my children should be planted here, and 

endeavour to open the eies of some part of this nation. For which purpose 

I traine them up as I may, to understand the Irish toung. Yet the expence 

of a yeare or two in that University, especially vnder your eie would much 

improove them. And I do resolve hereafter if you continue there to have 

them one after another as it were to travell thither, though animo re- 

vertendi. And now that I am at Cambridge with you, I must not forgett 

our good Father Mr Dr Chaderton, nor Mr Dr Sancroft, the only two 

besides your selfe that I had knowledge of whiles I lived there. I pray 

remember me most hartily to them both desiring them to remember me in 

their prayers ; the which office I do also binde my selfe to towards them, 

and the dayly diminished number of my freends in England. God grant 

us all that we may finish our course with joy, and when the will of God 

shalbe, rest in his peace. To the which wish I ad no more: but with my 

respective rememberance to Mris Ward, do rest 

Tour most loving Brother 
and constant freend 
W. Kilmoren. 
Kilmore Feb. 
2» 163}. 

I send you here, that which a good while since I wrote in answer to 
your last paper touching the Efficacy of Baptisme; which I did keepe 
by me exspecting your larger prosecution of this matter. I do it not to 
put you to the trouble of further RepUcation in that argument. But (that 
which even now sub styli acumine comes to my minde) you that are 
so strong for the Efficacy of the Sacraments euen to those that understand 

' Wentworth (Strafford) who came as Lord Deputy in July, 1633. 

336 LijpE AND DEATH 

not, how is it that you are not as resolute for the Efficacy of the word to 
those that heare and understand it? But you seeme to make it as a thing 
at the presence whereof God worketh Grace, but transcendently, and 
beyond the nature of the meane it selfe. Unlesse perhaps I mistake your 

At my comming from Cambr. hither I received from Mr Buck yonr 
Printer 12 Copies of my Lord of Sarisburies Prselectioils vpon the Epistle 
to the Coloss. to sell for him. Which I did endeavour the best that 
I could to do : but the moat of them I could not sell but gave them away to 
sundry as I had occasion. I did agood while agoe make over to Mr Francis 
Burnet 3Zj. for some of them and have lately given order for 20«. more. 
I pray speake with him, and know if he have received the mony or no. 
I never yet heard what he did with the Quodlibeticall Question of P. Paulo. 
If he haue any Copies of the History of the Interdict and there be no dispatch 
of them, and the sayd Question, I will do my best to helpe him to sale 
of them. Mr Burnet vrrote to me that he payd him the Hi. by Mr Win. 
Welbore of Cambr. I pray certifle me if he be satisfied. 

Mr Buck sent a many of the Quodlibeticall questions printed, and a letter 
unto you. He receyved from him Hi. 

, Febr. 2, 163|. 


Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; Oct. 11, 1635, containing 
Notice of William Bedell, his eldest son. 

[Tanner MSS coxc. f. [94] 95.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

Your last letters to me, good Mr Dr., I received at Dublin being then 
at Supper with my Lord Primate in Parliament time, who likewise im- 
parted to me some passages of yours to him : by which I perceived some 
heaving at you, in respect of your Archdeaconry. I hope it was but to 
shew what might be done, and so to encline you to more dependance then 
formerly, which when nothing is required prejudicial to the Truth, I know 
your wisdome will not stick at 

The business of the pacification how it proceeds, I doubt not but you 
understand better then I, as being nearer to Mr Hartlieb from whom We 
have all our Intelligence here. Touching the Communication of properties, 
I am glad you hope so well to accomodate the parts. The objection out of 
my answer to Harris, touching Christ understanding all the prayers that 
are made to him in one instant, and presenting them to God, I have 
thought on heretofore, and as I remember about 30 years since considered 
what Zanchius yeilds in that point which I could not approve. Why should 


it not be sufficient, that Christ appeareth in Heaven for us as our liigh 
Priest presenting the prayers of the Saints (mingled with the incense of 
his obedience) to the Father. Yet not understanding as man all prayers, 
all hearts, all estates, and circumstances of those that pray, but only such 
and so many as the divine nature doth impart to his humanity. For that 
he should uno actu intueri omnia and recommend the different prayers 
and deprecations of the Saints on Earth to the Father in so many Thousand 
varietys uno actu, it seems impossible to a finite Nature. That of Oral 
Manducation (otherwise than in a Sacrament) of the body of Christ is 
wonderfully hard to reconcile : in the unworthy especially. Some proposi- 
tions may be agreed upon unto which preachers and Teacliers may bo 
confined. Touching the efficacy of Baptisnie you indeed may give them 
content; but take heed you do not as much discontent our owne. In the 
point of free will and grace I conceive they must as you say hold that 
positive diflferencing one man from another is from special grace, but that 
in the Ministry of the Word, God giveth the outward sound onely to the 
Reprobate, without the Spirit, and the Spirit also to the elect I think they 
will not hold. 

For the antient government of the Church, lamentable is the Mart of 
all Spiritual Things that is made by our decretalists; who have engrossed 
all Jurisdiction to themselves, and left to the Bishops and Ministery nothing 
but the name (to comply with their extortions) of Bcclesiasticall Goveni- 
ment at this day. Of the books which you name I have not one, but only 
Balsamon upon Photian Nomocanon in the Bibliotheca Patrum. If you 
can help me to the Councells the best edition, I desire you so to do: or 
signifie to Dr Mawe at Londoji where and how they may be had, with 
any other books of this Argument. 

Concerning the Quodlibeticall Question I never yet saw one of them. 
If they had been delivered to Mr Burnet I tliink I should have received 
them. I am spry our Mother the University is troubled with such novell 
phantasies^ But these things fall out ut cernatur frumentorum gravitas 
et levitas palearum as Vincentius Lerinensis speaks. I am right glad to 
hear of Dr Chaderton and Dr Sandcrofts welfare. Remember me to them 
both, and to Mrs Ward. Since my last to you, I hav.e sent before my 
second and best beloved Son from the College at Dublin to a higher 
university as I hope. God bring me well to him. It was little after 
Christmass last, my self was then and afterwards very crasy and so was 
my wife, and still continues''. Your Godson I have conferred a Benefice 
upon, whereupon he is resident and I hope he will prove a good Minister, 
and an honest man. I pray give him some direction for the course of his 
studies, for I never yet knew how to study. You as being able in your 

1 Fuller (Hist, of the University, p. 232) says about this time ' it now became 
the general complaint that many in the University, both in Schools and pulpits, 
approached the opinions of the Church of Eome nearer than ever before.' He 
specially mentions the introduction of organs into chapels. 

2 John Bedell died at the end of 1634. 



course can save him a great deal of time and paines which he else may 

loose with little profit. I would desire you to certifle me, how you stand 

with my Lord of Derry. I have forborne to enter into streighter termes 

with him (though having received some Courtesies from him) till I shoidd 

hear more from you, especially because he seemed to some to overtopp my 

Lord primate here, although some think that was by direction from others. 

Many more things I could write to you of touching our a£fairs in 

Convocation, but I was not there at the conclusion ; and how things passed 

I doubt not but my Lord Primate hath certified you. I am constrayned 

here to break oflf, recommending you to the gracious protection of the 

highest I am and shall be while I am 

Yours in all true affection 

W. Kilmoren. 
Kilmore Oct. 11, 1635. 

Exd. To my very Reverend and Loving Friend 

Mr Dr Ward Master of Sydney College 

deliver these. 


Bp Bedell to Dr Ward; literary and theological; 
Aug. 18, 1636. 

[Tanner MS lxx. f. 96.] 

Salutem in Christo. 

Your letters sent to me by Mr Howlet, Good Mr Dr, were pre- 
vented by the newes of them: which my Lord of Derry sent me while 
Mr Howlet remayned with him. I thanck you for the Table of Codex 
Canonum and for that other advertisment touching my Lord of Derry. 
I shalbe very glad to have so good a neighbour as Mr Hewlett, either to 
my selfe or your Godsonne, for their benefices confine, though in diverse 
Dioces. As touching the Codex Canonum, I had read what Le Chassier 
writes in his Consultation to a Gentleman of Venice (which is amongst the 
Venetian writings in Italian) and begun to make a Table out of him of the 
titles of the Codex Canonum. Wherein some scruples I have, too long now 
to set downe. I hold that promise of Justellus and the rest, which you 
promise to send to Dr Mawe for me. Touching that yon hold that the 
spirit is given with the word, so as there is no defect ex parte gratiae 
divinae, I am very glad, that we accord herein : for I have met with some 
who make the defect of concourse of the Spirit the proper reason of the 
lawe of conversion in those that haue the meanes. To whom I cannot 
assent. But if this be admitted, consider if it will not follow that if pre- 
venting grace be common and alike, God do not expect some exercise on 
the part of him that is called (whereto he is enabled by the same grace) 
whereupon he doth positively difference one man from another, leaving 


those that are wanting to them selves, and to the grace received uncon- 
verted ; and going on to convert and save the other, not for the merit of 
their exercise and cooperation but because such is the order that himselfe 
hath appointed. Verbum sapienti. I write in exceeding great hast and 
purposely did confine my selfe to these streights of Paper that I might 
not enlarge, yet I can scarce breake off. The Lord of his mercy perfect 
the work that he hath begun in us and by us ; and preserve us to his ever- 
lasting Kingdorae. Amen. 

Your most affectionate and 

. loving Brother and freend 

W. Kilmoren. 
Kilmore 18 Aug. 


Remember my harty salutations to Dr Chaderton and Dr Bancroft, 
and Mris Ward, to whom with your selfe my wife do hartyly recommend 
her selfe. 

R: you take here for granted that preventing Grace is common and 
alike; whence it may seeme will follow, that God doth expect some 
exercise on the part of them that is called, wherupon he doth positively 
difference himself from another. But I deny preventing Grace to be a 
like to them which are converted, and those which remayne unconverted, 
which 1 can no wayes admitt of: for it is most certayn, that he, who is 
converted infallibly receyveth greater grace than he who is not converted. 
Neyther doth God expect any exercise on the part of them that are called, 
wherupon he doth positively difference one man from another. But God 
doth by his greater Grace difference one man from another, not expecting 
the concourse of his will which is converted, but effectually in it working 
the act of conversion, as it is defined agaynst Pansh * * Com. 4. Concilij. 
Aransic. II. vid. lib. chart, ixi. p. 85. 

To Archbishop Lavd. 

[State Papers Ireland, September 1637.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 
I have beene long silent. I desire your Grace to impute it to any 
cause rather then coldnes in my dutifull affection. In truth I have still 
expected, according to your last, your thoughts about our University 
Patent and Satutes : and did not think it good maner to soUicit you, 
remembring your employments and scantnes of tyme which your Lordship 
also mentioned : and withall that possibly (nay likely) the gentlest cor- 
rection of my impertinencyes might be your silence. Meanewhile I have 



with my great satisfaction seene those of the College and had the content 
to be present at the first publishing and putting them in execution. I 
wish and do hope that it shalbe healthfuU and happy to this Church and 
Kingdoiue. I have also had my part in the gratulation and obligation to 
your Grace for his Majesties Letters in favour of my Lord of Ardagh and 
me, about our Leatrim landes'. I do hartily thanck your Grace for them ; 
and for him, and that Bishoprick, which through his industry is now as 
good as this or better. And I wish the example of dissolving Pluralityes, 
both in Bishopricks and other Bcclesiasticall dignities and charges, may 
spread further. I was hartily glad to find your Graces judgment so 
expresse of the banefuUnes of them to this Church. 

My Lord Deputy since his comming hath endeavoured to put some 
remedie, both in the generall visitation by the viewing of Facultyes, and 
cassing such as were abusive ; and at his going into England by his 
letters sent to the high Commissioners requiring them to proceed against 
non-residents. Accordingly certaine instructions and letters were sent 
to the severall Bishops of the Kingdome enjoining them to call the 
Ministers to a setled Residency. But when the disease is inveterate 
and the continuall causes thereof stronge rooted, ipsa saepe remedia 
vertunt in inorbu-m. It may please your Grace to be informed of a 
case or two that have hapned in my Dioces. By vertue of these 
Letters, besides my Pastorall duty I called to residence amongst others 
of my clergy one Mr N. Barnard Deane of the rurall Deanery of Kilmore, 
vicar of the parishes of Kilmore and Ballintemple and Kildrofarten, 
Rector of Kedy ; all of the Bishops collation. He was resident upon none 
of them all. But since my Lord Deputyes comming, fakeing a new title 
of the Deanery from the King, without mention of the rest, he hath ob- 
tained ii parrish Church in Drogheda called St Peters to be united to it 
propter tenuitatem. And yet his former livings are better worth then 
300ij. per annum. He was enjoyned Residence by a day. And having 
answered Interrogatories, upon his other witnesses being produced, fearing 
tiie successe would no more appeare, but hath resigned those livings 
into the Kings hands and exchanged vrith Dr Jones the Deane of Ardagh. 
By which meanes I am not only deprived of my right of collation but 
Institution also, and I feare my successors shalbe of the Patronage of 
them for ever. I did petition to my Lord Deputy to stay the scale till 
my right were shewed, and amongst other proofes shewed the Deanes 
owne oath acknowledging the benefices of Kilmore, Ballintemple, and 
Kedy were conferred upon him by my Predecessor, but it availed not. 

The other case I must fetch a litle higher. And it is like one of those 
tiiat Gratian is wont to faine that he may the more handsomely come to 
the questions he meanes to handle. But here shalbe nothing fained. 
Neither shall I neede to say Quidam Bpiscopus. Thomas my Predecessor 
having purchased a proportion of land in two parrishes, adjoining to the 
See of Kilmore (and one of the churches standing on the Bishops mensall 

* See Appendix II. 


land) did with the consent of the 3d part of the chapter grant double 
advousions of the vicarages of those parishes to John Greenham gent, his 
brother in laws, in trust to the use of his owne wife and children. After 
his death the vicar also dies; and John Greenham presents unto one of 
them one Wm Bayly new made Deacon out of the Dioces, without letters 
dimissorie from me. But not willing to enter into suites of law, the 
young man being as I conceived of good hope, I admitted him with the 
oath of perpetual! and personall residence. "Within one moneth he purchased, 
as it should seeme by false suggestion that the said vicarage was scarce 
sufficient to finde him foode and clothing (though it be worth 50?i. per 
annum), a Dispensation to hold 2 more, so as they were within 30 myles, and 
so as he should be resident upon any one of the three. Then is he made 
Presbyter out of the Province and the tyme of ordination, without letters 
dimissorie of his Bishop, by the Bishop of Kilfanora, father in law to my 
freendly Chancellor Dr Allen Coolte, by whose counsaile all this matter was 
carried. Presently after he brings a Presentation to the 2nd vicarage but 
shewes nor mentions any Faculty, and refuses to resigne the former, where- 
upon he was not admitted. Mr George Synge Chancellor to the Lord 
Primate, and sometymes Dr Cookes Master, was that year to visit the 
Province. To him he speeds him, and bringing a presentation from Mr 
Grenham as Patron, obtaines an Institution as from the Lord Primate; 'ad 
quem omnis et omniraoda jurisdictio spiritualis et Ecclesiastica quHe 
ad Bpiscopum Kilmoren ratione visitationis triennalis et Metropoliticae 
notorie dignoscitur pertinere,' these be his words. And yet this was the 
14th of February, before any intimation of any visitation, which was not 
holden till September after. This Institution, with mandate ad inducendum 
to the Archdeacon, was to the Vicarage of Dun. But Mr Bayly never 
comes to the Archdeacon, but getts himselfe inducted by another into 
the vicarage of Dun. The Bishop sending for him admonished him of 
this intrusion and sundry tymes told him that for his unlawful! taking of 
Orders he was suspended ipso jure. After he puts himselfe into Protection 
of the Lord Primate (with this condition that after harvest he should 
resigne) to be his household. Chaplaine. The tyme came he resigned not, 
and was rejected. Then he made a journey into England, where he was 
wont often to relate that he hath an uncle, of his Majesties bed chamber. 
And being still charitably admonished by his Bishop (yet not judicially) at 
last he appealed against him : which appeale was so powdered with false 
Latin, as any man might soone know the Cooke that dressed it. For 
example— (#aMm pastorahm—sententiam suspensionis proiulistis et 
legistis, seu saltern legere and protulere comminastis and the like. He 
liad liberty to prosecute but did not. At the visitation being presented 
for Non Residence, and I called upon by the Lord Deputy as before, he 
answered to Interrogatories and acknowledged upon his oath in his 
personall answer that in two yeares he had not any house seate or chamber 
wherein he might be resident by the space of one moneth. The Bishop 
admonished him peremptorily to be resident upon his former benefice by 
a day certaine and to resigne the other. He did neither. The Bishop 

342 upE AND DEATH 

deprived him of that he had intruded unto. He appealed : but prosecuted 
not before the Metropolitane, but brought an Instrument out of the Pre- 
rogative and faculty Court which they call a double quarrell : it was easy 
to trace his Counsell by the false Latin. But besides that there was a 
disloyall phrase in it, viz. vobis igitur conjunctim et divisim committimus 
firmiterque et stricte regio nostro nomine praecipendo mandamus, in the 
person of the Lord Primate, &c. The Bp petitioned to the Lord Deputye : 
and by his Lordships direction appeared under protestation, but refused 
to deliver the instrument unlesse his Lordship should so command. They 
let this processe fall. The 2nd tyme he is cited under the addition of 
Episcopus Lismoren instead of Kilmoren. That also was a matter of 
merryment. They send out a third citation : he came and refused their 
Jurisdiction. They demurre whether they would deferr to it or no. He 
was cited the 4th tyme, he deduceth the causes of his former Recusation 
in 24 Articles, oflFering to proove them before Arbiters or the President of 
that Court their Delegant. They fine him in iMi. As he was purposing 
to petition to the Lord Deputy, my Lord of Derry interposed himselfe, 
tooke up the matter, and decreed an Amnesty betweene us. 

Your Grace hath not yet all: Mr Bayly by Petition to the Lord Deputy 
obtaynes, as in his Majesties disposing, the Living of one Mr Mortach King : 
the same man that hath translated the psalms into Irish first and after all 
the old Testament. The colour is that his wife is a Papist, and his children 
popishly educated. His wife at the tyme when I conferred the living upon 
him came to Church in my view sundry weekes ; now is revolted and his 
greatest crosse: so unreasonable a woman, as I have often thought her 
possessed by a wicked spirit and set on by Sathan, to vexe him and disgrace 
his person, worke wherein I am sory to see Mr Bayly joine. 

But touching that worke, whatsoever become of Mr King, I hope it 
shall not miscarry. God hath stirred up the Spirit of Sir George Ratclifie 
to undertake the charge, which hath beene the only lett of printing it. I 
humbly desire your Grace to talce notice of Sir George his noble offer, and 
to encourage liim herein. To returne ; your Grace hath in these 2 cases, 
quemadmodum datur to attempt to reforme non-residence: and by this, 
I know your wisdome will perceive a great deale more of the state of the 
Church here, which you required once to be informed of Before I con- 
clude, me thincks I should not do well either civilly or Christianly, if I 
should not congratulate with you about your spite and opposition of lewde 
gracelesse men, that make religion the maske of their malice. At least 
I cannot but rejoice to have had some part with you in the same kinde of 
suffering, and for the same cause. When I was a minister in Suffolke I 
pliiced the Communion Table in the upper end of my Chancell ; and when 
I came to this Catliedrall, finding the Bishops seate erected in that place, I 
sayd at the first sight, Heere will I never sitt: and rendered for reason 
that it was the ancient place of the Altar, and how Archbishop Cranmer 
your Graces predecessor was traduced for sitting on a scaffold in Com- 
mission in such a place; which occasioned some to give out that I would 
pull downe the Bishops seate, to set up the high Altar, &c. 


I beseech God to encourage and strengthen your Grace that you may 
holde on in a streight course through good report and evill; remembering 
that it is the Lord to whose judgment we stand or fall. So craving the 
blessing of your praiers, I rest 

Your Graces loving Brother and Servant 

W. Kilmoren. 
Sept. 2°. 1637. 

(Indorsed) Received Septemb. 20. 1637. 
Prom mye L.B. of Killmore. 


Laud's answer to preceding letter. 

[State Papers Ireland, October 1637.] 

I am very glad that yourselfe and my Lord of Ardagh have reapt any 
benefit thanks-worthy for your Leatrim Lands. As also that my Lord of 
Ardagh hath so well improoved his Bishoprick to make it almost as good as 
yours. And I wish as heartily as you, that there were a dissolving of 
Pluralityes, especially in Bishopricks. But as the tymes are, this cannot 
well be thought on, till the Meanes of the Church there be so settled, as 
that men may be able to lyve in some sort answerable to the dignity of 
theire calling. Fox Poverty drawes on contempt; and contempte makes 
Clergie-men unserviceable to God, the Church and the Common wealth. 
But as things shall grow better there (which I hope, and endeavour) I will, 
during the poore remaynder of my life, take the best care for it that I can. 
And I will not fa^le to inable a Residence of the Clergie, and afterwards 
to require it, as far as lyes in mee. For I got my Lord Deputy at his 
being the last yeare in England, to write those letters you mention, con- 
cerning the severall Bishops calling theire Clergy to Residence. For His 
Majesty must never look to have superstition abated in that Kyngdome, till 
there be a more able and residing Clergy. 

Your Lordship sayes, and truly, that in some Inveterate Dioceses the 
Remedyes doe often turne unto as bad or worse maladyes. But I conceave 
that to bee, either when the body is incurable, or the Remedyes mistaken 
or ill applyed : which later I hope is your case in Ireland. For God forbid 
that Church should be an Incurable Bodye. And this I see playnly by 
both the cases which you put to mee. Concerning both which, I will study 
the best Remedy I can ; and if I finde any I'le apply it too. But this 
(I say) I see already, that some of your Church Officers which should helpe 
to remedy Abuses, doe both let them in and countenance them. And 


I thiuke in this your first fayre complaynt should be made to my Lord 
Primate of Armagh, who (I assure myselfe) will joyne with you for any fitting 
remedye. And I shall not fayle to joyne with you both so far as shall be 
thought fit to call in my assistance. And this is all, which at the present 
I shall say to your two cases, till I may get more tyme and leasure to looke 
better into them. For I assure your Lordship that this Summer I have 
known noe vacation. 


To Archbishop Laud. 
[State Papers Ireland, November 1638.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

Most Reverend Father, my honoured Lord and Brother, 

My last to you were about a twelve moneth since by my sonne : 
who having licence of me to be absent only for 3 monthes, hath partly by 
occasions of buisines, and partly by reason of sicknes remained in England 
ever since. In those lettres I signified to your Grace, in a case or two in 
mine owne Dioces, the successe of the inhibition of Pluralities and Non 
residence here. While there are that can grant these, and there comes, 
unus et item alter pretium pollicens, ut est ingemum omnium Iwminum,, 
accipiunt conditionem- — yea they grant benefices not yet voide. As in the 
latter of the two cases that I reported to your Grace the last yeare. After 
that I had deprived Mr Bayly of the benefice into which he first intruded 
himselfe : and excommunicated him for his second intrusion into that of 
Mr King (the Translator of the Bible into Irish) when being admonished 
peremptorily he refused to quitt it. He petitioned against me to the 
Lord Deputy, and the matter was referred to my Lord of Derry. Before 
whom he alledged this title for his Majesty, that one John Patricks 
sometymes Instituted thereto, was not made Minister within a yeare : by 
meanes whereof the benefice fell in lapse, to the Archbishop first, and 
after to the Crowne. And although the sayd Patrickes were never 
questioned, and since his death the Church hath beene twise or thrice 
filled againe, yet for that Nullum tempus occurrit Regi, the Kings title 
which he had was good. To this I answered, that whatsoever his Majesty's 
title were (which I would not oppose or examine) he ought not to have 
intruded himselfe by a super-institution till the Church icere voided. 
Accordingly my Lord of Derry did order that Mr King should enjoy the 
profitts of his Living for the tyme past, and Mr Bayly be left free to 
prosecute him where he pleased : and upon eviction or deprivation of him, 
should hold it peaceably for the tyme to come. And that I should not 


collate any other Gierke or doe any further act to his prejudice, yet so as 
Mr Bayly should renew his titles to the Crowne within eixe monethes after 
the avoidance. Mr Bayly continueing still in his intrusion and excom- 
munication calles Mr King into the High Commission Court, and prosecutes 
him criminally, as a man unlearned in Holy Scripture and divinity, not able 
to read praiers, neglecting his cure, not conforming his wife and children 
to the religion established, and in his hart affecting superstition more 
then ye truth &c. with many more like Articles such as malice can suggest. 
Mr King was at the begining of this information promoted against him, 
at his benefice in this Dioccs, sick of the fluxe. There came a letter to 
him from the Lady Lambert then in Dublin, very earnestly requiring him 
to come to testifie his knowledge in a cause that much imported his sonne, 
the Lord Lambert now living in England, for that he had beene Agent and 
receiver of the rents of the old Lord Lambert. In great weaknes and 
with great danger he went to Dublin, where he was tampered withall by the 
sayd Mr Bayly, and a servant of the said Lady Lambert, and letters from 
herselfe, promising him a competent satisfaction, if he would resigne his 
Benefice. He weake in body and minde and purse, not having as he 
protested money to fee a Proctor or Advocate to speake for him was 
I»ersuaded : and sent a resignation to the High Comtnission Court. Mr 
Bayly also drew a letter with his owne hand (which he caused Mr King to 
subscribe, and send to me) wherein he prayeth me to ohsolee him (thus lie 
writes the word thrice in 4 lines) that they might live in unity &c. I pro- 
tested to Mr Bayly, that this transaction would be Sinioniacall. And 
I still told Mr King that he would be beguiled. But he not making his 
defence was sentenced to be deprived, degraded and fined lOO^t. as I was 
informed. At my next commiug to Dublin, I persuaded him to send liis 
defence ; he did not. When ye cause was called, I signified the whole 
processe was voide, being at the promotion of the despoyler, and he ex- 
communicate. Where some hote words passed. I professed that I came 
to discharge my duty to God and his Majesty ; without complieing with 
other mens wrongs, and held it my duty to iuforme that Court (whereof 
myselfe was a member) of the truth of the cause. The sentence was only 
yet pronounced not decreed to be executed, and I was glad I had dis- 
charged myne owne conscience. For before the next Court day I was 
necessarily to leave the Citty, having appointed certaine dayes and places 
for the expediting a Commission which I had procured for the Exchanging 
of the inconvenient Gleblande in my Dioces with some of those which by 
your Graces good meanes were to be assured to this Bishoprick. In my 
retorne homewards from this buisines upon the 23rd of June, 1 met upon 
the way Mr Bayly with a Countryman of his, the Archdeacon of Ardagh, , 
who had newly inducted him into Mr King's benefice, and excused him to 
me that he did not purpose to offend me, but accounted himselfe bownd to 
obey my Lord Primates mandate &c. For this being the yeare of his 
visitation his Grace had given Institution to Mr Bayly with a mandate to 
any beneficed Presbyter in the Province, in the Archdeacons absence or 
refusall, to induct him. I wished it might be happy to Mr Bayly and all 


that had a hand in it. Within a few dayes Mr King, being attached by a 
Pursivant to be carried to Dublin, came by ine, and shewed how being sent 
for by Mr Bayly to a neighbors house, under colour to receive a Letter 
from the Lady Lambert, he had beene arrested and haled to horseback, 
not suffered to go to his owne house so much as to take linnen &c. He 
shewed me the letters of the Lady and other formerly received all 
cautelously written in generalityes. I accompanied him with a few lines to 
Sir George Ratcliffe, by whose meanes and by the Lord Dillons he was 
permitted upon suretyes to goe downe to his children in the Kings 
County to appeare the first Session this Terme. Not long after, Mris King 
his wife came to me, attended by a Constable as upon a warant of the 
peace. The cause as she related was ; Mr Bayly with 4 other horsemen 
had driven away her Cowes from the Gleabe land, and in the bickering 
about them stricken her servants, left a mayd in that case that for 2 dayes 
she did neether eate nor drinck, and now one of his company had swome 
the peace against her. This matter I could not deale with, having found 
the favour with my Lord Deputy not to be putt on the Commission of the 
peace. But the tyme being neare when the Lord Primates trienniall 
visitation was to take an end (which continued from February till 
September) I called a chapter of the Clergy, wherein this with some other 
buisines concerning the whole Diocesse might be considered. What passed 
there your Grace shall perceive by tliinclosed herewith. By the consent 
of the whole company I decreed a Processe for Mr Bayly to answer 
Articles, which he did with much tergiversation and Equivocation : yet so, 
as he could not deny his manifold contempts. For which as I was ready 
to pronownce the sentence of Excommunication against him, he produced 
a box with three instruments. One a Deprivation of Mr King by the High 
Commission dated 15° Junij. The second a Dispensation wherein being 
absolved from all censures, vel a jure vel ab homine inflictis vel infligendis, 
he hath faculty gi-anted him to hold with his former benefice the vicarage 
of Templeport (that of Mr King) together with a third within the distance 
of 30 miles, with a clause of permutation, and to be resident upon which of 
them he pleased. This was dated 14° Juuii before the benefice was voided. 
The 3rd was au Institution to Templeport (as upon the King's Mandate of 
presentation therein recited) bearing date 15° Junii, the same day in 
which Mr King was deprived, and there was indorsed on the back of the 
induction aforesayd by an Archdeacon of anotlier Dioces. This Institution 
was from the Lord Primate in this stile. Jacobus miseratione divina 
Armachauus Archiepiscopus totius Hiberniae Primas et Metropolitanus 
ad quern onmis et omnimoda Jurisdictio spiritualis et Ecclesiastica quae 
ad Bpiscopum Kilmoren ratione visitationis nostrae triennialis et Metro- 
politicae jam pendentis notorie dignoscitur pertinere — Data 16° Junii. By 
which it may appeare this buisines was not slept in. I had no leisure 
to read over these Instruments, but perceiving the tenor of them, and 
assuring myselfe they gave no faculty for Juture sinne, I proceeded to 
sentence Oct. 3°. Upon the 9th day of the same as I was sitting at Table 
with the Sheriffe and Justices of the County, and amongst others Dr Allan 


Gooke my pretended Vicar, the Architect of all the opposition that ever 
I have fownd since I came to be Bishop, Mr Bayly read an Appeale which 
he would not deliver to me, nor any coppy thereof. I told him I would 
deferr to it, and accordingly I wrote to my Lord Primate inclosing my 
sentence, and submitting the cause. I received at the next Court an 
Inhibition and Citation to appeare before him or his vicar at Drogheda. 
The next day as I was returning homeward Dr Cookes man shewes me 
another whereof he gave me no coppy. It was upon an Appeale from our 
Diocesan Synode against me and the Archdeacon : a coppy whereof I tooke 
at my being at Drogheda the 8th day of this moneth of September. 
I instantly required his Grace, that according to the canons, these causes 
might be heard in the Synode of the Province. At the leastwise that he 
would heare them himselfe in person. Which when he seemed resolved 
not to do, I entered a recusation of his vicar generall as Mr Cooke's 
familiar friend, and formerly recused in my suite with him ; and who had 
3 yeares since intruded Mr Bayly into a Church of my Collation, as I heere- 
tofore certified your Grace. The next day, which was ye first Session of the 
High Commission Court, Mr King appeared and by his Petition presented 
to the Court the causes of his former not appearing : 1. His infirmity of 
body. 2. That he was informed he needed not appeare to the information 
of one that had despoiled him. 3. That Mr Bayly had by covenants and 
agreements with him induced him not to appeare, and in fine beguiled 
him. It was objected that where he pretended sicknes he could for all 
that follow a suite in Chancery. Mr King denied this. The matter was, 
he had beene examined before Dr Cooke in the cause of the Lord 
Lambert aforesaid. I prayed the Court to consider that in his disease of 
the fluxe he might well have so much respitt as to give a testimony and yet 
be inable to prosecute a suite in this Court touching his benefice : I related 
also that I had informed the Court that the promoter was a despoiler and 
excommunicated for his spoileing, and therefore the sentence since read 
for the execution of Mr King his deprivation, could be of no force. After 
many words nothing was done. The poore man yet remaines under arrest ; 
so weake in body, and dejected in minde and empoverished in estate, as 
well by the want of the fruites of his living as his wifes continuall proUing^ 
from him, as it is mervell he lives : Mr Bayly his adversary confidently 
affirmed to my Lord Primate (as before to me) that he was dead, and the 
truth is there hath wanted nothing on his part to effect it. 

By this relation jour Graces wisdome will perceive much more of the 
state of the Chm-ch here then I have delight to represent to you. It was 
the speech of one of our Reverend Colleagues in the high Commission to 
me this day, that looke how much we advance in meanes so much we go 
downe in maners. To retorne to my first purpose. What likelyhood is 
there of redresse in ye matter of Non-residence and Pluralityes whenas, if 
they were all now dissolved, we have a forge that can (and will for money) 
presently make as many more ? Or how should it seeme unfitt that one 

1 To jn-oll oxprol is to jirowl in the sense of ' to rob ' (Fr. proie). 


Gierke should have two or three vicarages of parochiall Churches, when 
as a lay man hath as many or more of Diocesan? as of Dublin, Clogher, 
Kilmore, Ardagh ; and besides all these is ofiSciall to the Archdeaconry of 
Dublin, Judge of the Admiralty, Master of the Chancery, principal Advocate 
of the high Commission Court, one of those of the Prerogative Court and 
Soveraigne of the Towne of Cavan. For this is the stile of the Venerable 
and egregious man Mr Dr Cooke, aa he qualifieth himselfe in the inhibition 
under his owne hand which I saw at Droghedagh. "What order or peace 
can be in the Church when we have super-institutions one after another 
practised plotted countenanced : Simoniacall collusions not detected but 
palliated ? All Bpiscopall rights under coUour of visitation for 6 or 7 
moneths usurped every three yeares, and some of their owne Clergy set up 
to play the Bishops, while they serve for cyphers ? 

As for our Presbyteriall Conventicle of Kilmore, as it pleaseth my vicar 
to call it, I did never thinck that malice could have beene so bold, or 
ignorance so blind as to set tooth in it. Having besides Holy Scripture 
and the ancient use of the church, the continuall practise of the Churches 
in England, and here in Ireland. This meeting in the Dioces of Norwich 
where I lived we called the Seine. And the same word is used in the 
Statutes of this realme, in the 28. Hen. 8 Chap. 13, where Bishops are to 
inquire of such as uphold the authority of the Pope, in their visitations 
and Seines. And in the Statute of 2 Elizabeth for uniformity of common 
praier, they are to enquire of the breakers of that act in their visitations 
and Sy nodes. Yea in the Patent which my Vicar gat of my Predecessor 
there is this expresse reservation, reservato itidem nobis et successorihus 
nostris jure deprivandi et ad Synodos convocatidi. And in the In- 
hibitions of the Archbishop of this Province, he or his officers rather as 
I conceive it (by what right I know not) forbid us during the tyme of his 
visitation legem Diocesanam e.vercere. Another matter it is, if we have- 
made any decree or rule against Lawes divine or humane ; which I hope 
our Dr cannot shew. How consonant our canons are to Antiquity, may 
appeare by those quotations which I have set under each of them since 
they have beene quarrelled i. 

And for conclusion I humblely represent it to your Graces judicious 
censure, whether the ancient practise of the Church since Christs tyme (how- 
soever of late interrupted by a few usurping Vicars) that Bishops with their 
Clergy should menage Ecclesiasticall affaires, whether I say this ought to 
take place or the new endeavour of arrogant Actuaryes, and their Clerkes 
(for such are those we have to deale with here) that oppressing the laity 
domineering over the ministry, do now seeke to pull downe their Prelates 
also, by dependency upon whome they have hitherto raised themselves. 
One thing more, whether of these is like to be the fitter expedient for the 
attayning of that uniformity in Church government in all these Dominions 

' The Synod appears to have only met once, 17 Sept. 1638. The decreta 
are printed by Mr Wharton Jones in his Life and Death of William Bedell 
(Camden Society), pp. 162 — 168, with the authorities quoted by Bedell in support 
of each clause. 


which his Majesty seomes to ayme at and all good men desire ? I beseech 
your Grace to pardon this tedious scribling ; and to account me still, your 
most bownden and affectionate 

Servant in Christo Jesu 

W. Kilmoren. 

Nov. 12, 1638. 

(Addressed) To the most Reverend Father in God 

my ever honored Lord and 
Brother William Lord Archbishop 
of Canterbury Primate of AH England. 

(Indorsed) Rece. Decemb. 29, 1638. 


To Archbishop Laud on Episcopal Synods. 
[State Papers Ireland, December 1638.] 

Salutem in Christo. 

Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 

The fardell rather then Letter which I sent to your Grace at my 
comming up hither, was scarce a shipbord, when I received your Graces of 
the 30th of October 1637, by a speciall messenger from my sonne. Who 
being after the receipt thereof twise relapsed into his ague was advised by 
his Physician not to take his jorney till the Spring. I am very glad that 
your Grace doth not despaire of the recovery of our Ecclesiastique body, 
and ivill put your healthfuU hand thereto. According to your discretion (as 
it fell out before I received it) I dealt verie earnestly with my Lord Primate 
at my being with him Nov. 7", and had a large promise, that he would use ' 
his uttermost endeavour to remedy our disorders, and especially in the 
matter of Facultyes. He required me also to consider of other particulars^ 
By my last, your Grace will more clearely see our estate, and prescribe 
what is fltt. 

Touching Mr King, it fell out as I feared, that his worke would suffer 
with him. I have addressed myselfe to my Lord Deputy as you may see by 
the inclosed, which Sir George Radcliff undertooke to deliver. Tour Grace 
shall thereby fully understand his case. 

Concerning my bringing into the Castle chamber and Premunire for 
our Diocesan Synode, the brnite is much ceased, since men have a litle 
looked on their bookes. A Prelate of great note said to one of my Clergy 
here ' If we might hold a Diocesan Synode why not a Provinciall ? and if 
that, why not a Nationall?' The argument indeede is a minore ad majus, 
but affirmative. Yet touching Provinciall Synodes ; enjoined by the canons 
of the universall Church, allowed by the Lawes Imperiall, and those of other 


Christian Countries, practised by your Grace's Predecessors in England, 
and by the Archbishops of this kingdome, yea (as I am informed) by the 
Popish titular Clergy here at this day, I cannot conceive what jealousy of 
state there should be against them, being sufficiently limited by the Act of 
Submission of the Clergy, and subordinated to the Crowne. And if there 
be any scruple in the law touching the assembling of Suffraganes by their 
Metropolitane, for causes merely Ecclesiasticall, his Majesty by his Roiall 
authority declaring his pleasure therein might (if in his high wisdpme he 
should thinck fitt) take away all doubt, and restore the ancient Order of the 
Christian Church, and bring much ease to his Subjects, without neede of 
other extravagant courses. These conceptions I humbly submitt to your 
Graces mature judgmeut. To returne to Bpiscopall Synodes ; among other 
things since I came to this place I have mett with a just Treatise De 
Synod© Episcopi. In that great worke of the Tractates of the Doctors, 
printed at Venice in 16 Tomes, it is Tome 2». The Authors name is 
Henricus Botteus, he wrote as may appeare Part Sa No. 74 the yeare after 
Home was sackt Anno l.')27. Among others these are his Positions. That 
such a Synode est dejure divino. And Papa non potest Episcopis auferre 
potestatem faciendi suas Synodos. Item Episcopus non debet petere 
Ucentiam ah Archiepiscopo pro congreganda sua Synodo. Synodus est 
pra,eparatorium ad visitationem, ei quaedam visitatio generalis <&c. 
Episcopus omittens convocare Synodum debet puniri suspensione &c. 
And it is very likely that those that penned our late canons, or those from 
whom they were taken, had this in their mindes when they appointed that 
the constitutions lawfully enjoined by the Bishop of the Dioces in his visita- 
tion, should be observed &c. But I forget myselfe and your Graces many 

That I cannot forgett, humbly to thanck you for the care you expresse of 
me and this See in your Letters of the 20th of November touching my 
Lord Lambert and MrCulmes leases. I have never forslowed.a day to advance 
the meanes of this Bishoprick, though I have not had the like successe with 
' others in this so favourable a tyme of my Lord Deputyes government. 
These 4 yeares I have had a suite at the counsaile bord about 2 leases 
made by my last Predecessor to the use of his wife and children, against the 
Proclamation in the tyme of King James, the Act of State touching Bishops 
Leases, and the Patent of the See. And these three points are expressely 
acknowledged to be so, in an Order of the bord of the 20th of February 1637, 
wherein it was referred to my Lord of Derry to certify which of the parcells 
were mensall, and which not. His Lordship fovrad no tyme to do this till 
the 7th of June, and then did it so, as he shewed himselfe more than an 
Advocate to the other part. And when I shall get a conclusion in that 
buisines God knowes. 

The leases of my Lord Lambert and Mr Culme were referred to my 
Lord of Derry. Touching the former, nothing could be done, no Agent of 
his appearing with plenary power to deale for him. Thereupon I was 
inforced to obtaine a Letter missive for him into England, which he would 
never be spoken withall to receive. Upon which I gat a rule that he 


should send an Agent, otherwise the Board would proceede. The authority 
of his Agent was discussed. This Tonne he hath answered, and I have 
replied. Touching Mr Oulmes lease my Lord of Derry set downe an order 
in it, but so as he seemed desirous rather to accommodate others than this 
See. For where certaine lands lieing by the Bishops mansion house and 
parts of the Termon of Kilmore (both by the grand oflSce and Patent) were 
leased away as distinct Termons to the use of Bishop Drapers wife, and his 
Gierke, faine would I have had these at least reserved from any further 
extent of tyme. I could not obtaine it, yet neither have the Tenants ever 
payd me a peny of the increased Rent, nor tendered me any leases to 
renew. But that which hath peremptorily hindered the renewing of these 
leases, and my passing also the Lands in Leitrim by Patent, for which by 
your Graces favour I obtayned his Majesties Letters, is this. The ministers 
being called to Residence petitioned to the Lord Deputy, shewing the incon- 
venience of their Glebelands, lieing sundry miles distant in other parishes, 
and desired that according to the directions of King James, there might be 
exchanges made with some part of the Termon lands, lieing about the 
churches " And that till such exchanges were made, no leases of the Termon 
lands within the Dioces should be confirmed to any of the Tenants." This 
Petition was referred to the Lord Primate ; and the Bishop of Derry who 
returned their opinions in favour thereof, concluding in these formall words 
— "And whereas in the said countyes of Cavan and Fermanagh some of 
the present Tenants may perhaps be obstinate to consent to the sayd 
exchanges, we conceive that if upon the defects that are found to be in the 
grand leases, now tendered to be confirmed or renewed, there be a stay 
made thereof, with a clause in the Commission to certify such as shalbe 
refractory to accept just recompence in the lands to be exchanged, this 
impediment shalbe the more easily removed." How necessary this story 
was, I have found in expediting the^e Commissions these 2 yeares past. 
Which having now through Gods goodnes performed, returned, and 
obtayned publication of, the 5th of this instant December, I will goe on in 
the prosecution of the rights of this See with cheerefulnes. In the meane 
tyme, me thincks I am like the poore beast, that travelling in a rough and 
unbeaten way as fast as his leggs can carry him, is at once curb'd with the 
bitt, and put on with the spurres because he makes no more speede. I 
beseech your Grace to pitty these plunges I am putt to, and to make me 
partaker of your praiers who am. 

Your Graces most bownden and affectionate Servant 
in Christo Jesu, 

W. Kilmoren. 
Dublin Decemb. 

the 20. 1638. 
(Addressed) To the most Reverend Father in God 

•my verie good Lord the Lord 
Archbishop of Canterbury 
his Grace deliver these. 
(Indorsed) Rece. Janua. ult. 163|. 



Bishop of Londonderry {John Bramhall) to Archbishop 


[State Papers Ireland, April 1639.] 

May it please your Grace 

Concerninge the Acts of my Lord of Killmoores Diocesan Councell 
my Lord Primate hath Declared himself to me with some passion against 
them. And in the Appeale concerninge the same (My Lord of Killmoore 
exceptinge against his Chanceller) he earnestly intreated me to I>e his 
delegate, which I declined because I had declared myself to my Lord of 
Killmoore formerly. But my Lord Primate will be in Dubline this weeke 
And then your Grace shall receive an intimation of his concurrence as you 

Since Mr King was sentenced by the unanimous votes of all the Com- 
missioners, and himself had voluntarily submitted in open Court (as great 
cause he had), yet I have received the most bitter letter from my Lord of 
Killmoore asoribinge all the Acts of the Courte to me, and accusinge me to 
have drawne that confession and subscription from him by duress. I con- 
fess I was at first a little moved with it. But now I am resolved out of the 
uprightness of mine owne conscience to make myself a garland of his 
invective flowers. The peace of the Church and the meritt of the man shall 
weigh downe his passion, since whether his conscience did incite him, or 
whether he is afraid I will seeke to right myself, he hath bene with me and 
used much more respective both words and lookes than at any tyme these 
six moneths past. Though my other imploiments would not then permitte 
me to speake any tbinge of these matters. 

The Bishopp of Clonferte hath presented to your Grace the state of his 
see. I confess in most cases there are no demonstrative proofes on either 
syde. In many the Bishopps proofe is more probable. And though the rule 
be melior est conditio possidentis, yet where the doubt is whether a free 
rent or a farme rent, it can hold no place. There are two questions, the one 
concerninge the rents which the Bisliopp receives as farm rents, the Tenents 
pay as free rents. To proove them to be free rents they neither shew ward- 
shipp nor marriage nor reliefe, some of which are necessary and infallible 
badges of all estates in fee, yea very seldome they produce so much as 
a deed or an ofiBce. On the other syde the Bishopp shewes his cosherings 


and refections 1— an old Irish imposition upon Tenents. And many times 
his rentroll or the composition boolce in general!. 

The other question is concerninge the composition booke which is now 
held an authenticke recorde, which in many cases finds that the Bishopp 
hath so many quarters of land in such a proportion, not naminge them, but 
indefinitely and in gross. Now it falles out that the Bishopp hath rent out 
of so many quarters but the land is denied to be his. The Bishopp is able to 
proove that since the composition was taken he never had rent out of any 
other quarters of land (as they call theiii) in that proportion nor ever 
pretended title to any; and therefore conceives that of necessity this must 
be his land found by the composition booke. It is true the Commissioners 
do promise that in the conclusion they will consider it the Bishoppricke of 
Clonfert, as great reason there is: for he is for the benefitt of plantation to 
resigne to the Incumbents his 4a episcopalis, that is the 4th part of iill 
tythes within his Diocess, without which the Incumbents can not subsist, 
and indowe it with lands at such rents as other planters pay. But this 
I conceive to be worse for the Crowne, than to give him his right out of his 
owne lands. For the Bishopp shall recover the whole lands where the 
, Kinge shall have but a fowerth parte, except in case of fractions where the 
Kinge shall have all, and then the Bishoppes are persuaded to wave all 
claime and depend upon his Majesties goodness and my Lord Deputies to 
come in as other planters doe. I am very fearfull to be scene to have any 
hand in this bushiess. And if some of these things be pressed it will be 
remembred who it was that urged them at the board. My humble advise 
with submission to your Grace is 

1. That you desire Sir Geo. Radcliff to tlianke the Commissioners in 
your name for their respects to the Bishopps and Church of Connaght in 
this plantation. 

2. That you moove him effectually to deale with the Commissioners 
and particularly with the two Judges, The lord cheefe Baron and the lord 
chiefe Justice. 1. That where the Bishoppes title is equally probable he 
may be preferred. 2. That where the composition booke findeth for the 
Church in generall, it may be interpreted to have found in particular, unless 
it shall appeare that the Bishopp hath or hath had since the composition 
any other land in that proportion. 3. That where the lands questioned 
are fractions, the Bishopp may be admitted to hold either them or other 
lands equivalent to them (as the conveniency of plantation shall require) at 
such rents as other undertakers, and to pay to the Crowne. 4. That where 
there shall want convenient meanes some lands may be assigned to an Arch 
Bisshoppricke or Bishoppricke in lieu of their 4a episcopalis, yet still at such 
rents as other planters shall pay. J beseech your Grace pardon my pro- 
lixity, it is the Bishopp of Clonfert that writes all this not I. 

I desire to tender my humble thankes to your Grace for the two letters, 
and especially for your booke, concerninge which if the Romanists deale 

' Coshering, an old feudal right in Ireland of a lord to lodge and be fed at 
the house of a tenant. 



ingenuously they will acknowledge that your Grace hath cleared that for 
both sides which formerly was sufficiently explicated by neither parte, and 
principally in your learned and judicious discourse concerninge the last 
resolution of faith. 

Almighty God longe preserve you to us So praies 

Your Graces most faithfuU 
Obedient Servaunte 

J oh. Derensis. 
Dubl. Apr. 20, 

(Indorsed) Re. Mali 3° 1639. 

Lord Derry concerninge the 
State Bishopprick of Clonfert. 


Bp Bedell to ArckbisJiop Laud. 
[State Papers Ireland, May 1639.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 

In the middest of your manifold cares for the publick good, 
give me leave to call your thoughts a litle to our Ecclesiasticall disorders in 
Ireland : Which I cannot shortlier do, than by continueing the story of our 
Seine of Kilmore, about which I was appealed by my vicar to my Lord 
Primate. About the middest of March, Dr Teate one of my clergy at our 
first greeting told me he was sory to heare the ill newes. This was, that 
your Grace had written to my Lord Primate, that by the judgment of 
Lawiers in England we had by our Synode incurred a Praemunire. He told 
me his Author, who heard it of the late Deane of Kilmore, now living at 
Drogheda and often at my Lord Primates Table. Within a few dayes 

1 had a new occasion to try out the truth of this report, being served with 

2 citations and inhibitions from Delegates, upon two new Appeales of 
Dr Cooke and Mr Baily from the Lord Primate (as denieing them justice 
at my unjust procurement) to the King in Chancery. I made a journey to 
Drogheda and there first mett with your Graces Booke, which with great 
content I read over. Wherein I was glad to see the passage of Gerso 
pag. 153 touching Diocesan Synodes. And much more, the rejection of 
that absurdity of making Reformation the founding a new Church, which 
makes some trouble us witli that idle question: Where was the Church 
before Luther ? and sets others as fondly a worke to assoile it. But most of 
all it rejoiced me to see the gates of the Catholick Church layd open, not 
knowing any bounds but the Faith once delivered to the Saints. The 


blessed meeting of Truth and Peace sincerely sought in a faire and worthy 
way, which I liave ever greived to be so litle frequented. 1 forget my 
purpose, but I should more forgett myselfe, if I should not expresse the 
true sense of my minde touching your Graces worke. 

To retorne, 1 fownd it was a false allarme that had beene raised against 
our Syuode, as from your Graces pen. Whereof my Lord Primate assured 
me, by shewing me the very Letters that accompanied your Booke. In- 
quiring further concerning these second Appeales, I found the incredible 
boldnes of Dr Cooke and his client, that durst attempt with a slander, and 
to his Majesty in Chancery, to despoile the Lord Primate of his jurisdiction. 
I obtained of his Grace an authenticall certificate of the truth, insteede of 
Epistles Refutatory, with which I petitioned to his Majesty in Chancery 
for a Supersedeas to those abusive Commissions. The Court referred the 
consideration heereof to the Lords Cheefe Justices, and the Lord Cheefe 
Baron who calling to their Assistance 4 other Judges, heard it the 20th of 
this moneth. I tooke 3 maine exceptions to these Commissions. 1. That 
where the Statute of Appeales provideth for the remedy of the Subjects in 
their just and lawfuU causes for lack of Justice, here was no such lack, as 
well appeared under the hand and scale of the Lord Primate the Judge 
a quo, who was shamefully slandered to have denied that which he gave. 
2dly. That where by the Statute they should have remedy by Appeale to 
the King in and for all maner of greefes and causes, as they were wont to 
have to and from the Bishop of Rome, I shewed by the expresse words of the 
Decretall (0. Cordi est de Appell' in sexto), that he that appealed to the 
Pope, unlesse he did assigne the cause of his greevance before the Judge 
a quo in scriptis, and demand Epistles, reputabiiur non-appellans ; 
neither of which had beene here done. 3dly. There is a clause inserted in 
these Commissions, which destroieth them. For the Delegates are com- 
manded, to proceede in the causes of Appeale, omisso Appellationis 
articvZo, which is impossible. And by this new clause, the wrong done to 
the Lord Primate should be smoothered, and never so much as mentioned. 
There were other exceptions ; as this, that in these Commissions there was 
no clause of Quorum ; any two of the 20 Delegates might do any act, any 
three might definitively sentence. The Judges have not yet retourned their 
Answer, but as farr as I conceive by speech with some of them, they are of 
opinion that these points cannot now be remedied in Chancery, but are to 
be considered by the Delegates themselves, who have difierred the hearing 
of these causes till the beginning of Trinity Terme. How they shall pro- 
ceede upon this last insolubile I cannot conceive. Once I shall have reaped 
this fruite of my paines, that I have laid open this abuse, and made it 
notorious. Not without some indignation (I beleeve) to such as shall 
observe, That whereas anciently (as your Grace shewes) from a Patriarch 
there lay no Appeale, now the Primate of the Realme shall by one, sometyme 
his Vicars Clerke, and another his owne Chaplain e, be appealed from ; not 
only frivolously, and without due forme, but calumniously. And being 
cited to appeare by a Master of Arts and Bax;helor of Lawe, when he comes 
there, it shall never appeare whether he be wronged or no. 



Here I cannot but remember the answer of the Lord Cheefe Justice of 
the Common pleas, when I entreated him to be present at the hearing of 
the cause, being himselfe a Delegate. He said it lay in the Bishops tliem- 
selves (of which order he saw divers in these Commissions) to remedy these 
disorders, it being their common cause. But I have found by experience, 
that such as are by their owne eminency out of danger, do not sociably as 
they might concurre to help their neighbours. If it might please your 
Grace to stirre them up, to repaire these breaches and outlets, whereby 
affaires Ecclesiasticall are daily carried out of their ancient channell, you 
should procure nmch peace for the present, and hinder the overflowing of 
disorder in this Church, which otherwise posterity is like more to regrett. 

For my part, liasting daily (almost with cquaU pases to your Grace) to 

the periode of mans life, I have this comfort, that to my best understanding 

I have endeavoured to seeke Truth and order in the house of God in the 

footesteps of Antiquity and way of peace. With the zeale whereof if I have 

beeue over carried, I humbly desire your Grace to shew me mine error ; 

and to assist me against my malicious oppugners. So craving the blessing 

of your prayers I rest 

Your Graces most obliged and 

most affectionate Servant, 

W. Kilmoren. 
Dublin May 24, 


I have sent herewith the copies of Dr Cookes Commission, the Lord 

Primates Epistles refutatory, and my Petition. I beseech your Grace to 

pardon this inforced troublesomnes. 

(Addressed) To the most Reverend Father in God 
Miy honoured Lord and Brother 
William Lord Archbishop of 
Canterbury his Grace these. 

(Indorsed) Dat. May 24 (^ ,„„q 

Ilec. June 22 



Bp Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; continued opposition to 
his chancellor; recommends Mr Gopinger for the vicarage 
of Preston; May 30, 1639. 

[Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 113.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

My last to you. Good Mr Dr, were by my sonne Wm your Godsonne: 
to whom I gave in speciall charge that he should visit you, which he tells 
me he endeavoured to do, but missed of you. After falling into a dangerous 


sicknes, wherein vpon recovery he relapsed twise, and having niaried 
a wife in Norfollte, ho is now retourned into Ireland. There is nothing 
displeases mo more in all his joruey, than that he missed to receive your 
advices and directions for the course of his studyes, and of his hfe. Which 
if you will supply by writing (if it should not be to much to your trouble) 
I should account it a speciall kindnes. He is in the Ministery, and hath 
a Pastorall charge in my Dioces, to which being now retourned, he is to 
begin as it were a new life. God grant it may be to his glory, and the good 
of his Church. 

In your last to me, you gave some aduertisment how I might find the 
Codex Canonum both in the first and latter lynes, and you gaue also some 
information of the disposition of him concerning whome I wrote to you. 
I have since had many experiences of him and (I know not for what cause 
but) have founde him the most adverse to me in all occasions, wherein he 
might have stood me in stead that might be. This sheet of paper would 
not contayne the particulars. I see well so that he may please his Superiors, 
he litle respects any other thing,— the character that as I remember 
P. Paulo sets on Cardinall Montain. I have retayned my ancient freedome 
both in speaking and writing to him, for which he told me at our last 
meeting he had a quarrell to me. I told him againe I was so bred, 
as I could not, aliud in corde clansum, aliud in lingua promptum gerere : and 
desired him to use the same ingenuity towards me. My Vicar Dr Cooke 
hath againe fallen foule upon me. The occasion was a Chapter or Diocesan 
Synode which I held at Kilmore in Sept. last. He appealed me to the 
Lord Primate and from him he hath appealed to the King in chancery, 
and brought the cause to Delegates. Most slanderously laying the cause 
of his grievance to be, that my Lord Primate would not giue a Citation 
and Inhibition for me, whereas he had both, as my Lord Primate hath 
certified under his hand and seale. The prime Delegate is he of whom 
you and I looke for no other but he will continue constant in his course. 
PacJence. I received some Moneths since a letter from Dr Holdsworth, 
by which I vnderstood that one Mr Ryece of Preston being gone to God, 
had left diuers PeofiFes, of which I am one, in trust to convey the Rectory 
of that Parish with the advowson of the vicarage to Emmanuell College, 
according to a draught which he left with me before my comming away 
from England. He desired me to make a letter of Attorney to some 
freend to execute the trust in my name. I sent him one to you. Now 
I haue since received sundry letters from sundry freends there (Sir Thomas 
Jermyn among others) in favour of one Mr Copinger, who as they say was 
nominated by Mr Ryece in his life tyme, who is commended to be an able 
and honest man. Wherein besides the will of Mr Ryece the donour, 
and the possession of the parts (though perhaps we in the eye of law have 
the right of presentation) methincks should take place : and if you meele 
not with greater reason to the contrary I pray do what you can to establish 
Mr Copinger there. 

I sent to Dr Mawe a litle before his death 20fo'. signifieing to him that 
I desired he should bestowe some part of it in such bookes as you should 


be pleased to send me. Since his death I haue received letters from 
my Brother Bowles, that the wyddow being but poore entreates to retayne 
it to her owne vse : and the truth is I thinck it is as good to grant in 
kindnes that which a man cannot get, as struggle to no purpose. I have 
condiscended to her request. I verely expected to receive ^information 
by my sonne, whether you had appointed any bookes for me, and where : 
and to whom you would haue the money payd. But he fayling heerein 
I must entreate you to aduertise me by your letters to Mr Philip Bowles 
merchant at his house in Lyme-streete by whom I shall not fayle to send 
answer with money, and thancks. The buisines in Scotland hath I do 
beleeve put an end to Mr Durers negotiation for peace. Sith where so ever 
he comes it may be sayd to him, Mediae cura teipsum. Concerning this 
and all other things when your haue a trusty messenger let me heare from 
you at large. 

The Provost of the College (now Bp of Corke). hath used me with 
much respect. I have heard there was some diflference betweene him and 
you; if it be not to your trouble let me understand the particulars. Pardon 
this scribling to my great hast, who am this day with my sonnes takeing 
our jorney to Kilmore. My Lord Primate is here, and very well ; at our 
meetings we remember you still : who as 1 hope are not vnmindfull of us 
at the throne of Grace, where we may dayly meete notwithstanding any 
distance of sea or land. In that desire on your part and promise on myne 
owne, I rest 

Your old and true freend and 
loving Brother 

W. Kilmoren. 
Dublin May 30, 1639. 

To my Reverend and worthy freend Mr Dr Warde Master of Sydney 
College in Cambridge deliver these. 

May 30, 1639. 


Archbishop Laud to Bedell. 
[State Papers Ireland, 28 June 1639.] 

My very good Lord, 

I have receaved your Letters of May 24 and am very sorry to heare, 
that yon are so troubled with your Chancellor and Dr Baylie and their 
appealing from my Lord Piimate to the King in Chancery, as if his Grace 
had denyed them Justice. But when I have sayd to your Lordship that 
I am sorry for itt (as indeed I am, and heartily) I know not what els 
to say to you or to doe in the Busines. For though according to the Papers 
you have sent mee inclosed, I see there is a great deale of hard measure 


oflferd to the Bcclesiasticall jurisdiction, and a great deale of unworthy 
carriage toward my Lord Primats person and Integrity: yet as the lawes 
and constitutions of this Ringdome are and (I beleve) of that also, I doe not 
yet see what remedy you will have. For if Cooke will be so unworthy as to 
slight and passe by the Church- Jurisdiction, by which he lives, the Lawyers 
tell mee, He may to the Chancery if he will. So that now I know noe 
helpe for you, unlesse the Chancery would be so Honourable as to dismlsse 
it and send it back to my Lord Primats Court. 

Your Lordship seemes further to bee troubled about a letter of mine 
written (as you are told) to my Lord Primate. In which I should say you 
were in a Praemunire about your Diocesan-Synod; but that at your 
comming to Drogheda, you understood by my Lord Primate himselfe, 
there was noe such letter written to him. The truth is my Lord I never 
writt soe to him, nor to any man els. But hearing much speech about 
youi' Synod, I did write to my Lord of Derry about the beginning, that 
out of my love to you, I was in very good hope you had been so watchfuU 
over your proceedings, as that you had prevented the Danger of running 
into a Praemunire by medling with any thing about matter of Religion 
without being authoriz'd soe to doe under the Broad Scale. For soe 
(if I much mistake not) is the Statute with us in England, and that con- 
cerning the Convocation or Provinciall or Nationall Synod. And thus 
much or to this effect I then writt. And if the Statute bynde up a Pro- 
vinciall Synod from soe doeing, I doubt it will not be interpreted to leave 
a Diocesan free. But this I writt for the Law as it stands with us. But 
how the Law is with you I know not. 

And now my Lord upon the whole matter give me leave without offence 
to say thus much to you; What my Judgement is concerning Diocesan 
Synods, and upward from them to the Greatest General!, since you have 
read my Book att Drogheda, you cannot but see. And that is cleerely my 
Judgment concerning Synods, and the Power of the Church in them being 
taken universally and in abstract. But when, and where these Synods 
shall be limited by the Statute Lawes of anie kingdome, there I conceave 
the Law must bee submitted unto, till itt may be help't. And therefore 
the Power of a Diocesan Synod will be founde one thing in one Kingdome 
and another in another as the severall lawes are respectively ; which what 
they are in Ireland I know not. 

Besides my Lord this is a very considerable thing for a Diocesan Synod 
in any Kingdome, that is well and uniformly govern'd in Church businesses : 
Namely, that it conforme itselfe in all things to that which is Provinciall 
or Nationall in that kingdome. For otherwise, the Practise of the Church 
will be very different according to the different Canons in every Diocesse. 
And that (especially in such Broken tymes of the Church as wee live in) 
will be very apt to breede Schisme and Division among the People. Many 
of them being notable, and too many of them being frowardly uuwilling to 
distinguish inter Credenda et Credibilia; and in agendis very unwiUing 
to be restrayued by anie Ecclesiasticall Orders in any one Diocese from 
that which is left at liberty in all the rest of the Kingdome. And therefore 


though the Canons you made (a copie whereof I thanke you, you formerly 
sent mee) be grownded upon good and ancient Authority quoted by you : 
yet how they will fitt to the commanding circumstances of hie et nunc 
in relation to all other parts of that Kingdome, I doe hereby pray you 
to consider as prudently as religiously; and that for Peace and unity sake, 
to which uniformity is not the last helpe. And this my Lord is all I shall 
say in the Busines, with my hearty desire, that you would pardon my 
freedome occasion'd by youvselfe, and your Lettres. For otherwise I have 
worke enough att home, without looking over Sea to seeke more. 

As for your three maigne Exceptions taken to the Commissions, I cannot 
say upon any knowledge of myne, that they are not strong. And yet I feare 
you will finde that the Lawes and customes of that Kingdome will over- 
rule them, if the Judges Delegates thinke your Exceptions contrary to 
them, or anie way impeaching them. And I am sure you know abundantly, 
that the Canon Law is very much weaken'd in these later tymes in these 

The last Clause of your Lettre troubles me as much as anie of the rest. 
For if the Lord Cheefe Justice of the Common pleas did tell you that 
it was in the Power of the Bishops themselves to remedy these Disorders, 
they are much to blame that doe not joyne to doe itt. And if they among 
you, which by theire owne eminency are out of danger, doe not sociably 
concurre tp helpe their neighbors, they are in my poore opinion much more 
to blame then other men. And whereas you adde further That I should 
doe good service, if I would write to them to repaire these Breaches, though" 
my occasions presse mee very sore and heavily; yett I shall not refuse to 
doe itt, if you will tell mee what I shall write and to whom. And withall 
leave it to race to write noe more then my owne Judgment shall approve. 
So to Gods blessed protection &c. 
(Indorsed) June 28th 1639 
A Copie of my Lettres to the Lord Bp of 
Kilmore in Answer to his of May 24 
1639. Concerning 

1. His Chancellors Appeale from 
Lord Primat to the chancery. 

2. His Diocesan-Synod and 


The Bishop of Londonderry {John BramhaU) to Archbishop 

[State Papers Ireland, August 1639.] 

May it please your Grace, 

What necessity doth, it excuseth. I broke my legge fyve weekes 
since by the fall of my horse. This hath freed your Grace from the im- 


portunity of my letters so longe. Now I hope I am in a faire way of 
recovery, and humbly thankefuU to God for it as a great blessinge. 
I thanke God the Bisshoppricke of Killmoore is settled by the authority 
of the councell board within a weeke before the expiration of the fyve 
yearcs, with apparent reluctancy on my Lords part, and yet I am persuaded 
inward content, I am sure to the great advantage of him and his suc- 

My present condition kept me from my Lord Primate since the receite 
of your Graces letter, but certainly he will write his opinion freely con- 
cerninge the Diocesan Synod so as my Lord of Killmoore may not know 
of it. 

I humbly thanke your Grace for the Bishopp of Clonfert. Not he only 
but all the rest of the Bishopps in that Province and their successours will 
have cause to pray for your Grace and bless your memory. I have in- 
treated Mr Raileton to moove your Grace if there should be any stoppe 
for a letter for a license of Mortmaine for the Bishopp of Downe. His 
Majesty is no way concerned in it in his particular interest. All the 
difference was betweene subject and subject. They had first found oflSces 
to intitle the Kinge to these lauds and tytles which did truly belonge to 
that Bishoppiicke, and then past them by Patent from the crowne (the 
then Bishopp sometimes consentinge often connivinge). The present 
Bishopp petitioned to my Lord Deputy, his Lordship referred it to me, 
I called before me the parties, heard the difference, and found the right 
clearly on the Bishopps syde (savinge those corrupt and unconscionable 
office's which they had taken). But pressiuge some of them with pointe 
of honour, others of conscience, they all consented every man for 
himself to surrender their estates to the Church and accept leases at 
valueable rents. This I thought the plainest way to free the Church from 
all pretended claime of their heires ; for otherwise the lease would have 
operated no otherwise then by way of estoppell, as the lawyers speake, 
duringe the continuance of it. And this is the only cause why we desire 
a license of mortmaine, it being indeed the whole liveLyhood of that See. 

I have one thing more to represent unto your Grace wherein I humbly 
crave that liberty which you have hitherto ever allowed me'. 

Your Graces most faithfuU 
and obedient Servaunte, 

John Derensis. 
Aug. 7, 1639. 

1 The remainder of the letter is about the Bp o£ Boss and the fitness of 
Scotchmen for the Irish Episcopate. 



Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; Oct. 15 and 22, 1639. 
[Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 138.] 

Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, my loving Brother, your letters of 
Aug. 14° came to my hands Sept. 27°. I thanck you for your care and paines 
taken for me theerein. I will at my comming up to Dublin make over 
the money as speedily as I can. I have now of this Argument only these, 
Joverius, and Caranza, and Theodoras Balsamon vpon the Nomocanon of 
Photius in the end of the 6t Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum. Justellus 
his Codex Canonum Univers. Bcelesise I have scene ; with a few notes in the 
end. Whether it wilbe ojierm pretium to have those 4 Codices Canonum 
which you mention besides the Councells, I remitt to your judgment. 

T am glad the buisines of Preston is so well accommodated. I had 3 
or 4 letters from Mr Copinger of London touching his Brother, one of 
which I thinck I sent you. Touching my Lord of Corke^, I never changed 
a word with him about your difference: but (as I wrote in my last) he 
hath profered, yea performed much kindness to me. And if you do send 
any thing to him, I will vndertake to consigne it to his hands. I do much 
approove his reformation of the manners of the College, emprooving the 
rents, enlargeing, and beautifieing the buildings. In the service of God 
many account he hath brought in too much ceremony, others esteeme the 
condition of this Country and tyme do require it : and I thinck it may do 
more good here than in England. 1 shalbe very glad to see your writings 
for mine owne information in this point. It is now ten yeares agoe, that 
my now lord of Ardagh ^ being with me, we had speech touching the question 
whence the Efficiency of Grace is in Conversion : and at his request I did 
presently write downe in a piece of paper Theses, or queres rather, about 
that Argument. Which he communicated as I vnderstood with Bp Down- 
ham : and there were 2 or 3 writings interchanged betweene us, whereof 
my Lord Primate had the copies. 1 do not know whether my opinion 
seeme erroneous or no, but since my last answer he suffers me to enjoy 
it peaceably. I do here send you the copie of the first Queres, desiring 
your serious censure of them. The rather, because they come very neare 
to the pointe; Vtrum, homo ipse operetur velle in negotio conuersionis. 

My cause with my chancellor is this next Terme to be heard by the 
Delegates. What the successe wilbe God knowes. I did write to my 
Lord of Cant' reflecting upon his booke, and the passage of Gerson pag. 
153 touching Diocesan Synodes. I had a kind answer from him, acknow- 
ledging there is a great deale of unworthy carriage towards my Lord 
Primates person and integrity, &c. but so as he promiseth no great helpe. 

1 Chapell, Bishop of Cork and Koss. 

2 Dr John Eiohardson, Bp 1033. 


I shall suffer with much content whatsoeuer happens : having (as I wrote) 

this comfort, that I have to my best understanding endeavoured to seeke 

truth and order in the house of god in the foote steppes of Antiquity, and 

way of peace. Thus with my harty sahitations to Mris Warde and to 

Dr Chaderton together with your selfe, t committ you to the gratious 

protection of God and rest. 

Your most loving freend and Brother 

W. Kilmoren. 
Kilmore, Oct. 15° 1639. 

The messenger by whom I send these to London, is one of my Tennants 
here. He retournes hither betwixt this and Christmas. If you thinck 
good to send any thing hither, direct it to Mr Philip Bowles in Lyme 
streete, and he shall call for it at his returne. I could never yet see the 
Quodlibeticall question. If Mr Buck have any of them left and of the 
history of the Interdict, I pray send me halfe a dozen. 

Since the writing hereof this bearer resolves to stay in England so as 
you cannot send by him. 
Oct. 22. 1639. 

To the right Worshipfull my Keverend 
and loving freend Mr Dr 
Warde Master of Sidney Coll. 

in Cambridge deliver these. 


Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; Jan. 31, 16ff. 

[Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 166.] 

Salutem in Christo. 

Good Mr Dr, I received by this bearer your letter of the 20th of 
December. I am ashamed that having put you not only to the trouble 
but the charge also, of the bookes whereof you sent me a Catalogue you 
have not yet received satisfaction for them. I made over in Micbaelmas 
Terme moneys to my Brother Philip Bowles to pay for them, but I do and 
must acquite him of blame heerein that you are not payd, for the Bill was 
not to be payd vpon sight but at 3 moneths day. I hope ere you receive 
these that debt is discharged, though the obligation I have to you for this 
and many other kindnesses can never be cancelled. I hope when my 
Lord Primate shall have received my Lord of Sarum his booke I shall get 
a sight of it. I do honour and reverence that your worthy Colleague and 
what so euer proceedes from him. For myselfe I am questioned by my 
Vicar for a Synode holden of my Clergy An". 1638 and first appealed to 
my Lord Primate ; Then from him (by a most false suggestion as denieiug 
him justice) to Delegates, and as the matter is yet carried like enough to 


fall in the cause. Our Decretalists do here rule the rest at their pleasure 
and will never cease till they have ruined vs with themselves. And our 
Order being by their only occasion become odious and insupportable, yet 
will still uphold them. Gods will be done. Quicquid erit, superanda 
omnis fortuna ferendo est. I cannot now enlarge as I desire, being to goe 
to the high Commission Court, where I am a Commissioner: an honour 
whereof I am not proude as I was never ambitious of it. We add dayly 
fewell to the fire. God be merciful! to us. To whose gratious protection I 
committ you, Good Mr Dr, with my sister your wife, and rest 

Your most loving 

W: Kllmor. 

Jan. 31. 1639. 

To my Reverend and loving 
Brother Mr Dr 
Warde Master of Sidney 
CoUedgc in Cam- 
bridge deliver these. 
Jan. 31. 1639. 
My Lord of Kilmores letter. 


Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; remarks on Mr Horde's 
book, " God's love to mankind," and the Bishop of Sarum's 
answer; the case of Archibald Adair, Bishop of Killala; 
Apr. 23, 1640. 

[Tanner MSS lxv. f. 64.] 

Salutem in Christo Jesu. 

1 have at length received the bookes which you sent me (Good Mr Dr) 
and I thanck you much for your palnes and care in that behalfe. I hope 
you have received the money for them from my Brother Bowles, whereof 
I wish to hear in your next. I have seene also since my comming to 
Parliament, both Mr Herds booke Gods love to mankind, and my Lord 
of Sarums full answer thereto. Mr Horde takes^eprobation to be all one 
with predamnation ; which, if it should be without respect to sinne, would 
lie open to all those arguments which he brings. But taking it for Pre- 
teritio or Neglectio there is no one of them fastens vpon it, especially 
takeing man as presented to God in the fall. It came to my minde in the 
reading these bookes (which also I imparted to my Lord Primate) that 
there is difference betweene your nan decernere se daturum gratiam, 
and decernere se non daturum. The former putts nothing at all touching 
the reprobate, the latter seemes to shutt them vp in vnbeleefe, as Mr Herd 


accuses, .since every good and perfect gift comes from God alone. But it 
would be considered whether the former of these do merit the name of a 
decree; or be to be accounted any part of Prwdestination, since it doth 
not foreappoiut any act of God, or end of the creature. And if all that 
God doth not decree to do he decrees not to doe, it seemes his whole 
power is exhaust or barred by his decree, and he can do nothing de novo, 
which seemes inconvenient. Tliese things I doubt not but you, and my 
Lord of Sarnm have thought of : but pardon my dulnes ; and in your next 
shew me your judgment. And as your bookes (which I yet have not sent 
to Kilmore) giu